WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN TRADITIONAL ASIAN SOCIETIES: A CASE STUDY OF BEGUM

BY HASSINA BASHIR

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR SESSION: 2011 – 2012

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WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN TRADITIONAL ASIAN SOCIETIES: A CASE STUDY OF BEGUM NASIM WALI KHAN

Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Award of the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR SEPTEMBER, 2019

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ABSTRACT

In traditional Asian societies, women still face impediments in different fields of their lives including politics. Such hurdles obstruct them to attain top political leadership positions. Despite these obstacles, Asian societies have experienced some notable women political leaders, who not only acquired political leadership positions but sustained these positions successfully for extended period of time. Likewise, the rise of a woman political leader, Nasim Wali Khan in a traditional Pukhtun society is an intriguing matter to explore. Various theoretical studies contest how political leaders emerge and sustain their positions. These theoretical explanations shift their focus from factors such as personal traits, situations, charisma and skills. However, this study extensively borrows from theories based on premises that situation and skills matter most when it comes to attainment or retainment of political leadership. This research is based on primary data gathered from a variety of respondents through semi-structured interviews, along with analysis of selected speeches; this research explores the course to political leadership followed by Nasim Wali Khan. The existing literature proposes that Asian women political leaders acquire leadership position because of the support of their illustrious families and political exigency. This study goes beyond such an argument and argues that women political leaders do not attain and retain leadership positions just because of the political background of their families but also because these women adroitly use various skills which they acquire through political apprenticeship and their involvement in active politics. Likewise, Nasim Wali Khan exhibited specific leadership skills which empowered her to establish a space for herself in the political sphere. Though crisis situations mobilized her to proceed in politics, Nasim Wali Khan skilfully adopted appropriate course of actions to neutralize and overcome various hurdles. Consequently, she won considerable popular support and admiration from her political peers.

i TABLE OF CONTENTS

S.No. Topic Page No.

Abstract i Acknowledgements iv INTRODUCTION 1 Research Objectives 14 Research Questions Significance 14 Methodology 15 Experience of my field Work 18 Limitations of the Study 20 Structure of the thesis 21 Chapter – 1 1. THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP 23 1.1 Leaders as ‗Great-Men‘ 23 1.2 Charismatic Leadership 24 1.3 Leadership as a Trait 26 1.4 Transactional Leadership 27 1.5 Transformational Leadership 29 1.6 Situational Leadership 32 1.7 Leadership Require Skills 37 1.8 Theoretical Framework 42 1.9 Conclusion 44 Chapter – 2 2. THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS: AN 45 EXPLORATION OF WOMEN’ POLITICAL STRUGGLE Profiles of Women Political Leaders: An Over View 47 2.1 Sirimavo Bandaranaike (Sri Lanka) 47 2.2 Chandrika Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka) 49 2.3 Indira Gandhi (India) 51 2.4 Benazir Bhutto () 53 2.5 Begum Khalida Zia(Bangladesh) 56 2.6 Sheikh Hasina Wajid (Bangladesh) 58 2.7 Corazon Aquino (Philippines) 59 2.8 The Rise of Women Political Leader: Critical Analysis 61 2.9 Conclusion 66

ii Chapter – 3 3. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN 67 Social Stratification of the Pukhtun society 69 Pukhtunwali: An Unwritten Code of Conduct 71 Islam and Pukhtunwali 74 Impediments to Women Progress 76 3.1 Religious and Economic Structures 76 3.2 Socio- cultural impediments faced by the Pukhtun women 82 3.3 Political Impediments 87 3.4 Extremism as an obstacle to Women‘s Political Participation 90 3.5 Political Role of Pakhtun Women 93 3.6 Conclusion 97 Chapter – 4 4. POLITICAL OPPRESSION, VICTIMIZATION AND THE RISE OF 99 NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER Situational Analysis: Circumstances surrounding the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as 99 a Political Leader 4.1 Political Resistance to an Autocratic Government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto 99 4.2 Identity Crises: Nasim Wali Khan being a Pakhtun Woman 114 4.3 Conclusion 123 Chapter – 5 124 5. POLITICAL APPRENTICESHIP AND WOMEN LEADERSHIP IN A 124 PATRIARCHAL SOCIETY: NASIM WALI KHAN’S POLITICAL STRUGGLE THROUGH ACQUIRED SKILLS 5.1 Political Acumen of Nasim Wali Khan 126 5.2 Persuasive Oratory Skills of Nasim Wali Khan 134 5.3 Efficient Decision Making 142 5.4 Social astuteness of Nasim Wali Khan 149 5.5 Exceptional Confidence of Nasim Wali Khan 156 5.6 Conclusion 162 6. CONCLUSION 164 7. Bibliography 169 8. Appendix 207

iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

All praises to Almighty Allah who enabled me to complete this research work. The odyssey of this research work was not easy to be completed without the guidance, support and contribution of many people. First of all, my deep gratitude goes to my research supervisor Dr. Muhammad Ayub Jan(Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar). His intellectual supervision, support and help would have made this work possible. I would like to thank Dr. Sami Raza and my colleague Mohammad Sajjad, who assisted me at different stages of this research work. I am also grateful to my interview respondents who gave me their precious time from their busy schedule and shared their personal experiences with me. All my interview respondents have appreciated my work. I would like to mention the names of Sir Sami-ur- Rehman (lawyer) and my elder sister Saima Bashir (lawyer) and Fayaz Khan (lawyer) who provided me the contact numbers of majority of my interview respondents including Begum Nasim Wali Khan, Sir Latif Afridi, Amir Haider Khan Hoti and Farid Tofan. They arranged my interviews with them as well. I am also grateful to Sir Hayat Roghani, who made possible my access to the Bacha Khan Markaz library. The main part of my data collection became possible only after I found the old magazines and newspapers in the Markaz Library. Needless to say, this research work could not have been possible without the support and encouragement of my family members. I am happy to express my special gratitude to my father Bashir Ahmad, my elder sister Saima Bashir and my younger brother Aamir Bashir who stood by me. Their priceless help and support encouraged me to complete my research work. They also took care of my children during my research work. My brother accompanied me during interviews and also helped me in the collection of relevant material. I would like to mention the name of my (late) mother Ilfam Bibi, though she is no more with me, but still I feel that her prayers are with me in every step of my life. My greatest debt is to my husband, Muhammad Abid, who has shown remarkable support to me. I would like to mention the names of my three children; Fatima Abid, Owais Karni and Ayesha Abid who never distracted me from my research work rather they helped each other in their school work for the purpose to minimize my work burden. Without their cooperation and support, I could never have spent the years doing the work I did. Their cooperative attitudes are behind every word of this work.

iv INTRODUCTION

Societies where patriarchal structures are still intact, women are not considered capable to make decisions and to lead. In such societies, they continue to experience significant discrimination related to their participation in public affairs. It is partly because, women are thought of as more attentive to the personal relations of family. Therefore, they are considered to be best suited at homes. In traditional male dominated societies, gender based roles are speficied and men and women are required to obey them otherwise they will face social censure. Mostly, in traditional societies, women are considered unfit to give testimony and are forbidden to take any sort of social and economic responsibility. Likewise, public spheres are considered to be the males‘ domain. Presence of women in the public domain is undesirable. Their participation is considered to be stigma for the honour of family and community. The norms and values of these societies bar women from the matters related to autonomy, public responsibility, judgement and leadership. Thus, women are deprived from various authoritative roles in the society. Though in traditional societies the status of women is alarming, nonetheless, South Asian region saw prominent women political leaders. They opted for leadership positions in crises situations. They faced hurdles in their political struggle but confronted the turbulent situation in a manner which further paved their way to proceed. Likewise, Nasim Wali Khan is one among these notable women political leaders from a traditional society of Pakistan. The political family background is considered to be a facilitating factor for the attaining and retaining of prominent political leadership positions. But, the question is how a woman of the traditional society attained and sustained political leadership position in the presence of such hurdles? How she overcame such hurdles? This research addresses such questions. It argues that the political background of Nasim Wali Khan‘s family is not the exclusive contributing factor for achieving the leadership position. One needs to see wheather other factos i.e political exigency and leadership skills have played any role in rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader. Moreover, the discussion on the world wide trends in gender inequality is crucial for the purpose to understand the impediments, which obstruct their (women) way to proceed in public sphere.

1 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND LEADERSHIP: GLOBAL TRENDS IN GENDER INEQUALITY

Leaders are pioneer who inspire and rule the public and as a result of the public recognitions, leaders are granted formal and informal authorities (Heiftz, 1951:13). Furthermore, charisma, sincerity, courage (moral, physical and political), spirit to serve the public wholeheartedly and make suitable decisions are the inevitable features possessed by them (Phneah, 2013). There are different views regarding the evasion of women from the political sphere. Some considered social factors like family caring and household chores confined them to participate actively in the political sphere (Raksasataya, 1968:86; Jensen, 2008:13), Other considers improper political grooming and training because of the women traditional role in the society. Similarly, lack of education and economic resources are the barriers in the way of women to play and participate in the political field (Welch, 1983:57). Likewise, lack of interest and opportunities for them in the political field also hinder their existence in political domain (Iwanaga, 2008: 125). There are ethnic and cultural variances, societal norms and economic disparities as well (Flaschenberg, 2009:211). Apart from socio-cultural hindrances, women of the traditional societies face several religious challenges which obstruct their way to political participation (Islam et al., 2012:71). Likewise, these hindrances are consolidated through structural barriers inform of discriminatory law. The capacity gaps like lack of communication, resources and education are the impediments for women to become efficient public leaders (True et al., 2014:6-7). UN General Assembly Resolution on the Women Political Involvement mentions that in various parts of the world, women are generally side-lined from the political sphere mainly because of the biased social practices, attitudes, lack of access to health facilities and gender stereotypes(Perret, n.d:02). All these aspects of women‘s life are interdependent which have a deteriorating effect on the overall political status of the women (Quinn, 1977:183). Gender parity and women‘s empowerment is the core debate throughout the world but the way is still long and arduous. Some efforts have been made for the reduction of gender inequality gaps, advancement of the women empowerment and protection of their rights but still needs more. Thus, politics is also considered to be one of the most challenging public spheres for the entrance and participation of women. (Community of

2 Democracies report, 2016:02). According to 2017, IPU- UN Map‘s edition the number of the countries having the women head of the state or government show trivial decrease since 2015 from 19 to 17, which shows their solitary position in politics (Rosenbluth et al., 2015:10). Different researches give the importance of presence of large number of women in parliaments. Such researches focussed their attention towards the women‘s problems. Women political engagement is crucial for the gender equality and palpable democracy. This would be feasible for women to be involved in the public decision-making process (UN Women Report, n.d). Women contribution in the decision making process would largely benefit them. They are able to perform their function being as active citizens having the value of their voting behaviour and accepted as effective leaders as well. This would have a positive effect in the advancement of the entire community (Report, 2016: 01). Despite the barriers and difficulties, women are struggling to improve their positions and status in political sphere throughout the world. According to The Asian Foundation Report, the parliamentary seats held by the women across the globe become almost double since the last twenty years. This was 11% in 1995 but now it has reached almost 22% in 2015.The average of only 16 percent parliamentary seats are occupied by the women in Asian-Pacific region (Report, 2016:01). Thus, data given by Inter- Parliamentary Union reveals that though the number of women in the national parliaments throughout the world is sluggish and is increased slightly from 22.6% (2015) to 23.3% (2016). But, women as speakers of parliament have boosted notably which is 19.1% (out of 273 posts 53 are occupied by the women speakers of the parliament) which is a positive trend, but still women status lag behind the gender balance. So, in all power structures and in decision making process the gender equality remains slow and power dominance in different areas lies in the males hands (UN News, 2017). Globally, since 2015 there is minimal improvement in the number of women occupied the executive or parliamentary posts. 11% ministerial posts are held by Asian women which was 10.6% in 2015, while 25.7% women government representatives in Indonesia is on the top and Vietnam experienced decline below 5% (Press release, 2017). Furthermore, a number of business and political women leaders arose to challenge the stereotypes. The Asian women political leaders raised and achieved the heights of success. South Korean women President Park Geun-hye is 12th, first female President of Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen ranked 17th , Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar is on the 26th position and chief executive of the government of Singapore owned her investment company and

3 is ranked 30th. Recently, we observed that in Japanese political sphere, the rise of women political leader, Yuriko Koike became the first elected governor of Tokyo and Renho Murata occupied the seats as the elected head of the opposition Democratic Party and afterwards she held the post of a defence minister as well. This ranking shows the standing of Asian Women political leaders in the international political arena. Women of a region are still endeavoring to overcome hurdles to gender equality. They are struggling to break the glass ceiling and taking the political leadership roles but Asia‘s gender gap is still intimidating (Fensom, 2016). The new political leaders offer hope that the so-called ―rice paper ceiling‖ can be successfully challenged, without waiting anymore. Though Asia‘s gender gap is still alarming, but more and more women are getting political leadership roles (Fensom, 2016). Though the overall presence of women in the political sphere is not satisfactory especially in the traditional Asian societies. But, there were prominent Asian women political leaders who reached to zenith in their political careers and attained international recognition for their role in the national and international politics. The most notable among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike, Sri lanka‘s first female prime minister in 1960 who served for decades; 1960-65, 1970-77, and 1994-2000. Then Indira Gandhi the first Indian women leader and a woman prime minister who also served her country from 1966 to 1977, and again from 1980 till her assassination in 1984. Golda Meir, the first female politician of Israel to occupy the highest office without following a father or husband in the post and served the country as a fourth prime minister from 1969-74. Likewise, Corazon Aquino, the first woman President of Philippines, who served from 1986-92. Young female prime minister of Pakistan Benazir Bhutto, who held the post for two terms from 1988-90 and again from 1993-96 (Jalalzai & Krook, 2010:5). Chandrika Kumaranatunga was the first woman President of Sri lanka, who remained in power from 1994-2005. The first female prime minister of Bangladesh was Khalida Zia who held the post from 1991-96 and again from 2001-06 and another female of the same country is Sheikh Hasina Wajid served the country for two terms from 1996-2001 and from 2009- present (Chowdhury, 2008:8). Myanmar woman leader Aung San Suu Kui and Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo are the admirable addition to the list of eminent women political leaders. All the above mentioned women have struggled hard for the betterment of their societies and nations. They abide by their culture and traditions and were acknowledged by their respective societies as well. Because of their motivated attitudes and sound

4 policies they have earned the different titles. Indra Gandhi earned the title of Durga Amma and Kali. The name of the prominent Hindu goddesses. Her sound economic policies and her efforts to enhance the India‘s status in the world granted her the title of the “Empress of India”. She was also called as the “mother of the nation” as she treated the nation as her family and nation (Fleschenberg, 2009:123). Golda Mair gains the title of “Iron lady” and she was often depicted as the ―straight- talking and strong willed grandmother of Jewish people‖ (Whipps, 2008). Aung San Suu Kui was called as the ―glaring example of the power of the powerless‖ because of her efforts towards the democracy and struggle for the nation (Liton, 2016). But scholars argue that these women political leaders are the members of the elite political families and achieved the top political positions because of some mishaps like imprisonment or assassination of the male members of the family in politics. These mishaps provided those opportunities to enter in the political arena and gain the sympathies of the public in the respective constituencies (Fleschenberg, 2009:103). Though majority of them have had the privileged family background, their political careers were far from being trouble less. However, their political grooming within their families enabled them to handle the different obstacles. Moreover, the striking feature of the above mentioned notable women leaders are the skills which enabled them to attain and then retain the political power and support. Thus, family political attachment is not the exclusive factor for the emergence and attainment of political power. Apart from these prominent women political leaders of the region, still there are women in majority areas of the region who are still struggling to achieve remarkable places in the public sphere. In South Asia, the status of women in Pakistan is alarming. Pakistan is the 2nd worst country in the world on the basis of gender inequality. Ahmed argues that according to report of the World Economic Forum (2016) published by the Global Gender Gap, Pakistan is on 141 positions in the women economic opportunities out of 144 countries. Pakistan was on the 87th position in the previous years on the basis of women political empowerment which further degraded to 97th position. The ranking of Pakistan is crumbling every year (Ahmed, 2018). Nonetheless, Fleschenberg mentions some Pakistani women parliamentarians who stood against the odds and gained the prestigious positions both in their parties and in the national political arena. They struggled for the rights and representation of women in Pakistan (Fleschenberg, 2009:211 &166).

5 After 2018 general election, in Pakistan during Imran Khan Government, four women ministers are included in the Cabinet with its total strength of 31. Shireen Mizari (federal minister of Human Rights), Fehmida Mirza (federal minister for Inter-provincial Coordination) and Zubaida Jalal (minister of Defence Production) and Zartaj Gul (Minister of State for Climate change). Similarly, there is absence of women ministers in the provincial cabinets of KP and Baluchistan assemblies, while one in Punjab (Yasmin Rashid, the provincial minister of primary and secondary healthcare) and two women ministers (Azra, health and population minister and Syeda Shehla Raza, a minister of women development) are serving in the Provincial Assembly of . Women political participation in the North West region of Pakistan is limited as compared to other parts of the country. As in the 2013 general elections, women in most parts of the KP province were not permitted to cast their votes (Sherazi, 2013). But the election Act of 2017 make it indispensable for the political parties to allot 5% of tickets to women candidates. This Act enables women of the region to be involved in the male dominated political sphere. Likewise, more than 2000 women candidate have submitted their nomination papers. Thus, considerable number of women have contested elections for the first time in the political history of Pakistan (Shah, 2018). Similarly in 2018 General Elections, party tickets were awarded to almost 105 women candidates across the country while 66 women candidates contested elections independently. This was a slight better situation for women candidates from 2013, where party tickets were allotted to 74 women candidates while 61 women candidates contested elections independently (Ali, 2018). Thus in KP, 16 women candidates had contested election on general seats of the National Assembly, whereas 34 women had contested for provincial assembly seats. Ms Ali Begum, a candidate in NA- 46 (Kurram Agency) is the only women candidate on a general seat of National Assembly in FATA (Shah. W, 2018). Though the presence of women in the political field is a positive step towards their advancement in the society but still there are barriers which obstruct them from performing their active function. The emergence of meagre number of women political leaders in this region is because of the diverse religious interpretations and socio- cultural practices. The prevalent ethnic group of the region are Pukhtuns. They spend their lives according to the centuries old code of conduct called Pukhtunwali. Pukhtuns also closely identify with religion Islam (Barth, 1969; Ahmad, 1980). Islam and Paktunwali are interrelated to each other but there are some similarities and discrepancies between the two as well

6 (Bertalotte, 2000). Socio-cultural practices prevalent in Pukhtun society restrict Pukhtun women to show their abilities in various spheres of life including politics (Shaheen, n.d:4). Apart from the hurdles, Pukhtun society has certain historic precedents of women taking part in political movements and resistance. The most notable one is that of Malalai of Maiwand who stood by her fellow men against the Imperial forces in the second Anglo-Afghan war. She along with other females treated the wounded of war, provided them water and weapons as well. Her courage and determination enrolled her in the list of national heroes (Ewing, 2005). Similarly, leader of the great Pukhtun nationalist movement called Khudai Khitmatgars (KK), Khan also motivated Pukhtun women to leave the four walls of their houses and join the movement. His call was wholeheartedly welcomed by his followers, who allowed female members of the family to participate in KK‘s struggle (Banerjee, 2000:101). Ghaffar Khan was a firm supporter of the women political participation and deemed that the success of the movement was possible because of the involvement of both the genders of the society (Wight, 2012). There are some notable Pukhtun women political figures of the North West region of Pakistan. These include Begum Zari Sarfaraz, Begum Shireen Wahab, Sultan Begum, Shad Begum and Begum Kalsoom Saifullah. All these women political leaders performed their political role in the modest way abide by their traditions (Sabir, n.d: 873). Besides these politically prominent women, the women parliamentarians from Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have also performed well. They have raised their voices from time to time against all the discriminations against women. Though there is a common perception that these women have not contributed significantly, but this perception thrives because there is lack of cogent academic effort to investigate the activities, performance, and achievements of these women leaders. In the recent years, women of the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa have taken strides towards change and transformation in the field of politics. Some women have established their political credentials at national level such as Bushra Gohar, Rahila Qazi, Nighat Orakzai, Dr, Mehr Taj Roghani, Yasmeen Pir Mohammed Khan and others. However, all these Pukhtun women leaders have be preceded by a much well known political figure i.e Begum Nasim Wali Khan. She not only preceeded these Pukhtun women leaders but also inspired them to step in political arena. Nasim Wali Khan being an old guard, stood against all odds and carved a space for herself in politics which was long considered a

7 domain of men in this male dominated society. In such a way, Nasim Wali like other Pukhtun women leaders, resisted conservative values and confronted arduous challenges and consequently turned out to be role models for others. Her success in the elections is considered to be symbolizing something more than a popular vote for her party, it represents the endorsement of woman as a political leader in the traditional, conservative and patriarchal society. She proved herself to be a progressive woman politician and epitomized a Pakistani Pukhtun Women leader. Political endeavor of Nasim Wali Khan for the rights of the people and democracy are significant. The focus of this research study is the leadership skills and personal struggle of Nasim Wali Khan in attaining and retaining leadership position among her followers. This study investigates turbulent situations which incited her to join active politics and her extra ordinary will, courage and skills to retain her leadership position for quite some time. It is therefore, pertinent to briefly highlight the family background and political career of Nasim Wali Khan.

NASIM WALI KHAN AS WOMAN POLITICAL LEADER: A PERSONAL AND PROFESSIONAL PROFILE

Nasim Wali Khan was born in 1936 at Hoti village in District Mardan of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. Her father, Amir Mohammad Khan, was a renowned activist of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement and close companion of Ghaffar Khan. Her mother Meher Sultana was a housewife from a reputable landlord family. Nasim Wali Khan‘s parents were from the same family and belonged to Lakhkar Khail sub-tribe (Hoti) Mardan.She ranked third among her six siblings. Amina Bibi and Zubaida Bibi are elder sisters of Nasim Wali Khan whereas, two other sisters Parveen Bibi, Surayya Bibi and a brother late Azam Khan Hoti were younger than Nasim Wali Khan. The nickname of Nasim Wali Khan is ―Chamo‖. Zubaida bibi (interview, 2017) an elder sister of Nasim Wali Khan recalls that Nasim Wali Khan was very social from earlier childhood. She helped her mother in her household chores. Nasim Wali khan had a great affection towards her father. So, whenever her father prepared himself for the processions and demonstrations, Nasim Wali helped him in packing his luggage for different visits of the Khudai Khitmatgar movement. She was very keen of learning. It was her determination and parental support that enabled her to complete her education till matriculation, despite strong opposition from her maternal uncle. She completed her tenth grade from the ―Bigarh Ganj Boys schools Mardan” in 1952. Zubaida bibi posits that after the birth of

8 their younger brother Azam Khan1, a person came to congratulate Amir Mohammad Khan for having a male child after his five daughters and asked for zeeray2. The birth of a male child in the Pukhtun society is welcomed by money, alms giving and aerial firing. However, her father replied that at the birth of his five female children he had never asked for such money, then why should he give it to him now? Zubaida Bibi states that their father liked his daughters more than his male child. However, her mother had a great affection towards her son. They lived in a joint family. Amir Mohammad Khan had no siblings but his cousin shared home with them. Nasim Wali Khan was very cooperative and a good student at school. She had the ability to make good friends at school. At her young age, educational opportunities in her area were very limited. Education opportunities for females were even more limited. Nevertheless, the support of her family enabled Nasim Wali Khan to pursue her study. Later, she got admission in a College, but due to her marriage to Abdul Wali Khan in 1954, she could not continue her studies (Bibi, interview, 2017). Her husband Abdul Wali Khan was a renowned political figure and the son of influential Nationalist leader Abdul Ghaffar Khan. At the time of their marriage Abdul Wali Khan was a widower with three kids. Abdul Wali Khan‘s first wife Tajo Bibi died on February 14, 1949 when he was in prison. She left two daughters Nasreen and Parveen and a son . He was released form prison in 1953. Abdul Wali Khan married Nasim Wali Khan on November 22nd, 1954 and the nikah ceremony was held in Attock, district of Punjab. It was because of a ban, imposed on her father- in-law Abdul Ghaffar Khan in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan (Wali.N, interview, 2014). At the time of marriage, she was only 18 years old. There was an age difference between Abdul Wali Khan and Nasim Wali Khan but because of the close ties of her father with Ghaffar Khan, her father was not able to reject the proposal. She took responsibility of the three children of Abdul Wali khan in her very young age and tried to fulfil it wholeheartedly (Amir, 2006). She later became the mother of two kids, a daughter called Gulalai and a son called Sangeen Khan. Abdul Wali Khan was very supportive to her. Even after her marriage, she was fond of education which led her to complete her intermediate (F.Sc) from College of Home Economics, University of Peshawar in 1961, seven years after her marriage. It was

1 Azam Khan was also a politician and has served as Federal minister of Communication. 2 Money given to someone for sharing good news. ‗Zeeray‟ on the birth of a son is common in Pukhtun Society.

9 a time when her own children Gulalai (born 15th July 1956) was in class 2 and Sangeen Khan (7th June 1959- 28th June, 2008) was in playgroup. Before her marriage, Nasim Wali Khan‘s family was already engaged in the politics of the region. Her father, Amir Muhammad Khan, was a staunch follower of Abdul Ghaffar Khan who later became her father-in-law (Shah.S, n.d:96). Nasim Wali Khan‘s father served the Khudai Khitmatgar movement as its Provincial President and therefore, was very close to the family of Ghaffar Khan. During 1930s the movement reached to its zenith and retaliation of the British Imperial forces against the Khudai Khidmatgar movement also rose to its peak. Most of the people were being killed, leaders of the unarmed movement and their close associates were arrested by the British imperial forces. Among them were Nasim Wali Khan‘s father who also faced the atrocities of British Imperial Forces. After the independence of Pakistan and India in August 1947, the in July 1948 declared the Khudai Khidmatgar organization as an unlawful body. Abdul Ghaffar Khan, his sons Abdul Wali Khan and Abdul Ghani Khan, the former Chief Minister and brother of Ghaffar Khan, Dr. Khan Sahib and his son Ubaidullah, Qazi Attaullah Khan and the father of Nasim Wali Khan, Amir Muhammad Khan Hoti, were put behind the bars along with thousands of workers (Wali.N, interview, 2016; Tofan, interview, 2016). Abdul Ghaffar Khan, his family and the Khudai Khitmatgar movement were always the victim of power politics. They faced the atrocities of the British Imperial forces but have encountered the same fate after the independence of the sub-continent. Abdul Ghaffar Khan was popularly named as Frontier Gandhi because of his close affiliation with leaders of the All India Congress and former USSR. This association of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his son Abdul Wali Khan made their political life more suspicious to the government of Pakistan who considered India and USSR as political rivals in time of cold war. Throughout their life, they faced political victimization and imprisonment by civil and military establishment of the country (Amir, 2006). Abdul Wali Khan was arrested on 15th June 1948 from his house and sent to Haripur jail. The police took away everything from his house and all the property including his living house was confiscated (Amir, 2006). But their struggle for the Pukhtuns autonomy still continued. For this purpose in 1957, several leftist and progressive political parties combined together and a Bangali Socialist Cleric Maulana Abdul Bhashani in Dhaka formed a political party named National Awami Party. Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai also joined the party for the

10 purpose to unite the Bangalis, Balochis and Pukhtuns against the state‘s discriminatory policies. They struggled hard for the equality and regional autonomy of the different ethnic groups in Pakistan. This was considered to be the only opposition party against the General Ayub‘s Pro US regime (Siddique, 2014: 112). In the Presidential elections of 1965, Maulana Bhashani supported Ayub Khan against Fatima Jinnah which led to the division of the party in two parts in 1967. One faction in East Pakistan was led by Maulana Bhashani and reins of other faction of the party in the west wing was held by Abdul Wali Khan. Then in the 1970‘s general elections National Awami Party became successful in the provinces of Baluchistan and NWFP (now KP). NAP got largest seats in NWFP and won full majority in Baluchistan (Rizwan, 2014:210). But, the support given by Abdul Wali Khan to Sheikh Mujeeb Ur Rehman was not acceptable to the West Pakistan which further deteriorated the situation. The tough stance of the West Pakistani authorities created mistrust and the biased attitudes against the oppositions made the situation from bad to worse (Tasneem, 2013:197). In 1975 Abdul Wali Khan including his father, son and party colleagues were imprisoned by Z. A. Bhutto on the charges of treason, primarily because of his ardent opposition to Z.A. Bhutto. His political party, NAP, was also banned. The political victimization impelled Nasim Wali Khan to take the responsibilities of the defunct party and start active politics from the platform of a new political party called National Democratic Party (NDP). She became the vice president of the party (Verma, 2006). She united the public and started her struggle against the oppressive rule of Z. A. Bhutto through the popular politics. In 1977 elections, when Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) was formed by the nine opposition parties against the Z. A. Bhutto. Nasim Wali Khan rose to political prominence. Nasim Wali Khan won the 1977 elections from NA - 8/Mardan –III and NA-4/Peshawar-IV (Election Commission Report, 1977). But she never took an oath because the opposition parties boycotted elections to the provincial assemblies and had arranged extensive street protests against the Z.A. Bhutto government. These protests further deteriorated situation of the country and General Zia Ul Haq deposed Z. A. Bhutto by declaring Martial Law in July 1977. Zia Ul Haq, after taking over, released all the NAP leaders. Later, Abdul Wali Khan laid the foundation of a political party i-e as a successor of NAP in 1986 (Verma, 2006:27). Thus Nasim Wali Khan at the time of distress came to the forefront and occupied

11 the leadership position. She challenged the status quo and the oppression of Bhutto regime. She resisted the injustices made by the Bhutto‘s government against Abdul Wali Khan‘s family and political party. She became actively involved in national politics and later was able to win elections. She held top positions in the party. She held the position of a provincial president of Awami National Party (ANP) for long, in 1975 she became the elected provincial president of newly formed political party NDP and remained in office till 2004, which was respected and accepted by the followers. She was also elected thrice a member of NWFP provincial Assembly (Shehzad, 2013). She is acknowledged as being the only Pukhtun woman elected on general seat. However, she was alienated by the current ANP leadership in 2005 (Hassan, 2012). During her leadership, ANP won 13 seats in 1988, 23 in 1990 and 32 in 1997. Being courageous woman she never bowed before oppressive regimes (Qalandar, 2014). Nasim Wali Khan‘s eloquence, political astuteness, charisma, and respect for local traditions (local attire) enabled her to get the title of “Mor Bibi” (esteemed mother) from her followers. Nasim Wali Khan also carried forward the legacy of her esteemed father-in-law Abdul Ghaffar Khan. On various instances she fulfilled the desires of Ghaffar Khan and followed his path. For example, Abdul Ghaffar Khan built Markaz-e- Alia at Sardaryab, to serve as a space where he and his followers can carry out their political activities. However, this markaz was demolished by Abdul Qayyum Khan (the then chief minister of NWFP from August 23rd, 1947 - April 23rd, 1953). Bacha khan had a desire to form another Markaz, a place for the unification of Khudai Khitmatgar supporters. This desire was fulfilled by Nasim Wali Khan. The acquisition of land and construction of the building of Bacha Khan Markaz was completed during her presidency of the party. It cost almost one crore rupees. In another instance, a newspaper called ‗Pukhtun Zalme‟ was started by Abdul Ghaffar Khan which was later banned by the government. Following the tradition of her father-in-law, Nasim Wali started ‗Shehbaz‘ newspaper from Bacha Khan Markaz. The main focus of this newspaper was political situations of the country and the struggle of ANP leaders. She remained an editor-in-chief of ―Shehbaz‖ for quite sometime. The struggle of Nasim Wali Khan is also recognized by various organizations. She was awarded ―Benazir Women Excellence Award‖ in 2009. Likewise, she was also awarded ―Hunar-e Hawwa Award‖ in the category of politics in 2016. This award is granted to the prominent and capable women of the province for their accomplishments and struggle for the betterment of the society and country (Report, 2016).

12 Women political leaders have been demonstrating immense charisma and attracting millions of followers throughout the world. Such popular support adds to their political clout. From these power positions women political leaders influence their nations in various ways. However, personal traits, extraordinary skills and political acumen are the striking features exhibited by these women political leaders which enable them to win popular support and establish themselves as competent women political leaders. Therefore, it would be unfair to limit their success in political sphere to mere exploitation of a leadership opportunity offered by political emergency or family tragedy. Nasim Wali Khan being a case study is chosen to reflect on the above explained argument. Nasim Wali Khan, a Pukhtun woman, joined active politics and led her people when her husband and other family members were imprisoned by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1970s. Though family tragedy impelled her to join active politics and she occupied political leadership position during the political crisis, but her personal qualities such as political acumen, charisma, eloquence, and social astuteness made her renowned and admired by her followers. With the exception of limited newspaper articles, no cogent research study has so far been conducted on the leadership of Nasim Wali Khan, particularly her rise to power. The struggle she made and the strategies which she adopted while confronting the autocratic rule of Bhutto. This research study will explore the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader and see how she has struggle to acquire political leadership position and retain it through her personal attributes and skills. 1. To investigate the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader in a traditional and Patriarchal Asian society. 2. To investigate the importance of family background for women politicians to acquire political leadership in a traditional Pukhtun society. 3. To analyze the situations or circumstances in the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader. 4. To bring on record the acquired political skills of Nasim Wali Khan which enabled her to occupy leadership position in patriarchal society.

13 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES This study aims at exploring the career path of Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader in a traditional, male-dominated Asian society. It also inquires into the importance of family background, political situation and acquired skills of Nasim Wali Khan in attaining and retaining leadership position.

RESEACRH QUESTIONS In order to achieve my objectives, the study primarily investigates how Nasim Wali attained and retained leadership position? But in more specific ways the study answers questions such as;  How Nasim Wali Khan as a woman political leader rose to a political leadership position in the presence of socio- cultural and religious restrictions?  To what extent political family background is important for women leaders to acquire a political position?  How situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position?  How acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership position?

SIGNIFICANCE Nasim Wali Khan‘s rise to power in the political sphere is a fascinating case of women struggle for empowerment and political leadership. There are few such examples and limited research studies inspecting such phenomenon. Nasim Wali Khan, without violating her culture and traditional norms dealt with the demand of her time, sacrifice her family life and was competent to take the responsibilities to lead her people. The leadership of females is not easily perceived in traditional, male-dominated societies, and therefore, not generally acknowledged. Not only did she continue to express her determination to lead but to inspire as well. This research study will open new areas for further research studies and added its share to promote cognizance among the females about the significance of politics in their lives. This research will open new avenues of research in the arena of women political leadership specifically to their struggles in opposing challenges in traditional, patriarchal societies, such as the Pukhtun. This research study aims to contribute to the literature on Pukhtun women by providing insights into the traditional as well as challenging features of Pukhtun society towards women. This will also help us improve our understanding of

14 women as active agents in political sphere and not mere the passive indivduals patronized by male members of their societies. This study contributes to fill the gap in the previous literatures by analysing the phenomenal skills exhibited by Asian women political leaders. Besides familial ties, favourable situations and political skills are important variables for the acquisition and retainment of top political leadership positions. Main focus of the previous literature (Fleschenberg, 2009; Derich & Thompson, 2013; Jensen, 2008)was on the dynastic political inheritance. Earlier literature assumed that politically targeted males provided opportunities for women of these affected families to rise as political leaders. Such studies do not systematically examine the skills of women political leaders. This research evaluate the subject by relying on how turbulent situations and individual experiences provides opportunities that empower women of the patriarchal societies to become public leaders. This study tries to find different strategies adopted by Nasim Wali Khan to manoeuvre the opportunities available to her for the attainment of leadership position. In this study, I used secondary biographical sources of Asian women political leaders and personal narratives of woman leader (Nasim Wali Khan). Assumptions of previous theories on the rise of women political leaders will help to construct my own argument for the research. I argue that Asian women political leaders possessed and exhibit phenomenal political skills and have skilfully manoeuvre the opportunities in their favour to attain and sustain top political leadership positions. In this research I explore how political familial ties, oppositional politics, turbulent situations and exceptional skills paved way for women to become and remain political leaders.

METHODOLOGY This research is about women struggle in traditional, male-dominated Asian societies to attain and retain political leadership positions with a case study of Nasim Wali Khan. Qualitative research methods were used in the collection of data for the purpose to find the impact of socio-cultural norms and religious practices on women‘s involvement in politics. Qualitative research is helpful in providing the detailed descriptions and analysis of the quality of human experiences. This method is used to ensure thorough understanding of the subject matter especially when the study is used for the purpose of in-depth explanation of the different situations. Generally, qualitative researchers pay

15 more attention to the significance of social and cultural context in all phases of research, from designing a research question, collection of data to writing and reporting the findings as well (Flick, 2012). Snowball or chain referral sampling technique is used for the purpose to provide basis for the accuracy of findings. Similarly, selection of informants was shaped by referrals made among knowledgeable people who are pertinent to this research. Biernacki & Waldorf consider the method important specifically when the focus of study is a sensitive issue and relatively private matter. They argue that this sampling method is crucial to contacts with majority of the able abettors who are helpful for finding appropriate people for study (Biernacki& Waldorf, 1981). The early researches have provided us with beneficial information regarding the women political leadership which are focused while answering my research questions. The theoretical framework comprises the theory regarding situational leadership and a focus on skills required for becoming and sustaining leadership in the traditional Asian societies. The research questions are designed on the basis of the theoretical framework. I have comprehensively stated the research questions and its proposed answers. The research design provides details of the methods for the collection of data, access to the field and also the general experiences of the researcher during the interviews. This study elaborates some of the prominent Asian women political leadership, the way they reached top political leadership positions in the traditional societies. These women led the prominent political parties and were either the Presidents, Prime Ministers or strong opposition leaders. However, the case study of the Pukhtun woman Nasim Wali Khan further focuses on the situations around her while she was yet to become a leader and the required skills she possessed. This study further investigates the political opportunities which were available to her, the decisions she made, and the opposition she faced in her political career. Being an inhabitant of the same region and a Pukhtun mother, I had an advantage of making a direct move to reach out to Nasim Wali Khan who is fortunately alive but very old. My identities, Pukhtunness and women, enabled me to access her easily and make her talk about her life experiences more openly. For all this, I personally contacted Nasim Wali Khan through a phone call first. She graciously answered my call and agreed to see me. After my initial interaction with her, I asked her if she was willing to interact again. She accepted to see me again. Therefore, I visited her four times for the research (April 4th, 2014; March 10th, 2016; October 23rd , 2016;May 19th, 2017). The venue of

16 these meetings was her home in Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Province. Her home provided us a space where the two of us (women) could interact more comfortably and forge a bond. The data collection method was semi-structured and unstructured interviews. Data was collected from the 24 interviews with Nasim Wali Khan, her family members, friends/close associates, party members (both men and women), intellectuals and journalists. These interviews were conducted in three major districts of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Mardan, Charsadda and Peshawar. These three districts are part of Peshawar valley which has traditionally the most ardent electoral support base of Nasim Wali Khan‘s party (ANP). Moreover, these areas are easily accessible for me being a female scholar. Mardan is my birth place and Peshawar as my current place of my residence. Hence convenience in accessibility was also one of the reasons for the selection of Mardan and Peshawar besides Charsadda being the home district of Nasim Wali Khan. As such, opinions of the party workers, party members, colleagues and family members of Nasim Wali Khan were audio recorded. I started my interviews in 2016 and visited homes and offices of the concerned interviewees. All the informants were from the above mentioned areas. In some cases the access to respondents was made possible with the help of my elder sister who is a lawyer in Mardan session court, my colleagues who were conducting their research theses as well. Similarly, participants for this research study were selected on the basis of their position and role in the political party. Informants were selected from different professional fields, however, they were either directly related to ANP or had a first-hand knowledge regarding the ANP and Nasim Wali Khan. Nonetheless, because of the division of the ANP into two factions, I got ambiguous answers sometimes. Sometimes, my informants were not willing to even talk about Nasim Wali Khan. To avoid such situations, while introducing myself and my research topic with the interviewees, I avoided using the name of Nasim Wali Khan and I used the general term of women political leadership. Similarly, to get answers for my research questions, I asked indirect questions conveying the same meaning instead of the structured interview questions. Overall response of the informants was very positive. Most of my interviews lasted for almost 1 to 2 hours and sometimes it reached to 3 to 4 hours. Some of the informants started sharing their own experiences, hurdles they faced, their struggles in the political field and also gave their personal opinions as well. Besides, secondary data also comprise a much needed part of answering the

17 questions raised. Secondary data was collected from the books, journals, newspaper articles and Nasim Wali Khan‘s personal interviews available online. For this research study, I consulted various documents and reports referred to women political leadership in traditional Pukhtun society. EXPERIENCES OF MY FIELD WORK Snow ball chain sampling method was applied to provide a basis for validating the findings. Participants were selected from the people who were presumably knowledgeable regarding the information which I required. This was an important stage in the research process especially when the focus of the study needed crucial information related to sensitive section (women) of the society. Through snow ball chain method we came across such capable insiders which themselves were helpful in providing me with important information besides being helpful in locating knowledgeable people for this study further. Before starting the interviews, I collected the contact numbers of the people with whom I had to conduct interviews. My elder sister and younger brother helped me in this regard. I selected the people related to Nasim Wali Khan and prepared a list of the interviewees. Then I made arrangements through my sister (lawyer in Mardan session court) to search for the professionals who were part of the ANP. She made contact with a relative of Nasim Wali Khan who was also a lawyer in the same court. Then I personally visited Mardan session courts and conducted an interview with him. Another informant was also a senior lawyer and the close party associate of ANP who served ANP since his young age. Both the informants gave a detailed interview lasting for about 1-3 hours. They shared their own life experiences in the political field and their status in the party. They provided in-depth information regarding the situation and circumstances within which Nasim Wali Khan demonstrated her skills and made a way forward to lead the party. The same relative of Nasim Wali Khan assisted me to call her. I conducted four interviews with Nasim Wali Khan. Being a female I was invited to meet her in her room. She met me cordially and tried her best to answer my questions despite being suffering from asthma. There was slight interruptions in our first interaction since she had hearing difficulty. Nonetheless, the last three interviews were far better in which she shared her political experiences and the circumstances openly. While conducting the fourth interview, I also conducted two other interviews in her room with her elder sister Zubaida Bibi and Lawangeen Khan, grandson of Nasim Wali Khan. Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan in her second interview gave me the contact number of her close party associate Farid

18 Tofan. He is currently living in Peshawar. Then I made arrangements to interview him personally. He gave me a very informative interview starting from the struggle of Bacha Khan and later Nasim Wali Khan‘s political career, her struggle, skills, and also her achievements. He appreciated her a lot. The interview with Farid Tofan lasted for about three to four hours. The next interview was with the senior journalist Rahimullah Yousafzai who gave me a detailed interview regarding Nasim Wali Khan‘s political struggle and career. I also approached some academicians and politicians. Sometimes it so happened that I managed two interviews in a single day. I also conducted an interview in the provincial legislature of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa. The accessibility to provincial assembly was made possible by the assistance of one of my college friends whose younger sister was member of the KP provincial assembly. I visited the provincial assembly twice. In the first visit I conducted one interview and waited for another female MPA Yasmeen Pir Mohammad Khan, a relative of Nasim Wali Khan. She is among one of the old members of the ANP. Latif Afridi, a senior lawyer and politician in Peshawar was contacted with the help of my sister. The interview with him lasted for about 2-3 hours which was very fruitful. He gave me a detailed history of his time spent with the ANP. Similarly, I had a couple of visits of Bacha Khan Markaz, which is the center of political as well as social activities of ANP. In Bacha Khan Markaz, I accessed newspapers from the period of 1980 - 1997. These newspapers provided me with very relevant information. I met Wadaan Khan Khaskar (an old and dedicated worker of ANP) in Bacha Khan Markaz. He was engaged in political activities since 1970‘s. He told us that he was among the workers who took Bacha Khan on a wheel-chair to the public gatherings in his old age. I interviewed him in which he shared his political experiences happily. My third visit to Bacha Khan Markaz turned crucial when I visited the Markaz‘s library. I started searching the old magazines and newspapers. This time I found two English and majority of weekly journals from 1975-1977. They were filled with reports about the efforts of opposition forces during Z. A. Bhutto regime. Detailed reports about their gatherings, public addresses, rallies and opinions of different politicians were present. These materials provided me with very relevant and important data. I also visited the offices of The Daily Mahriq newspaper and Dawn newspaper for the acquisition of written material required for my thesis. I searched old Mashriq newspapers from 1975-1979 and found some articles relevant for my thesis. Likewise I visited Bacha Khan educational institute where I conducted an interview from Pukhtun

19 ―intellectual‖ Khadim Hussain who is engaged with ANP since his young age. I also conducted interviews with other prominent party associates, journalists and academicians. The experience I gained through my interviews was that most of my respondents appreciated my efforts to contact and meet them. It was comfortable for me to conduct interviews with the female respondents particularly. Most of the informants were satisfied with the fact that I also come from the same region and this made it easier to communicate with them. Nonetheless, I got few refusals as some of the informants in the prepared list did not give me a time for interview. One of them gave me her email address for the purpose to answer my research questions. However, I did not receive a reply from her.

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY This research study despite all its endeavours had certain limitations as well. Firstly, being a female member of a traditional society it was easy for me to contact any female political member. However, it was difficult to find the contacts and then meet with the male members in their offices regarding research based interviews. In order to overcome this issue I had to take my brother to interview venue. Therefore, the support of family is crucial for female researcher in Pukhtun region. Second, the case study of Nasim Wali Khan was to some extent challenging as well. Because of the rift among the party members and division of the party in two factions make it difficult to find the colleagues which were present at that time to provide relevant and accurate information about her political career and struggle. Third, as I have mentioned earlier that because of the rift in the party mostly the informants were not even willing to talk about her. They had even avoided to meet me when they came to know that the interview was regarding Nasim Wali Khan‘s political struggle. Thus making it difficult for me to collect relevant data from the concerned prominent political figures. Fourth, Mardan, Charsadda and Peshawar are the places with majority of ANP supporters. Nevertheless, one thing that I noticed throughout my field work was that though majority of the people were engaged with ANP since long time, they did not, however, remember the crucial dates and locations of certain events which I needed information about. Sorting out this information and details took my extra time. Fifth, as the study is related to the political leadership of a Pukhtun woman so contacting the political figures (both males/females) was difficult. Some of them were not

20 available and because of their tough schedules the meeting with them was a difficult task. Similarly being a mother it was difficult for me as well to leave the children alone at home and conduct the interviews according to the time given to me by the interviewees. The best suited time for me was morning (school timings) but most of the interviews which I conducted were in the afternoon. Which was difficult for me to manage. Sixth, the security reasons were also one of the limitations in this study. During the time while conducting my interviews, Charsadda University was targeted by the terrorists. So after that, whenever I planned to conduct interview with Nasim Wali Khan, the terrorist attacks of Charsadda would persist in my mind.

STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS Chapter one is introduction. In this chapter the research problem and the comprehensive background of the case study is discussed. This chapter provides details of the methodology used in the research. It gives a brief account of the literature which highlights the women political leadership with respect to their struggles to acquire top political leadership positions. Chapter two explains the theoretical framework of this study. The focus of this chaptes is the theoretical contestation on the issue in the available. A comprehensive explanation of various theoretical positions is given in this chapter. Seven political leadership theories have been thoroughly discussed. I particularly discuss the two major theoretical positions that are most relevant to my study i.e, situational theory and the one emphasizing skills needed for political leadership. These theories have been explained appropriately and are related to the inquiry I am making in this study. Chapter three provides detailed accounts of different Asian women political leaders. These prominent women being the party leaders were either the Presidents, Prime Ministers or oppositional leaders in their respective countries. Their biographies are thoroughly discussed in order to know about their family backgrounds, their lifestyle, brought up and the education. These women are from the traditional Asian societies who confronted almost the same situations that were faced by Nasim Wali Khan. In light of the situational and skill theory of leadership, their efforts, confrontation against the opponents, their stance against the oppressive forces and then their achievements are highlighted in this chapter. These women are credited for being prominent to get the top leadership positions in their respective countries. Chapter four provides details about Pukhtun society and the status of women in it.

21 It covers the diverse beliefs about the origin of Pukhtuns, their geographical profile, religious beliefs and their cultural code (Pukhtunwali). This chapter also investigates the socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun women. It also provides a brief background to the past events where the women were active participants in the struggle for independence from British colonialism. The current socio-economic and political status of women is also part of the chapter. This chapter also highlights the disparity in the life style of the women of the urban and rural areas. The primary focus is on the attitudes and behaviour of the Pukhtun society towards the women empowerment in different fields, specifically political field. Chapter five is about the emergence of Nasim Wali as a woman political leader. It reflects on her pre leadership life and how it was changed by unfortunate developments that compelled her to join politics. Therefore, the chapter highlights the crises situation responsible for Nasim Wali Khan‘s active involvement in politics and addressed a crucial question of how she survived the odds. The chapter claims that she courageously stood against the odds and proved herself. The chapter also elaborates on her strategies and endeavours to sustain the leadership position. Chapter six provides details about crucial political skills possessed by Nasim Wali Khan. This chapter investigates various political skills possessed by Nasim Wali Khan which facilitated her throughout her political career. The skills she possessed are either inherited or attained through her political experiences. The strategies she adopted to win popular support are also significant. This was all done in a skilful manner by Nasim Wali Khan. Nasim Wali also reformed her party and congregated the scattered followers and party associates. She united them all at one platform and endeavoured against an oppressive regime of Z.A.Bhutto. Finally, the chapter answers the crucial question of how Nasim Wali was able to retain leadership position through her skills. The final chapter concludes all the earlier analysis and more succinctly states the contribution of the study by relating to the existing literature.

22 CHAPTER – 1

THEORETICAL DEBATES ABOUT POLITICAL LEADERSHIP

Political leadership is a kind of political procedure in which both the political leader and the followers have a reciprocal conduct for the purpose to influence each other to bring some change (Day, 2014:506). However, political leadership is more specifically believed to be in holding a public office or position in government through the support of masses (Kellerman, 1986: xiii). A political leader of a party could be seeking public office through persuasion and influencing followers. Political parties are often used by influential leaders to make or break governments (Laver and Schofield, 1990). Thus, leaders of the national political parties are the main political characters in today‘s parliamentary democracies (Cross and Blais, 2012:1). One of the central academic inquiries conducted by numerous scholars working on political leadership is of how leaders rise and sustain their leadership position. Various scholars have put forth different and often contesting theoretical explanations about the nature, rise and retaining of political leadership. Following is a brief discussion on these diverse explanations and how these diverse explanations help us understand the rise and retaining of party leadership. However, these explanations are discussed with gender lens.

1.1 LEADERS AS ‘GREAT –MEN’ Scottish historian Thomas Carlyle (1841) argues that leaders are ‗great men‘ having the qualities which are not adopted and developed but are inborn. Such Great leaders are farsighted and are aware of the people expectations, having the ability to guide and lead their people properly (Itoh, 2003:10;Eckmann, n.d:04; Levine, 2004:163) and the people born with marvellous qualities are distinguishable from their followers (Northouse, 2016:19). These scholars focus particularly on the origin, family background, education, nurturing (Martin et al., 1969:44), personal features, inspirations and the psychological consideration of the individual leaders which enabled them to be great men (Kawa, 2013:115). In the early twentieth century, scholars would inquire the great political, military and social leaders and the innate qualities they possess to lead the people (Northouse, 2016:19) and state that the history is formed by the leadership and guidance of great men (Bass, M & Bass, R, 2008:49). Moses, a great leader would enable the Jews (his

23 followers) to remain in Egypt. Through the leadership of Winston Churchill (a great leader of Britain), the energies of the Great Britain in 1940 were boosted (Bass and Stogdill, 1990:37). Such innate qualities of great men make them committed towards their cause. The nations are formed and shaped by the great man with the possession of some qualities and the greatness is influenced by individual, social and historical circumstances (Waite, 2008:3). Some scholars have found these explanations weak. Grey et al., (2004) argue that scientists have never identified the gene of leadership. So the very base of the theory has no scientific proof to specify the relationship between hereditary factors and the leadership qualities. They further criticized the theory by arguing that only the individuals of the elite class are genetically superior over the general population. This theory is ignoring the fact that every individual has good or bad characteristics which led to ―prejudice‖ and even ―genocides‖ (Grey, et al., 2004:59). Similarly, Lipman-Blumen identified a flaw in this explanation by saying that it may be possible that not all the great leaders are efficient and capable to solve the different social problems. Further wisdom and honesty of the top leader‘s is needed for the good governance. But in this theory it might be possible that the leader became addicted to power, corruption and tyranny (Lipman- Blumen, 2014). Interestingly, this theory shows little concern to the gender issue in political leadership, but by its very name the theory represents a gendered approach towards politics.

1.2 CHARISMATIC LEADERSHIP Since late 1980s, a dominant argument was forged by scholars who believed that leaders are necessarily charismatic (Bass, 1985; Conger & Kanungo, 1987; Tichy & Devanna, 1986; Shamir et al., 1993) and therefore we must focus on. The personal charisma of an individual to be followed by their people. However, this requires the explanation of what actually ‗charisma‘ means. Max Weber presented a more comprehensive definition of ―Charisma‖ for the first time in social sciences. For Weber an individual with ‗heroic and exceptional qualities‘ on the basis of which that individual is different from the general public is charismatic leader. Charisma can only be ―tested‖ and ―awakened‖ but cannot be ―taught‖ or ―learned‖ (Weber, 1978:241 & 249). For Weber charismatic leaders are individuals with extra ordinary qualities who acts like ‗superhuman‘ or ‗supernatural‘. Such distinguished individuals with divinely bestowed special features are obeyed as a ‗leader‘ (Weber, 1978: 241). Similarly, Lepsius argues

24 that ‗charisma‘ means ―God gifted‖ remarkable and enchanted personality to guide and lead the people. Such individuals are preferred by the God as their true representatives (Lepsius, 1986:53). The dominating character, remarkable behaviour and the ability of a charismatic leader make the people to unite for a common cause (Lepsius, 1986:53). Thus, charismatic leaders are committed, dedicated and have the magical personalities to inspire the people towards a vision (Spahr, 2016: 01). Such leaders are emotional and are capable to control their own self and influence the emotions of their subordinates easily (Ashkanasy & Tse, 2000: 223). Culture is also an important variable for the emergence of charismatic leaders. Ahlstrom & Bruton state that the charismatic leaders in the Western culture are enthusiastic, desirous and risk taking for the attainment of the goal while Eastern /Asian states have the ascetic, humble and sensitive leaders (Ahlstrom & Bruton, 2010:239). Scholars working on South Asian leaders have also burrowed from the Charismatic theory of leadership. Hayat mentions the charismatic personality and leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who persuaded Muslims of the Sub- Continent to unite under the banner of ―Islam‖ and start their struggle for their own independent state (Hayat, 2008:18). Similarly, the charisma of Mohandas Gandhi enabled the people of Indo-Pak subcontinent to peacefully start struggle for their rights against the British Imperial power (Guha, 2014:16). Brecher considers Nehru as a charismatic leader, who ruled India immediately after independence and his leadership was accepted by the people as well (Brecher, 2016). Charismatic leaders operate in diverse political environment from democratic to authoritarian. Mazzoleni, et al., (2015) add a large number of political leaders to this category. They argue that president Charles De Gaulle and Franklin Roosevelt are the charismatic leaders of the Western democracies. Gandhi and Mandela in the democratizing countries. Stalin, Mao and Hitler in totalitarian states. Kamal Ataturk and Fidel Castro in revolutionary authoritarian regimes. All these leaders with the charismatic personalities having the capabilities to inspire the followers and form a history of their countries (Mazzoleni et al., 2015:639). The interdependent relationship of this theory is considered detrimental by Dunphy and Stace (1994). They argue that the inspiration and dependence of the followers on the personality, style and competence of a leader enable the leader to gain their trust and create awareness among them. But the unavailability of such leaders create

25 a leadership vacuum which make the followers unable to perform efficiently (1994: 87). Similarly, instability and impermanency is another drawback of charismatic leadership (Taylor, 2012:11). The leader will lose the charisma if he/she is unable to perform extraordinarily in some situation and would vanish from the political scene. Thus it means that charisma is not just an innate personal gift, but an ‗aberrant‘ title to exercise authority and the charismatic leaders will legally or traditionally transform their authority in order to retain in the leadership position (Taylor, 2012:12). Devarachetty (2012) argue that Weber mentions charismatic leaders with divinely features but afterwards contemporary scholars (see Lindholm, 1990: 6; Riggio, 1987:46- 47; Toth, 1981: xiv) include physical attributes in the charismatic leadership and make it more masculine. These studies have mentioned male leaders while elaborating charismatic leadership. She further adds that women are rarely accredited the title ‗charisma‘ even though if they possess the attributes of charismatic leadership. In literature of charismatic leadership gender biases still persist. Devarachetty posit that individuals (both men and women) with the possession of charismatic attributes can be included in charismatic leadership. But the prevalent ‗heroic‘ definition of leadership and ‗societal allotted gender roles‘ reflect male domination in the charismatic leadership (Devarachetty, 2012:19).

1.3 LEADERSHIP AS A TRAIT The argument that leaders are ‗great men‘ evolved (in the early 20th century) into a proposition that leaders possess traits, capabilities, qualities, motives or patterns of behaviour (Kirkpatrick & Locke, 1991:48) and there is need to focus on intellectual, physical and interpersonal features of the leaders in order to study the rise of leaders. During 1920‘s and 1930‘s the research on leadership was primarily focused on leadership traits (Maslanka, 2004:07). The good attitude of a leader, his/her efficiency to take right decision in a right time and his/her orientation towards the set goals (Martin et al., 2006: 44). The individual personality, psychology and the available social structure confirm his leadership abilities. The social structure provide him the capacity for leadership while the psychology enables the individual to utilize the capacity into reality (Whittington, 1993: 184-185). Thus, the trait theory considered the permanent and consistent personal qualities of an individual to lead the people in a diverse situations (Zaccaro, 2007: 07). Scholars have different views regarding the possession of both physical and

26 psychological traits which make an individual a good leader. Some prefer physical traits such as height (Watt, 2011:317), physical energy, appearance and gender (Aditya & House, 1997:410), other focus on psychological traits such as good oratory and reasoning skills, intelligence, integrity and consistency (Roy, 2014:179), self-confidence and honesty (Daft, 2008:38 &57), ambitions of power (Aditya & House, 1997:410). Bolden et al (2003) contends there are no specific and consistent traits identified by various scholars in different studies. Though some leaders possess such traits but those who lack such traits doesn‘t mean that they are not the leaders (Bolden et al., 2003:6-7). Additionally, there is no technique to measure these traits and there is no universal recognized list of traits (Bagad, 2008:54). Zaccaro criticised the trait theory for neglecting the situational variable which do effect the traits of the leader. A good leader is one whose decisions are compatible to the existing situation (Zaccaro, 2007:07). Similarly, Stogdill (1948) contends that the above mentioned traits are not effective in the emergence and effectiveness of a leadership and argues that it is not necessary that a person with such trait become a leader. He further stated that there is no clarity that the same traits are applicable in different situations (Stogdill, 1948: 64). Though social situations are the clear manifestation of leadership to some extent, but it may be possible that a leader may be efficient in certain situation while perform poorly in another (Ghiselli & Brown, 1955: 471). The trait theory is also criticized for the reasons that it adopts gendered approach towards leadership. The trait usually associated with leadership in the above studies are basically associated with masculinity (Alexander & Anderson, 1993:536). Public sphere is male dominated and are biased towards females (Eagly et al., 1995). Women leaders face more challenges and hurdles while in leadership positions (Eagly et al., 1995). Similarly, evaluation of their traits and abilities are also analysed differently. Male leaders with the possession of such traits are praised and appreciated more than their female counterparts (Alexander and Anderson, 1993:536).

1.4 TRANSACTIONAL LEADERSHIP One very interesting theoretical approach towards leadership is that of transactional leadership in which both the leaders and the supporters are taken into consideration. Scholars such as Bass (1999) posits that emphasis of the transactional leadership is on the interconnectivity of both the leader and the followers. In transactional leadership there is a reciprocal ―give and take‖ working affiliation between the leader and

27 the followers (Lai, 2011:02). Such an exchange method has a positive outcome because the followers perform actively to gain the reward and leader achieved the task by their efficient efforts (Bass et al., 2003:209). Bass proposes that transactional leaders have a clear information about their followers needs and in return respond to them. Transactional leaders give incentives to the follower‘s as a reward after the successful accomplishment of the task. Bass categorizes transactional leaders as active managers who give directions as well as personally participate in their efforts, if they are not able to perform well in order to achieve the goal. While passive management refers to the leaders who waits for the emergence of the problem to take correct action (Bass, 1999:10&11). In the transactional leadership, bargain and exchange methods are used by the leaders to establish relationship with the followers in order to accomplish the required task (Howell and Bruce, 1993: 899). Scholars consider the features of transactional leadership more autocratic and in congruity with masculine roles (Hackman et al., 1992; Ross & Offermann, 1997). Politicians are the true transactional leaders who at the time of elections promise the people not to impose new taxes for the purpose to win the elections (Northouse, 2010:172). Similarly, party leaders, legislative and executive leaders and the bargainers are the transactional leaders (Bass and Stogdill, 1990: 23). Keel posits that US presidential elections are good example of transactional leadership. The presidential candidates provide the platform to their people and make themselves aware of the people demands. Then the candidates promise them to solve the issue according to their wish and will, if elected as a president and in turn the American people cast their votes in favour of that candidate which they seem able to solve their problems (Keel, 2007:10). Similarly, American and French politicians McCarthy and de Gaulle are also the transactional leaders. In the developing countries majority of head of the states and government are the transactional leaders (men or women) who came to power not because of their farsightedness or integrity but because of the military coup or through their party ranks who promised their people to give them relief in the time of distress. Thus, the transactional leaders in most of the countries gain top leadership positions who are just ordinary in their approach and abilities and their drawbacks make their people to suffer and they are deprived of their stability, prosperity and opportunities (Rotberg, 2012:161). Jayasingam et al., (2009) discuss the drawback of transactional leadership by

28 stating that the use of coercive power become ineffective and the contingent punishment pose negative impact on the followers. They are not able to perform better in the disturbed environment, always fearful about the loss of their jobs which makes them passive and unproductive. They instead of being working enthusiastically, started worrying about the result and the leader expectations (Jayasingam et al., 2009: 138). Howell and Bruce (1993) argue that the transactional leaders motivate the followers towards the task by promising them of the incentives after the successful accomplishment of the task which if not fulfilled has an adverse impact on the performance of the followers and they became dissatisfied (Howell and Bruce, 1993: 892). Powell (1990) states that though there is a great difference in the leadership style of both the men and women. They act, think and analyse the matters differently. But Powell argues that besides implicit features in both males and females behaviour and leadership styles, it is commonly observed that when acquire top leadership positions, both the genders exhibit same leadership style. Both of them adopt similar transactional (task-oriented) and transformational (relationship-oriented) leadership styles. They instead of behaving differently follow the gudelines of their respective positions (Powell, 1990).

1.5 TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADERSHIP Scholars like J. M. Burns (1978) and Barnard. M. Bass argue that individual having the courage and capabilities to influence and persuade the followers for the accomplishment of the task to achieve remarkable results emerged as leaders (Burns, 1978:442). Such individuals are aware of the needs, objectives and the goals of their organization and people and render their assistance for their development. These are the accepted transformational leaders (Bass and Reggio, 2006:3). Transformational leader persuades and encourages the followers by developing a persuasive vision, bring the vision into reality by concentrating to develop relationships with followers as a coach, mentor and teacher (Kolzow, 2014:43). Similarly intellectuals, revolutionary and ideological heroes and the leaders of the reforms are also transformational leaders (Bass and Stogdill, 1990:24). Transformational leaders emerge by the continuous learning and relationship building. Their engagement with the followers enable them to build trust and demonstrate

29 high level of personal integrity. Such leaders transform the tasks, vision and persuade the followers to work as a group for the accomplishment of the task. Transformational leaders stimulate the followers to be dedicated and loyal so the achievement of the task become easy (Kolzow, 2014:44) Scholars proposed four aspects of transformational leadership. They are intellectual stimulation, idealized influence, individualized consideration, and inspirational motivation (Bass & Avolio, 1997; Bass, 1985). Judge et al., (2004) posit that transformational leaders through their ‗idealized influence‘ behave in such a proper way that they are obeyed by the followers. They are aware of the people emotions so can easily convince them towards the common task. Through ‗inspirational motivation‘ a leader through an idealized vision inspire the people, speak optimistically about the future. Then the leaders through ‗intellectual stimulation‘ take risk, make themselves aware of the people ideas. Leader‘s communication with followers is the reflection of an appealing vision which encourage them towards the creativity of their task. The last dimension is the ‗individualized consideration‘. In this category the leader is aware of the people needs, work for them as a guide and create a relation to be aware of their needs and concerns (Judge et al., 2004:755). Winston posit that positive response for the followers are expected in the transformational leadership. Transformational leaders show concern towards the follower‘s needs and treated their followers as co-workers. The decisions taken by the transformational leaders are in the best interest of the followers as well. Transformational leaders provide suitable work environment to the followers and strive for them to feel as a valued members of the organization (2002:29-30). Thus the leaders who are intellectually influential to encourage, influence, consider and motivate the followers to such a level in which the actualization and accomplishment of the task become possible. The followers think beyond their self- interest and work for the betterment of the team, organization and for the society as a whole. Transformational leaders motivate the followers to confront the status quo by adopting new ways for the successful completion of the task (Warrilow, 2009:01). Gilbert (1998) mentions the great historic events from the eradication of slavery to the independence of nation state from the dictatorial rule are the examples of transformational activities. Mahatma Gandhi3, Martin Luther king and Nelson Mandela

3 See also Northouse (2010:172) and Burns (1995:101).

30 are the true transformational leaders who have committed themselves selflessly towards their societies. They have never used power but through their ethical and moral sense awakened the force of conscience among their people and persuade them to struggle for their cause peacefully (Gilbert, 1998: 201-202). This approach to leadership also exhibits the covering of the gap between male and female leadership styles. The transformational theorists posit that women are more consistent in their roles and are much closer to the transformational leadership as they are more closer to the followers through their social contacts which would be helpful for them to articulate consensus and in turn gain power (Campus, 2013:n.d). Thus, the women leadership is more motivational and inspiring as mentioned in the attributes of transformational leadership (Martin, 2015:331). Scholars state that it is more challenging for the women to rise in the male dominated organizations. These organizations demand the masculine attributes including assertiveness, dominance and independence. They further add that women have the ability to adjust their gender identity with the traditional female attributes. They adopt masculine attributes without altering their own traits(polite and cooperative). Women possess transformational leadership style because they can adapt themselves according to the requirement of the situation (Moore & Gobi, 1995). Thus women have more transformational attributes than their male colleagues (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Iwanaga postulate that notable women leaders of the developing countries: Benazir Bhutto, Khalida Zia, Sheikh Hasina Wajid, Aung San Suui Kyi are the transformational leaders in the early phase of their political career. They have united and mobilized their people through their unique features against the dictatorial rule in their respective countries and all of them have gained high respect and unquestionable obedience from their people which they are able to achieve the desired goals and brought their countries on the track of democratic governance (Iwanaga, 2008:33). Thus, transformational leaders are aware of the people feelings and imaginations and can motivate the society towards the long term goals, to create consciousness among them to struggle for the common and purposeful goal (Rhodes et al., 2014:91). This theory has some limitations. Yukl contends the theory by stating that transformational leaders create a high level of emotional involvement which can exploit the followers (Yukl, 1999: 287-288). Such transformational leaders move their followers towards the illusionary world for the achievement of their task as a result they achieve less than they lose (White & Wooten, 1986:101). Keeley contend the theory by arguing

31 that there is a lack of check and balance. There is no proposed way to neutralize the interest, authority and power of the leader to counter their dictatorship and despotism (1995:68). This theory is more concerned about the top leaders who persuade and influence their followers towards the common task, but it may be possible that with the passage of time the involvement of the leaders makes them distressed and this create a sense of deprivation in them (Stevens et al., 1995:125).

1.6 SITUATIONAL LEADERSHIP In 1969, Paul Hersey and Ken Blanchard introduced the concept of situational leadership. Initially it was introduced as ‗life cycle theory of leadership‘ but later in 1972 it was renamed as ‗situational leadership theory‘ (Esther, 2011:04). Situational Leadership implies that ―leadership is a matter of situational demands and the situational factors determine the emergence of a leader‖ (Bass & Stogdill, 1990: 38). Moreover, specific features of the individual make them suitable leaders only in specific situations. Thus, an individual with the ability to adopt such behaviour appropriate to the current state of affair will take the lead. The manifestation of certain characteristics in specific situations raise an individual to the heights of leadership position. Similarly critical situations also act as a catalyst for the able leaders to ignite their abilities and assume the leadership position. Stogdill mentioned that attributes, features and skills necessary for leaders are determined by the situation in which they function (Stogdill, 1948:63). The dispositions of traits like determination, ego strength, persistence and self-confidence will transcend those individuals to the leadership position in some situations only (Bass & Stogdill, 1974:87). The above theoretical approach focusses on leaders, followers and the situations. It also emphasises on leadership based in specific time, place and circumstances and consider these crucial factors for the emergence of great leaders (Bass & Stogdill, 1990:38; Martin et al., 2006:45). Followers are also a major component in the leadership process. They never act passively but are the active participants. Their roles and activities further determine the effectiveness of leadership. Thus leader does not instil leadership by themselves in situational leadership rather they act as a catalyst for the solution of different problems. In varied intricate situation inter-personal relationship facilitates a leader to deal accordingly. This theory supports the idea that circumstances produced the leaders of the time (Bass and Stogdill, 1990:38; Stogdill, 1948: 64–65) and the best

32 leaders are those who are well informed about the situation and can perform according to the circumstances (Northouse, 2013:99; Humphreys et al., 2010:119). Northouse (2004) posits an individual leader becomes effective only when he/she has the knowledge regarding the subordinates and the circumstances and then adopt appropriate leadership style (p. 106). The situational leaders are able enough to change their style of leadership according to the changing conditions and demands of the people they lead (Paludi, 2013:25). Different leaders have distinct features useful in different circumstances according to the need of the group being led by the leader. As a leader with highly motivational, military and war related strategic skills are needed at the time of war while the one who has the abilities to provide food, enhanced growth production and the economic skills are needed at the time of famine (Gill, 2006:36). Appropriate decisions are required in varied circumstance to deal effectively which required appropriate leadership style. Amanchukwu et al., (2015) argue that if a situation require most aware and skilled member in a group then an authoritarian leadership style would be the most suitable one. Similarly where a leader is dealing with skilled and experts group members then the same would be expected from the leader. Thus in such situation, democratic leadership style would be more effective (Amanchukwu et al., 2015) Hermann et al., (2001) state that critical situation provides good chance to analyse the political leadership. The turbulent situation will determine the emergence of leadership. Crises challenge the normal structures and routines functions of political sphere. They lead to some form of change as well. Scholars argue that effective decision- making and good communication processes are required to deal the crisis situation. The ineffectiveness in these two areas will increase chances of failure (Schafer and Crichlow, 2010). Bass.et.al postulate that adaptive and flexible leadership style is required in chaotic and crisis situation. Similarly they posit autocratic, assertive and directive leaders can ably deal in the turbulent situation (Bass et al., 2003:215). Consortium of British Humanitarian Agencies (CBHA) conducted a study in 2010. They have provided skills critical to deal turbulent situation to provide effective response including ‗effective decision making, critical judgement, resilience and personal awareness‘ (CBHA,2010:4- 6). McGlown and Robinson posit that turbulent situation bring challenges from all directions. With the advent of unclear and diverse information further make the situation

33 more intricate. Efficient response, handling the situation appropriately needs skills of the leader. In such situation, leaders have no time for consultation which make the leadership more challenging. Leaders with good decision making skills deal the situation accordingly which could increase trust and confidence of the followers as well (2011:70- 75). Similarly, good communication skills are also the requirement of the crisis situation. Good communication skills enable the leader to convey intentions regarding the effective handling of the crisis situation and successful accomplishment of the goal as well (Black, 2012:143). Ryan & Haslam (2005) argue that women are the appropriate choice for leadership during the crisis situation. They called this phenomenon as ‗glass cliff‘ which means that women are on a brittle glass cliff as their roles in crisis situation have a greater risk of failure. Women are competent to accept the risky, demanding task and always run elections from hard to win constituencies. Women don‘t even hesitate from such risky tasks. Though there is chances of failure more than in favourable circumstances. They further added that mostly men take a lead in favourable conditions while women were mostly appointed to the failing organizations. Ryan et al., (2011) postulate that an interaction exists between performances of an organization with the gender of the leader. They added that in prosperous organizations, a ‗think-leader think-male‘ bias emerges, while in failed organization, a ‗think-crisis think-female‘ bias occurs (Ryan et al., 2011). Bruckmüller and Branscombe (2010) also found that women are more likely to emerge to organizational leadership in times of emergency than in favourable conditions.Women usually contest elections and become successful as well. Ryan & Haslam, (2007) give an explanation for the rise of women to the top leadership position at the time of crisis. They argue that women are considered to be the symbolic antidote of the crisis situation (Ryan & Haslam, 2007). Similarly, women have a stable, unifying and neutral nature which make them best choice during crisis situations. They are accepted as leaders of failed organizations as well as political parties for the purpose of being the peace negotiation, mediation, innovations (Skard, 2015:475) and reconciliation as well (O‘Connor, 2010:325). Similarly, party leaders are the central political figures in today‘s parliamentary democracies (Cross and Blais, 2012:1). O‘Brian argues that majority of the political parties have male political leaders in leading roles while women in subordinate roles. However, when a party fails to perform in the elections, women are selected to the leadership position in these parties. O‘Brian argues that in crisis situation, few able male

34 accept the challenge to lead the party in crisis. Mostly political parties in the crisis situation willingly accept women leadership for the acquisition of public support (O‘Brian, 2015). O‘Brien (2015) argues that party needs those competent individuals to take the lead whose potentiality raise their parties to its zenith. Favourable situations and good performances of the parties would benefitted their leaders in return. In such favourable circumstances, males are the active participants to occupy beneficial positions. Thus, in favourable circumstances all the organizations including political parties are not willing to deviate from the status quo and they remain male dominated. But Dolan argues that the crisis situation are challenging and males usually avoid such situations which is more demanding and threaten their political career. Thus, in such situations women always accept the challenges and lead the fail organizations (Dolan, 1998). Indeed, Bynander and t‘ Hart (2008) posit that such poor performances of the political parties offer greater opportunities for women to attain power. Similarly Beckwith (2013) states that turbulent situation of the party and the absence of competent male leaders can lead to the emergence of women leadership. Thus, scholars argue that women leaders occupy the leadership position in crisis situations when there is a risk of leadership and organizational failure (Ryan and Haslam, 2005: 2007). Crisis situations provide opportunities to the female leadership. Women are considered to be less corrupt and can deal the situation efficiently (Dolan, 1998). Thus scholars associated the emergence of female political leaders with renewal and change (Murray, 2010) which is a visible challenge to the male-dominated status quo. Women political leaders are the compelling force for the unification of the disintegrated political parties or organizations in crisis situation (McKay, 2004). Tucker postulates that there is a great shift of theories from the Great man to the situation. The fact that successful leadership is no doubt because of their personal features but the situation of a specific group accentuates the effectiveness of one or another trait and their bearers at a particular time (Tucker, 1977: 384). But Masciuli et al (2016) criticized the statement by stating that, is there any specific characteristics favourable under certain situations? Nobody can imagine and even ask that the leader is appropriate in the current situation and is not suitable in other or that it is the situation of that specific leader and not of the others. Thus there are characteristics which can never be favourable in any situation (Masciuli et al., 2016:n.d). In the leadership research (Roy, 2014), followers are also an important variable

35 who can accept, follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time. Leadership is of three kinds: laissez faire, autocratic and democratic. The control of the group behaviour through an independent and unlimited authority are the autocratic leadership, but when the behaviours are controlled through some motivational forces led to the democratic leadership and the autonomous characteristics of the group to the extent that the group do not intervene is the Laissez faire leadership. All these forms of leadership have their own specific situations (Roy, 2014:183). As mentioned in the theory that the emergence of a political leader is dependent on the need and demand of the situation and it is the situation and not the family connection which produced such appropriate leader. Thus in the case of Martin Luther King, Jr. Day, it was the situation (inequality, discrimination and segregation) faced by the African-Americans are the inspirational elements for the King, Jr concerns and activities (Bass and Stogdill, 1990: 38). King junior emerged as a leader for the social cause, totally devoted himself for that cause to help his people at the time of distress (Martin et al., 1969: 46). Thus, the situational leadership is concerned more about the political situations rather than a leader as a person. This approach elaborates that leaders get their prominence only by having the skills, features and ability to fulfil the needs and demands of the organization, group and people at specific circumstances (Gill, 2006:36). These are mere the instrument in the wake of social forces who select individuals for the leadership posts to work for their interest (Vroom & Jago, 2007:19). This is clear from the leadership of Woodrow Wilson, as circumstances and time play a great role in his successes and failure. The demand of the situation was of the strong and reformed leadership and Wilson adopted autocratic leadership style, suitable to the circumstances in which he operated and the same leadership skills worked in other position he held which were suitable for his other positions but such authoritarian style created certain problems for him as well (Rhodes and ‗T Hart, 2014:142). Scholars criticize this theory on the basis of human behaviour. This theory is based on the presumption that the nature of the group such as motivation, skill level, leader-follower relations and organizational history is an objective reality which is important for the leader to know it transparently through scientific analysis. However, human behaviour is much more complex and unpredictable than these models suggests (King & Lawley, 2013:391). Similarly, Bass & Stogdill (1981:39) criticize this approach for the reason that situation alone is not enough to explain the rise of leadership, the

36 personal characteristics as well. Sjoberg (2009) contends this theory by having a confusion in the features suitable in specific situations. She elaborates that it is not possible by saying to the leader that such situation is not suitable for you to hold the leadership position because it is not the situation where such type of leadership is required. She argues that there are certain features which are not required by any situation. She further argues that this theory has totally neglected the female leaders though there are certain features which are connected with the femininity as well (Sjoberg, 2009: 163). Sjoberg (2009) argues that situational theory in different circumstances recognizes the traits related to the masculinity like at the war time strength and in peacetime rationality is important while some features as interdependence and emotions are related to the feminism. Thus the system is responsible for the selection of a suitable leader according to the situation (Sjoberg, 2009:163). Enloe posits that though the crisis situations provide opportunity to women to attain top leadership positions but there is no assurance that women may persist such positions for long, and may not roll back as 'normality' returns (Enloe, 2004). Thus the situational theory describes that it is the situation which make the individual to emerge as a leader having the efficiency and ability to deal and handle the situation properly. Moreover, women are more suitable in crisis situations when men avoid taking risks.

1.7 LEADERSHIP REQUIRE SKILLS There are various scholars who emphasize on the skills required for leadership. These scholars argue that skills are not inborn but they are developed and employed by leaders. Robert Katz was the first to emphasize on the skills for the rise of leaders. Katz argues that it is important to focus on the attitude and behaviour of a leader and the required skills that can be learned by leaders in order to be more efficient (Katz, 2009: 04-06). Skills are capabilities of the individual which can be learned and developed through experiences and guidance (Northouse, 2007:40). Leaders can learn from their experiences through their involvement in activities, interaction with the people and exposure to different events which will increase their skills, abilities and knowledge required for leadership. There is a long list of skills deemed necessary by scholars for efficient political leadership. However, the most prominent of them are listed below.

37 Mintzberg (1983) considers political skill as the disposition of influence through ‗negotiation, persuasion and manipulation‘. Ferris et al., (2005) argue that political skill is conceptualized as multidimentional with four aspects: apparent sincerity, social astuteness, networking ability, interpersonal influence (Ferris et al., 2005). Individuals with social astuteness spend time with the followers to observe them for the purpose to understand their true intentions. They are highly self-aware and deals with the public in an inspiring manner (Ferris et al., 2007). Social astuteness along with the competency to handle different situational demands help effective leader. Politically skilled leaders create a conducive and a cooperative environment suitable in turbulent situation (Ammeter et al., 2002:764-765). Interpersonal influence facilitates politically skilled individuals to interact and influence others easily. This skill helps the political leader to change the behaviours of the public according to the demand of the circumstance in order to accomplish desired goals successfully. Such individuals show flexibility to adapt themselves in changing circumstances (Ferris et al., 2005). Interpersonal relationship is considered as an opportunity against the threats. These relations act as facilitating factors in the formation of connections and alliances to ensures social identity with the help of which they can manoeuvre the situation in their favour (Perrewe et al., 2000). Similarly networking ability enable politically skilled individuals to find companions, form coalitions, networks and strong, useful alliances (Ferris et al., 2005). This ability place them at a vantage point from where they take advantageous position to take complete benefits of the available opportunities. Those individuals with the networking abilities possess admirable negotiating skill and are capable to manage conflict. Networking ability grant them access to a great deal of information and public support (Ferris et al., 2005). Apparent sincerity is the last aspect of political skill. Individual with sincerity, authenticity and integrity are seen as genuine. Politically skilled individual with the ability of apparent sincerity can successfully influence others (Ferris et al., 2007:291). Scholars posit that political skills are related to ‗self-monitoring, empathy, extraversion, positive affectivity and conscientiousness‘. The possession of these skills make an individual secure and self- confident before work experience and grant superiority over their work environment and the people whom an individual interact (Chandan, 2012:176). Women political leaders show courage and are outspoken on leading policy issues

38 in their respective countries. Though outspoken women often lack support in the religious and traditional societies. But through their courageous actions women leaders in Asia resist such challenges (Cunningham, 2017:7) and lead different oppositional movements against the oppressive governments (Shafqat, 1996:655). Asian women political leaders have resisted opposition at the cost of their personal lives; therefore exhibiting immense courage (O‘Conner, 2010). Similarly, effective communication skills (Qadri, 2016:17) are the political skills which exhibit the competence of a leader. Conger (1991:31) argues that spoken words are useful weapon for influencing and articulating support of the people. History gives us a glimpse of the successes achieved through spoken words. In the words of Conger epoch of regulating by dictates is ending and is supplanted by an era of regulating through inspiration. This era insists credibility of leaders to craft and enunciate a motivational message to create great intrinsic support. Women political leaders possess good communication skills. They have an effective interpersonal, negotiating and conflict resolution skills as well (Collins and Singh, 2006:14). But assertiveness, competition, control and independence are the qualities exhibited by male political leaders (Carli & Eagli, 2011:109). Ruminski & Hollba emphasize on the importance of good oratory skills for the success of women leaders. They argue that women should have good oratory skills along with information of the world to be successful in their lives. They insist that women political leaders should move beyond the elementary speech skills of just standing behind the rostrum to deliver a speech. They suggest that women should be effective communicators and shall be well aware of the day to day happenings around them (2012: 190). Scholars posit that women are more relationship oriented, consultative, polite and have inspirational appeal towards the public (Merchant, 2012:30; Eagly, 1987; Miller, 1976). Women use communication as an instrument to form good social relationship and increase social connections (Leaper, 1991: Mason, 1994). Yukl argue that decision-making is an important skill required from effective leaders. Efficient leaders involve subordinates in decision making and resultantly win the trust and confidence of the followers (Yukl, 2010). Lussier & Achua argue that attribute of good decision making enable leaders to attain success in a political career. While, suitable decision making is dependent on the awareness regarding confronted situations which empowers leader to take appropriate option for the solution of the problems

39 through availing opportunities. Such leaders efficiently utilized time by thinking analytically and arrange new directions in a manner that changes they desire are acceptable in public (Lussier and Achua, 2013:10-11). Though, there is no specific difference in the decision making of both male and females. Literature show that women while taking decisions examine the matter thoroughly before putting the matter in practice and their approaches are effective while on the other hand men actually hinder effectiveness (Ciulla, 2004:289). That‘s why women are considered to be more practical and realistic than men. Women are thought to be more empirical and reasonable than male counterparts (Jensen, 2008: 202). Because of the gendered allotment of domestic roles and reproductive labour and have the deficiency of resources, thus backing of spouses and other family members is persuasive means in the improvement of women‘s political career (Tadros, 2014). Participation of women in decision making process regarding public affairs enable them to develop their political skills. They exhibit their concerns and commitment in public services (Miranda, 2005:6). Thus, Jabeen & Mubasher appreciate the states where women are involved in the mainstream politics through some legislative measures which bring positive changes. Involvement of women in the process of decision making empowers them to confront the patriarchal demeanour prevalent in the traditional societies. They are able to perform their responsibilities well by creating a conducive environment for other women of their societies (2017:302). It is stated that political skills are the interpersonal skills including persuasion, negotiation, compromise, intuition and eloquence. These skills are acquired through experience. Similarly, political families are also a source of ‗political apprenticeship‘ (Cornwall and Goetz, 2005). Thus, women whose family members are actively engaged in politics gain politically acumen within family. They acquired the skills to deal the public and situation effectively. They also become socialized which enhances their reputation and connection with the public as well. O‘Neil & Domingo argue that the active involvement of women‘s in nationalist movements also train them politically for the future. Women political leaders‘ affiliation with the experienced political partners further facilitate them to acquire political skills and knowledge. These political skills facilitate their decision -making power. Politically skilled women leaders form strong social network which further enhances their confidence, collective strength and political awareness (2016:22). However, for some women leaders, family background and involvement in

40 nationalist movements may not bring a change in leadership style but the actual assumption of power may bring a bigger change in leadership style. The former India Prime Minister Indira Gandhi is a good example of how otherwise shy and silent person can become a tough leader. Indira Gandhi was generally believed to be a very shy person despite having a political family background and her involvement in Indian Independence movement with her father. This was the reason the old guards of the Congress party decided to choose her as a prime minister of India. The decision was also strategic because her silent attitude was thought by her male party members to be favourable for manipulating her. They called her a ―Dumb Doll‖ (Green, 2013:03). But when she became Prime Minister of India, she had developed her political skills significantly and took crucial political decisions, formulated effective foreign policy and worked hard for her people, conducted nuclear test to establish Indian hegemony in South Asian region. She was an ambitious, pragmatic and farsighted woman political leader who because of her political skills earned the title of an ―Iron Lady‖ of India. Her journey from a ―Dumb Doll‖ to an ―Iron Lady‖ was full of struggles and difficulties which she handled skilfully and was remembered as a great political leader (Braga, 2013:01). The acquired knowledge, skills and the adoption of proper style are the crucial factors for an effective leadership. In skills theory considerable focus is on the efforts, struggle and resources for leadership training and development (Amanchukwu, 2015:10). But in different institutions there is a competition among the actors for top leadership position. Then the individual with personal features as good oratory skills, charisma and the skill to handle the crises situation make them able to gain top leadership position. Once the individual achieve the highest position such individual should use his skills as ambitious, political acumen, the ability to use the available opportunities properly to achieve the different tasks (Bennister, 2012: Xiii). In view of the above discussion it is stated that leadership is a skill that can be acquired. However, Day observes that for the utility and development of any organization, the development of the leader‘s political skills is important but unfortunately there is little political skill training for the future leaders which also has a negative effect on the leader‘s performance (Day, 2014: 519). My assessment is that political acumen and social astuteness enable individuals to create interpersonal relations and networking capabilities which facilitate them to emerge as a leader. Afterwards good decision making power, confidence and good

41 communications skills further assist them to sustain leadership position. 1.8 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The research question of this study focusses on inquiries such as to; what extent family background is important for women leaders to acquire a political position; to what extent situation or circumstances affect the rise to women leadership position; and more importantly, how acquired personal skills help women to acquire and retain a leadership position? In order to find answers to these inquiries I develop a theoretical framework out of the above theoretical positions. All the above theories are in one way or the other related and crucial for explaining the acquisition and retaining of top political leadership positions by women. However, the most relevant debates that explain the issue under investigation can be found in situational and skills theories of leadership. However, I am looking specifically into situation and skills that may facilitate or hinder women political leaders to acquire and sustain leadership positions. Situational theory of leadership explain situations which are responsible for the emergence of leaders. Different situations require different leaders with the ability and appropriate skills to tackle the circumstances accordingly. Women are often allotted top leadership position in crisis situation (Haslam, 2004). This is because women are believed to possess qualities suitable to handle crisis situations, such as empathy, collaboration and efficient communication etc. However, there is a reason, men would allow women to take leadership positions. Men think strategically to offer women leadership during crisis time which always carry a risk of leadership failure. If women leaders do not succeed they get blamed for the failure (Ryan & Haslam, 2007; Mulcahy & Linehan, 2014). In crisis situations women leaders have to prove themselves and they often do not have smooth sailing. Though conflict pushed women to attain leadership roles. But such situation realized them their political skills (strength, confidence) which enable them to broaden their horizons and seek political office. Moreover, women political leaders gain support of their male colleagues in their political struggle as well (Tripp, 2015). Scholars are of the view that in crisis situation, females of the elite families take the lead (O‘Connor, 2010:324; Skard, 2015:154). Women become the ‗beneficiaries‘ of their strong political families. Their brought up in the political environment prepare them for leadership positions. Such ‗political apprenticeship‘(Cornwall and Goetz, 2005; O‘Neil & Domingo, 2016:22) is used as a stepping stone by women leaders to enter

42 leadership position but later they require more extensive skills and grooming which are achieved by women leaders through their experience in active politics. Situations are often paradoxical for women leaders. They may help women leaders to rise but they may also put women leaders to test. Women find an opportunity of leadership in crisis situations but once they avail that opportunity they find it quite challenging. It requires them to have more extensive skills to survive the challenge. Situations and leadership skills are tightly connected in leadership context. Leaders with specific skills are often chosen to lead in particular situations. Leaders so chosen are then required to change their style and strategy to adapt to the change in situations. This then require new skills that are more relevant to the changing situation. Political acumen, eloquence, good decision making, social astuteness and the confidence are the acquired skills which they further polish through their experiences. These acquired skills facilitate women leaders to sustain their leadership positions for long. Leaders must have the capability to encourage and persuade the people in a way that they then facilitate their leaders for accomplishment of the set goals (Warrilow, 2009:01). Such transformational leaders are aware of the people‘s emotions, needs and give them an idealized vision by talking optimistically about the future (Judge et al., 2004:755). I argue that such acts are particularly necessary in crisis situation where there is despondency and the leader has to motivate the followers. Women political leaders are deemed to be transformational because of their supportive, empathetic, collaborative, interpersonal and participatory attitude (Kellerman and Rhodes, 2007: 16–17). Likewise, women political leaders appreciate the involvement of subordinates in the process of decision making (Hegelsen, 1990) and they are indeed more ‗interactive‘ with their followers (Rosener, 1990:120). In my data analysis chapters, I will discuss the manner in which the crisis situation affected leadership choices for Pashtun Nationalists associated with National Awami Party in 1970s. I will explain how and why a woman political leader was chosen to lead the party in crisis situation. I will probe the extent to which some particular skills of Nasim Wali Khan were considered along with other possible strategic reasons in choosing the leader of the NAP. This is particularly important because the literature identify skills such as social astuteness (Ferris et al., 2005), communicative action (Habermas, 1984: 86), confidence and determination (Bass, 1999:11), interpersonal and decision-making (Lussier and Achua, 2013:10-11), good oratory and charisma (Bennister, 2012: Xiii) are relevant in crisis situation. However, after attaining leadership position the challenges are

43 met through more extensive leadership skills demonstrated by leaders. Skills such as ambitiousness, political acumen, ability to use the available opportunities (Bennister, 2012: xiii), interpersonal or communication (Katz et al., 1974) etc are considered crucial for retaining leadership position. Moreover, it is important to look into how these skills are required by women political leaders. They partly imparted by family training (political apprenticeship) and partly by the gradual process of accumulating political experience. The data chapters would highlight how Nasim Wali Khan acquired and groomed the appropriate skills and how she used them to retain political leadership. Additionally, how she inspired her followers in testing times of 1970s and secured their support to achieve the purpose.

1.9 CONCLUSION Various theoretical perspectives explained above assist us understanding the issue of acquisition and continuation of political leadership role by women in traditional societies. These explanations are used to develop our own theoretical framework, which extensively borrows from the premises of situational and skills approaches to leadership. The framework emphasis that (crisis) situations are paradoxical because they provide women an opportunity to lead but they also put them to test. The framework also refers to relationship between situations and skills. It is important to understand that often skills are dependent upon situations and women political leaders have to acquire, groom and employ particular skills appropriate to the situation. This theoretical framework will help us understanding the emergence of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader and her success in retaining the political leadership for considerable time.

44 CHAPTER – 2

THE CAREER PATH OF ASIAN WOMEN LEADERS: AN EXPLORATION OF WOMEN’ POLITICAL STRUGGLE

This chapter is an effort to explore career path for the Asian women political leaders, who rose to the top leadership positions. Most of the scholars emphasise that Asian women achieved these positions through their strong family background or political exigency. However, this chapter argues that beside family background and political situation, these women leaders demonstrated phenomenal political skills in most testing political situations and consequently acquired and retained their positions. Therefore, it is imperative to study the extra-ordinary struggle of these women political leaders. The analysis presented in this chapter are based on selected case studies representing Asian Women leaders. The career path of these leaders is explored to substantiate the claims made by this study. Women political leaders have undoubtedly left a discernible mark in world politics. They have done so by shaping political and economic reforms within their respective countries and also by shaping international relations through distinctive foreign policy decisions. Currently, there are 22 women in the world who have occupied the most prestigious top political leadership positons in their respective countries. Among them 18 are elected through popular elections and 4 are appointed. Among 178 head of the states, 15 are women: 13 are presidents and 2 are queens. Women have occupied the position of president or prime minister in more than 70 countries of the world, many of those have been in Asia and Europe (Adamczyk, 2016). Women political leadership is not an aberration in South America, South and in the Southeast Asia (Kent, 2015). Scholars would particularly refer to Asia when it comes to women political leadership. Asia has been much more generous in allowing women to reach to top political positions. Nitin would call Asia a ‗heaven‘ for the women leading their way to success in politics. Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, South Korea, Philippines, Thailand and Mongolia are the countries with elected women heads of the states. This means that half (4 billion) of the Asian population are living in countries with women heads which makes it ‗number one continent‘ in the world with women political leaders (Nitin, 2013:03). In 1960, Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first Sri Lankan woman prime minister, who achieved leadership position. Afterwards, Golda Meir(Israel), Indira

45 Gandhi(India), Chandrika Kumaranatunga(Sri Lanka), Corazon Aquino and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (Philippines), Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan), Sheikh Hasina Wajid and Khalida Zia(Bangladesh), Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia), Pratibha Patil(India), Roza Otunbayeva(Kyrgyzstan) and Yingluck Shinawatra(Thailand) also became prominent women political leaders in their respective countries. Interestingly, most of these women leaders hail from the Muslim dominant countries (Szczepanski, 2015:01). There is considerable academic interest in the contribution of women political leaders around the world. However, there is comparatively less academic interest in how these women acquired leadership positions. Asian women political leaders are all popularly elected, having influential families with popular family dynasties in politics (Fleschenberg, 2009:24-15) and they are directly involved in the social activities and power structure of their countries (Abidi, 2013:19). Scholars argue that the emergence of these women leaders does not seem to modify the male-dominated nature of Asian societies. Rather, it verifies the power of a name and the perseverance of political dynasties (Herath, 2015: 03; Akhtar et al., 2014 :07; Mydans, 2010:04) social class and caste system (Roy, 2015:60). Most of the women political leaders in Asia who have occupied highest public offices came from the politically illustrious families. Therefore, various scholars (see above) would conclude that the success of acquiring political leadership is determined primarily by family background. Such an understanding often undermines the abilities and struggles of women political leaders who acquire and retain top political positions. In this chapter, an effort is made to reflect on how women political leaders acquire and retain leadership positions not only through the backing of their already influential families but also through their extra ordinary struggle. In order to do so, we have explored the biographies of selected political leaders from Asia to investigate their career path. We undoubtedly claim that family background facilitated these women in acquiring top leadership positions, however, their personal character and skills were more instrumental in acquiring and retaining top positions. Moreover, the situation in which they took leadership provided a context within which opportunities were availed and personal character and skills were demonstrated. These women leaders were able to prove that besides taking care of their household, they can also serve respective countries in face of all odds. They are hardworking, ambitious and (politically) skilled to carry out sound domestic and foreign policies. The way women political leaders exploited situations and skills to reach to the top

46 positions are the main focus of this chapter. It intends to do so by exploring the selective profiles and career path of these women leaders. The family backgrounds, their biographies and struggle of some of the top women political leaders of Asia are discussed to identify important factors that lead women to top positions and facilitate them to stay on those top positions. In this chapter a profile sketch of these women leaders are brought under consideration and then analyse how their situation and skills facilitated them to acquire and retain the power for an extended period of time.

PROFILES OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADERS: AN OVER VIEW

2.1 SIRIMAVO BANDARANAIKE (SRI LANKA)

Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the first female Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. She was born in Ratnapura District on 17th April 1916. Her father Barns Ratwatte Disave was a reputed senator and from a prominent Sinhalese family. These families have also served in the British colonial rule and adopted English first names. However, they were the staunch observers of Buddhism. Sirimavo Bandaranaike was the eldest among her six siblings and at eight years, she was sent to Convent School for best education. After her education, she started social welfare programmes for the purpose to help needy and poor people of her country. She provided them food, medicines and arranged clinics for them as well. Such considerations towards her people enabled her to gain good reputation among the Sinhalese peasantry (Rettie, 2010). She was married to Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (1899-1959) on 10th October 1940, who was an Oxford educated lawyer and the minister of local government and health (1947-51) in the ruling United National Party. Srimavo Bandranaike persuaded her husband for resigning from the ruling United National Party and the government. After two years in 1951, he founded his own political party Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) with the policies of democratic socialism and Sinhalese resurgence. After eight years of Sri Lanka independence, Mr. Bandaranaike became Prime Minister in April 1956(Perera, 2012:02). But, Sirimavo Bandaranaike held the party leadership and became the president of the SLFP after Mr. Bandaranaike assassination by the Buddhist monk on 25th September 1959. She gained public support and sympathies and proved herself as an undefeatable politician who worked as an undisputed leaders of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party and had the reins of the party for forty years (Epasinghe, 2015:01).

47 Mrs. Bandaranaike became the modern World first woman Premier in 1960 from the Asian continent and served her country three times (1960-65, 1970-77, 1994-2000) as a prime minister (Iwanaga, 2008: 272; Jalazai, 2004:92; Banerjee, 2008:140) and remained the opposition leader during 1965-70 and 1989-94(Jeyaraj, 2010:01). Generally in the Asian region, females have subordinate position to their males and have little or no stand in the public life but Srimavo Bandranaike proved herself both nationally and internationally as an eminent woman political leader who continued her husband policies of socialism at home. She had nationalized all the foreign oil companies and all the government businesses were transferred to the State owned bank of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka). She had also established new People‘s Bank. During her regime, Soviet aid was utilized for the industrialization process of her country, brought education reforms for the Buddhist Sinhalese and neutralism/non-alignment movement was adopted as well by her government (Raj, 2012:02). But, Sirimavo Bandaranaike also faced different problems, communal riots, administrative turmoil and financial problems during her premiership. Her period of office was one of the mounting financial difficulty. Due to these reasons, she was defeated in 1965 elections but got prominence in the next elections of 1970‘s (Jones, 2015:53). Mrs. Bandaranaike faced severe criticism from her opponents because of her personal and political life. In 1962, her political opponents tried to overthrow her government, jobless youth raised against her government for their grievances in 1971 and in 1980 her civic rights were withdrawn, SLFP headquarters was closed and threats were given by the political opponents but she faced all the troubles and conspiracies courageously and Mrs Bandaranaike gained more and more popularity through her bold and consistent approach. She gave new constitution, changed the name of the country from Ceylon to Sri Lanka and declared it a Republic in 1972, foreign owned estates were nationalized by her government and placed the land limits to fifty acres by the Land Reform Commission. Sirimavo Bandaranaike died on 10th October 2000(Perera, 2012:02). She got sympathies of the public initially by making emotional speeches during the election campaign through which she earned the title of ‗weeping widow‘. But later her present mind, dedications towards her political career enabled her to make sound domestic and foreign policies and she adopted tough stance against the insurgents who tried to destroy the peace and prosperity of the Sri Lankan nation.

48 2.2 CHANDRIKA KUMARATUNGA (SRI LANKA) Former prime minister and then the first ever woman president of Sri Lanka Chandrika Kumaratunga was born on 24th, June 1945. She recieved her primary education from Convent school, Colombo and then went to Paris for higher studies where she studied political science and adopted Mao Zedong and North Korean socialist radicalism (Omer &Springs, 2013:191). Chandrika had the privilege to be the daughter of former premiers of Sri Lanka. Her father Solomon Bandaranaike served the country as a Prime minster from 1956-1959 and her mother Srimavo Bandaranaike who succeeded after the assassination of her husband became prime minister in 1959 got the recognition as the World‘s first female premier (Burns, 1995:02). Srimavo wanted her son Anura to be her political successor, he was the first choice of her mother, but he declined and was succeeded by the Chandrika. She left her socialistic policies and adopted capitalism and free market policies (Jackson, 1999: 223). Chandrika Kumaratunga got married with the Sri Lankan movie star and a radical left wing politician Vijay Kumaratunga in 1978 who was also assassinated by the Sinhalese fascists in 1988(Burns, 1995:02). After her marriage, Chandrika Kumaratunga left her father‘s party SLFP and joined husband‘s party Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya (SLMP) in 1984. She became the Vice President of the newly formed political party. Nonetheless, after the assassination of her husband she acquired leadership position in the party. Under her leadership she formed United Socialist Alliance with the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, Nava Sama Samaja Party and Communist Party of Sri Lanka. At the time she was consistently receiving death threats and was narrowly escaped from an assassination attempt as well. Therefore in 1988 she left Sri Lanka and took refuge in United Kingdom. The SLMP was divided into two groups during her absence and she was expelled from her party leadership (Silva, 2017). She returned to Sri Lanka in 1991 and became actively involved in the political field through the platform of SLFP. In May 1993, Mrs Kumaratunga was elected as a chief minister of the Western province and became the first women in Sri Lanka who headed the local government (Jackson, 1999:223). But, when Tamil Tiger suicide bomber attacked and killed Sri Lankan President Premadasa on 1st May 1993, he was replaced by Dingiri Banda Wijitunge. President Wijitunge called for early elections in August 1994 in which Chandrika led the nine party parliamentary alliance and became the prime minister of Sri Lanka(August- November 1994) by defeating the seventeen years rule of United National Party (Mendis, 2006:162).

49 During that time, the separatists Liberation movement by the Tamil Tigers were in full swing in the years following the presidential elections contested by Chandrika and the separatists had started a civil war against the government. During her election campaigns, Chandrika promised for peace process and the settlement of all disputes with the Separatists Tamil Tigers. This mandate helped her to be an elected President in 1995- 2005(Dahlburg, 1994:01) then in 1998, she was again elected as president to serve for the second time (Sharma, 2004:67). However in 1999, an attempt of her assassination was made by the Tamil separatists in which she narrowly escaped but was greatly wounded (Uyangoda, 2001:210). During Chandrika presidency, she appointed her mother Sirimavo Bandaranaike as Prime Minister (Pandey, 2005:46) and ruled the parliamentary democracy till the death of Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 2000 (Watson et al., 2003:209). Being a President of Sri Lanka, Chandrika tried to solve the problems with the separatist group and held different rounds of peace talks with the separatists (Lakhsman et al., 2000:92). For such purpose, President Chandrika Kumaratunga called for the hundred days cease fire between the Separatists group and the government. But after expiration of the term, the separatist group started violent activities. She offered full autonomy to the Tamil minority of her country which was welcomed by the minority but was rejected by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as they did not agree with the condition of surrendering before the government with having a strong grip on the region (Carter, 2010: 404). In December 2001, once again the United National Party came into power and Ranil Wickremasinghe (the political opponent of Chandrika Kumaratunga) became prime minister while Chandrika Kumaratunga remained in office of a President till November 2003, which created difficult relationship. In February 2004, President dissolved the parliament and called for new elections in April 2004, while the presidential election was held in November 2005 in which Mahinda Rajapaksa became successful and became the President replacing Chandrika Kumaratunga (Omer & Springs, 2013:192). According to the Sri Lankan constitution, a person holding the office of a president for two terms are not allowed to contest elections for third time. So, Chandrika Kumaratunga tried to pass the party leadership by giving the reins of the party SLFP to her brother till her own children were not able to hold the reins of power (Herath, 2002:94).

50 2.3 INDIRA GANDHI (INDIA) Indian first female Premier, Indira Gandhi was born in Allahabad on November 19, 1917 in an aristocratic and politically prominent family of Nehru‘s. Her grandfather Motilal Nehru was a Nationalist leader and her father Jawaharlal Nehru, a prominent Indian Independence leader and the first Prime Minister of India (Frank, 2002:13). Indira was brought up in a political environment where she met politically prominent figures influenced by her father. Her initial studies was from different Indian and non- Indian schools and sometimes from the private tutors. In 1934, she started her studies in Visva Bharatic Academy, where the headmaster was a well -known writer Rabindranath Tagore who taught her Philosophy and arts. She then got admission at Bristol, England in a progressive School. She started her graduation at Somerville College, Oxford in 1937(Flatt, 2012:184) and finally completed her higher studies from Oxford (England) and Switzerland (Nadeau & Rayamajhi, 2013:125). After her graduation from Oxford in 1941, she returned to India. She married to a Parsi politician Feroze Gandhi in 1942, who was studying in London School of Economics at the time when Indira Gandhi was in Oxford. Indira Gandhi was actively engaged in the Indian independence movement against the British Imperial power because of which she was imprisoned by the British troops immediately after her marriage from September, 11th, 1942-May 13th , 1943 at Naini Central Jail, Allahabad (Thelikorala, 2011:02). In 1953, she became a member of the Congress working committee which was the India‘s ruling party and she had also worked for the women interest while serving in the women department of the Congress Party. She had visited different parts of the country to educate women of India about their fundamental rights and duties. In 1959, she was the only female and fourth president of the Indian National Congress Party (Flatt, 2012:185). Indira Gandhi also served in Jawarharlal Nehru government after independence during 1947-65 and gained much power within the government (Jayakar, 2012:04). Then, she became an elected member of the Rajya Sabha and held the post of the Minister of Information and Broadcasting in the cabinet of Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1964, after the demise of her father. In 1966-1977, she was appointed as a Prime Minister of India after the Shastri‘s sudden death with the support of the K. Kamaraj who was President of the Congress party at that time. She had won the elections of 1971 and introduced different economic policies for the increased productivity of agriculture and

51 side by side she was also involved in the global politics as well. In the 1970‘s secessionist conflict of East Pakistan, she helped and supported them in their struggle of independence against Pakistan to become an independent state of Bangladesh (Chacko, 2012). During her Premiership, India exploded her first nuclear bomb which empowered India to protect herself against foreign aggression and to create India‘s hegemony in South Asian region as well (Flatt, 2012:187). But in June 1975, because of the election irregularities in the 1971 elections and violation of the election laws, Allahabad High court ruled against her to vacate the post of premier and banned her for six years from taking part in politics. In response of such ruling, President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmad had declared state of emergency on the advice of Indira Gandhi. Her government ban the media, imprisoned her opponents, limited the fundamental rights of people and used police force against the strikes and protests of her adversaries. While on the other side, her son Sanjay Gandhi had started the sterilization programme for the control of Indian rapidly growing population. Public rose against her dictatorial rule and she announced the date for the next general elections in 1977.On March 23, 1977 emergency was uplifted but she badly lost in the 1977 general elections (Green, 2013:03). In 1980, elections were held for the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament). Indira Gandhi and her Party again won the elections and all the cases against her were withdrawn. She became Prime Minister of India once again from 1980-84, but she faced severe challenges including separatist‘s movement by Sikhs community in Northern Punjab who revolted against her government. But, they were badly crushed by the Indira‘s government through military operation named as ―Operation Blue Star‖ against the separatists within premises of the Sikhs Golden Temple. Thousands of civilian lost their lives in this revolt and she herself was shot dead on 31st October 1984 by two of her Sikh bodyguard in revenge of the Golden Temple episode (Nadeau & Rayamajhi, 2013:126). Indira Gandhi served the nation in two phases: 1967-1974 which were favourable years of her charismatic leadership and she gained much popular support for her good policies while the next phase 1975-1984 was considered to be the power centralization by her, who violently treated her opponents which gave her the image of dictator and authoritarian leader. Braga praised Indira Gandhi by stating that during her premiership Indian literacy rate was increased to 30% and the poverty rate was decreased to 45% from 65%. Her efforts and sound agricultural policies for the revival of agricultural sector

52 raised the production of different food items to 25%, which brought Green Revolution in India (Braga, 2013). Such agricultural policies were the efforts by her government to handle the inflation. Through her sound economic policies, she nationalized the Indian Banks. Indira also created diplomatic relations with United States and USSR through her socialist policies. India became the nuclear power of the region during her premiership. Her policies enabled India to be self – sufficient to such extent as to no longer dependent on foreign aids (Aswathy, 2013:n.d). Through her power and abilities she is compared with Durga (Indian nation goddess) who has the power to stand against all odds (Braga, 2013).

2.4 BENAZIR BHUTTO (PAKISTAN) Benazir Bhutto, was the first Muslim woman Prime Minister of a Muslim country, Pakistan. She was born in (Pakistan) on 21st June 1953 and passed away on 27th Dec 2007. She received her early education from Karachi Convent of Jesus and Mary School run by Irish Catholic nuns and then went for graduation to Harvard University where she completed her graduation in Law at Lady Margaret Hall College. Benazir Bhutto obtained her diploma in Foreign Affairs from Oxford University (Buruma, 1989). Then in 1976, she became the First Pakistani student elected as a president of the Oxford Union Debating Society in UK (Khuhro & Soomro, 2013:274). Benazir Bhutto was the daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. He was from the wealthiest landowning families of Pakistan, an Oxford educated lawyer, former Prime Minister of Pakistan and the founder of the popular political party Pakistan People‘s Party in 1967(Hussain, 2008:01). Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto got support of the people under the banner of Islamic Socialism and ruled the county for seven years from 1970-1977. He tried to overcome the main problems of Pakistan which was poverty, socio-economic imbalance and the dominance of the elite class in the socio-political system of Pakistan but later he himself was in need of the elites support. Some of his intimidating policies for the suppression of the political opponents, corruption and fraud ended his regime through military coup by Zia-ul Haq (Dolek, 2008:04). Likewise, mother of Benazir Bhutto, Nusrat Ispahani was the daughter of the Iranian businessman. Benazir Bhutto was the eldest among her three siblings. On Feb 17, 1987 she married with Asif Ali Zardari. Asif Ali Zardari is the son of a landowner/businessman friend of Z.A. Bhutto, Hakim Ali Zardari. The couple was blessed with three children, Bilawal, Bakhtawar and Asifa (Hussain, 2008:02).

53 Benazir Bhutto was nurtured in a political environment by her father Z. A. Bhutto. General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq imposed martial law on 5th July 1977, which was the third martial law in Pakistan‘s history. Army chief promised for the elections to be commenced within ninety days but, later he didn‘t fulfil his promise and postponed the elections on the ground of accountability of the corrupt politicians. As a result of accountability process, Z. A. Bhutto was trialled on charges of conspiracy and the killing of Ahmad Raza Kasuri and was later executed on 4th April, 1979. Z. A. Bhutto wife Nusrat Bhutto and his daughter Benazir Bhutto were placed under house arrest (Shah.H, 2013:04). Imprisonment and then the demise of Z. A. Bhutto and the murder of her two brothers made Benazir more enthusiastic, responsible and active in the political affairs of Pakistan, but her life was full of difficulties facing time of exile, house arrest then reached to peak and gained power which was followed by her dismissals. She returned to Pakistan in 1977 after completing her education from Harvard and Oxford. She was warmly welcomed by the people of Pakistan and gave her the title of the ‗daughter of Pakistan‘ (Dolek, 2008:04). She earned the popular support which led her triumph over the military ruler and through her inborn abilities she was able to retain such popularity (Chitkara, 1996:67). She followed the footprints of her father in politics and continued struggling for the restoration of democracy against the General Zia-ul-Haq military rule. For the purpose to restore the democracy in Pakistan, she launched a movement named ‗Movement for the Restoration of Democracy‘ in 1981 with the support of nine other political parties. Her efforts were for the restoration of 1973 constitution, parliamentary elections for the purpose to transfer power to the democratically elected government and to uplift the martial law. As a result she was imprisoned till 1984 (Shah.H, 2013:04). The period between1979-1984, Benazir faced house arrests, imprisonment and self- exile to UK in 1986.Then in 1986, she returned to Pakistan and started her campaign for office. She was recalled as the political opponent of General Zia (Eoan, 2007: 02). The excessive international pressure on Zia regime for the restoration of democracy made Zia announcing the election date in November 16th, 1988 on non- party basis. This elections were challenged by Benazir Bhutto in the Court of Justice but before any judgement, Zia –ul Haq died in a plane crash on 17th August, 1988. Ghulam Ishaq Khan became the President of Pakistan and he held the general elections on 16th and 19th November 1988, which was won by Benazir Bhutto party. On 2nd December, 1988 she

54 became the first youngest (35 years old) Muslim woman Prime Minister of an Islamic country Pakistan (Khuhro & Soomro, 2013:275). Benazir had occupied the post of Prime Minister from 1988-1990 and then from 1993-1996. She was the parliamentary opposition leader from 1990-1993 and from 1997- 1998. She spent almost seven years (1999-2007) in self – exile and was assassinated in 2007 (O‘Conner, 2010:382). Benazir Bhutto held twice the position of Prime Minister though she never managed to complete her terms but was a significant political figure in Pakistani politics (Iwanaga, 2008: 37). Bhutto in her biography intended that her struggle paved the way to change the traditional aspects of our society, the common perception regarding the Asian women gender role is to perform the family responsibilities. Benazir Bhutto stated that she faced the same challenges in the traditional society of Pakistan as an ordinary women faced when criticized by the clergy. She worked for democracy, liberty and social justice in Pakistan. Benazir Bhutto brought some reforms in the early year of her government and made the press free, gave the people their basic right of speech and thoughts and made Pakistan free from all sorts of exploitation (Khan et al., 2015:203). McCarthy contends that later Bhutto turned against her promises and worked for the consolidation of her political power rather than struggle for the betterment of people. She relied on the support of elite class instead of public. Similarly, she tried to settle the problems with India and Afghanistan through negotiations without taking the military in confidence which created great resentment in armed forces. Her close ties with the West and US for the foreign aid gave her a political breakdown and her government was dismissed in August 1990 on the charges of bargaining for personal gains, and there was a political competition and the humiliation of the opponents (McCartney, 2011:170). But, Benazir Bhutto was again re-elected in 1993.President Farooq Laghari had good relations with Benazir and promised her to freely work without the interference of a president. She faced severe problems like in 1994-95 Mohajir Quami Movement(MQM) led the Mohajir Nationalism in Sindh and was involved in violent acts which the government of Benazir responded aggressively (Shah, 1997:78). Similarly, financial condition of Pakistan was bad that country was close to bankruptcy. She led Social Action Programme (SAP) to provide better life facilities to the people. Her government received foreign aid but most of it was utilized for the electricity generation. Her government choose to support US led Afghan Taliban both financially and military (Tucker, 2010:209). This policy made the military legitimized institution to interfere in

55 the politics of Pakistan. Her government was again terminated in 1997 on the basis of corruption and maladministration (Naden, 2011:69). She went into exile for the second time in 2007. After political negotiations, with the President Musharraf she returned to Pakistan. On her very return she survived from an attack on her life. She faced second attack on her life in a procession gathered in Rawalpindi but she could not survive from this attack and died on 27th December 2007. Benazir Bhutto was a courageous and brave woman and always took risk for her life and fought against dictators (Brown, 2008:10). Though her life was full of troubles, struggles, successes and dismissals, but throughout her life she faced the difficult situation courageously and worked for the rights, education and better life standards of people. She struggled hard against the dictatorial military rule of General Zia-ul Haq and led a movement for the restoration of Democracy (MRD) and brought an end to the 11 years rule of a military regime (Shah. H, 2013:01).

2.5 BEGUM KHALIDA ZIA (BANGLADESH) Bangladesh Prime Minister, Khalida Zia was born in a business family in Jalpaiguri (North Eastern part of the Bangladesh) on August 15th, 1945. She married Zia- ur- Rehman (b1935-d1981) in 1960 at fifteen years of age. Zia-ur- Rehman was serving in the Pakistan army as a captain at the time of her marriage. She had completed her studies at the college level three years later after her marriage. Then, they were being transferred to West Pakistan for the Zia- ur- Rehman commitment in the 1965 war of Pakistan and India, to command the East Pakistan Regiment in the war (Gerlach, 2013:120) and later in 1967 the family returned to East part of Pakistan (now Bangladesh). When the liberation war was started by Eastern part of Pakistan, the country was divided into eleven different zones and Zia-ur- Rehman was the general in charge of one zone. He led the Mukhti Bahini Battalion and fought against Pakistan, became victorious and Bangladesh emerged as an independent state on the map of the world in 1971. After the Sheikh Mujeeb‘s assassination in 1975, he became the Chief of Army and a dominant figure of Army (editors of American Heritage, 2005:865). General Zia-ur- Rehman became the county‘s first military dictator who occupied the post of country‘s Presidency from 1977-1980. During Zia-ur-Rehman presidency, Khalida Zia acted as a typical house wife and remained away from politics (Gerlach, 2013:121). But the situation after the assassination of her husband in 1981paved the way for the politically inexperienced Khalida Zia towards political leadership (Hudson, 1997:40).

56 There were three candidates for the BNP presidency and in 1984 she became the leader of her husband‘s party Bangladesh National Party (BNP) which was a sign of popular support for her (Hudson, 1997:39). The women in Bangladesh who fought against the military dictator were two noteworthy Begums: Begum Khalida Zia and Begum Hasina Wajid. In 1990, their struggles became fruitful and they brought an end to the military rule of Ershad for the second time. (Foley, 2013:222). Then, under the supervision of the interim government, elections were held in 1991 which was considered to be the first ever democratic elections after the Bangladesh independence. The leader of Bangladesh National Party (BNP), Begum Khalida Zia became an elected prime minister of Bangladesh and the rival party Awami League leader, Sheikh Hasina Wajid occupied the opposition benches. Khalida Zia brought certain changes in the constitution and replaced presidential form of government into parliamentary form with prime minister having the vast executive powers. Human rights situation became improved in the country by eliminating the restriction on the fundamental rights of the people (Askwik, 1995:95). Her government made laws regarding compulsory education for female and the bill related to the death penalty for the crimes against the children and women was also introduced in February 14th 1995 in the parliament (Ahmed, 2004:231). The military ruler Ershad was imprisoned on the corruption charges. Her official visits to Saudi Arabia and China in 1991 were for the purpose of technical and economic cooperation. Likewise, her visit to India in 1992 was for the purpose to resolved water sharing problem. During a visit, Bangladesh signed nine hundred and ninety nine years lease agreement of Teen Bigha Corridor with India. She also made official visits to Pakistan, Iran and Burma led her country close to the neighbouring and other countries of the World (Ahmed, 2004: 232). Her foreign policy moves around good relations with China and Pakistan to counter the threats from the outside World especially from India (Singh, 2010:284). She held the post of Prime Minister of Bangladesh from 1991-1996 and then from 2001-2006. Again, under the supervision of a caretaker government, elections were held on 1st October 2001, in which BNP led the four party alliance won two-third majority in the Parliament and Khalida Zia became the prime minister on 10th October 2001(International business publication, 2011:35). Awami League throughout the BNP government boycotted and then returned to the parliament regarding different issues and criticized the sound economic and foreign policies of the BNP government. Law and order situation became worst during 2005, when extremist Islamist group attacked

57 different government buildings and killed number of people, but were suppressed by the government and peace was restored (International business publication, 2011:36). Though, Khalida Zia was an inexperienced political leader, but after achieving the post of Premier, she developed her skills and was able to cope with the new situation. She tried to solve different issues with the neighbouring countries. Her close relations with the different countries were the clear indication of her sound and friendly foreign policy. Such efforts make Bangladesh able to defend herself against any aggression.

2.6 SHEIKH HASINA WAJID (BANGLADESH) Sheikh Mujeeb-ur-Rehman, father of the Bangladeshi nation became the first Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1975. He was assassinated on August 10th, 1975 along with his family members (Mitra et al., 2006:23). His daughter, Sheikh Hasina Wajid, survived the assassination attempt because she was in Germany at the time of her father‘s assassination. Sheikh Hasina Wajid (daughter of the founding father) remained in exile for six years. But, she returned to Bangladesh and actively participated in country‘s politics. After the assassination of all her family members, political succession of her family was passed to Hasina Wajid. In 1981, she was elected as the President of Awami League (Stange et al., 2011: 669). In 1986, she became the opposition leader by winning three constituencies in the Bangladeshi Parliament. Then in 1991, she became an oppositional leader with the government leader Khalida Zia. During this tenure, Khalida Zia initiated twelfth amendment in the constitution for the prime ministerial form of government in the country (Chakrabarti, 2013:483). Sheikh Hasina Wajid struggled for the fair, democratic government by demanding the resignation of the corrupt politicians to conduct general elections in 1996 under the supervision of the caretaker government. These elections were won by Awami league, a political party led by Sheikh Hasina Wajid. She was able to form a coalition government and she took an oath of the tenth Prime minister of Bangladesh on May 10th, 1996.She remained in office from 1996-2001(Whyte, 2000:36). She had served the country twice as a prime minister from1996- 2001 and from 2009—present (Stange, et al., 2011:669). Her electoral victory paved the way for democracy after twenty one year‘s long struggle against the oppressive, corrupt rule and after the continuous imposition of martial laws (Chitkara, 1998:313). In December 1996, Ganges water sharing treaty was signed with India by Sheikh Hasina. She was enthusiastic to work for the improvement and development of her

58 country (International Business Publication, 2011:38). Then in 1997, a peace accord named Chittagong Hill tract was signed by her government and then in 1998 opened Bangabandhu Bridge across the Jamuna River which linked the eastern and western part of the country. Her policies are related to create friendly relations with other countries (Shrestha, 2002:237). Later in the 2001 elections, her party was defeated and she became an opposition leader. The elections were to be held in 2007, but later the schedule was changed and the elections become delayed. Sheikh Hasina Wajid was arrested on the charges of bribery and some other charges. Then in 2008 elections, Awami League formed a grand alliance with fourteen other political parties and won an absolute majority. Sheikh Hasina Wajid again took the responsibility of the country as a prime minister in January 2009(Foley, 2013:222). This time she is more enthusiastic. The first initiative took by her government is the formation of a committee for the restoration of the original constitution. Her government also announced the women development and education policies in 2010. Women development policies ensures the equal property rights for the women and specified forty percent quota for women in different government jobs including parliament and local bodies. While in the education policy, they make free primary education compulsory and the emphasis would be more on the scientific and technological education. She also took initiatives to solve all her problems with the opponent BNP for the betterment and progress of the country (Mastoor, 2009:23). Her government also signed an accord in 2011 on the four-decade old border dispute with India. According to the accord, demarcation of the boundaries of both the countries and the exchange of their occupied area of about seven thousand acres and fifty thousand people are to be return. During her rule, government tribunal was formed to investigate the members of the Bangladesh Islamist party Jammat-i- Islami was charged with the war crimes because of their cooperation with Pakistan during the liberation war of 1971(Chopra, 2015:211).

2.7 CORAZON AQUINO (PHILIPPINES) The first female Filipino leader, Corazon Aquino being ascended to the highest post of Presidency was born in 1933 and died of Cancer in 2009. She was the daughter of a Jose Cojuangco, sugar baron and have owned a family bank. Her father was also a member of the National Assembly of Philippines. Both of her grandfathers were also the

59 respected senators. Her initial schooling was at Manila. Later, after the family moved to USA in 1946 where she completed her education. She had been graduated from Mount St. Vincent College in New York City in 1954 and had married with a young politician of Philippines Benigno Aquino. She had supported her husband in his political career but lived her life as a simple housewife with five children (Magill, 1999:86). Marcos won the elections and became the elected president of Philippines in 1965 and in 1969. But, he imposed Martial law (1972-1986) which deteriorated the socio- economic and political situation of the country and raised many problems (Quimpo, 2012:n.d). He also treated the opponents brutally. Senator Beningo Jr was among his political opponents who remained a senator from 1967-72(Powers et al., 2011:23). Beningo and his companions faced imprisonment (September 1972-May 1980) and had faced forced exile for three years. On his return in August 1983, he was assassinated at Manila airport which further intensify the already turbulent situations (Magill, 1999:86). Popular uprising against the dictatorial rule of Marcos pressurized him to conduct legislative elections held in 1984, where the opposition minority became successful. This success further boosted the energies of the opposition to continue their struggle against the dictator. Later, worst economic conditions of the country and the foreign pressure compelled Marcos to conduct Presidential elections in February 1986. These elections were won by Corazon Aquino (the widow of Senator Beningo). She held the post of Presidency from 1986-1992(Gin, 2004:168). She was a courageous women who had started a revolution through People‘s Power against the dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, who had murdered her husband senator Benigno , S Aquino in 1983(Julio , 2012:201). Though she gained power after the assassination of her husband, but she was inexperienced politicians and was targeted by her political rivals time and again. These criticisms further increased her image as a morally good political leader who always work for the welfare of their people instead of her personal interests (Thompson, 2013:156). It was possible only because of her courage which brought twenty years dictatorship of Marcos to an end and raised the flag of democracy in chaotic, economically and politically unstable Philippines (Maynard, 1987:03). Though she was inexperienced politician, simple house wife but was backed and supported by the Catholic Church bishops, the businessmen and civil society groups for her morality and her fair struggle for democracy and justice. This noble mission was started by her husband but was followed by her. They monitored the elections and

60 marched against the dictator which resulted the Marcos to escape to US. Corazon Aquino became the first female elected President of Philippines. She formed a commission to draft the constitution with a strong President and guaranteed full civil rights (Thompson, 2015:208-209). Aquino worked for the stabilization of economy by bringing back wealth of the country embezzled by Marcos. Her policies regarding good governance, security, human rights and security of the people of Philippines and regained the military support are the work of a true leader. Current President Benigno, Noynoy, S Aquino III is the son of President Corazon Aquino. She was from the elitist class, staunch Catholic. Time and situation made her to enter into politics and united her people against the dictatorial rule of Marcos who struggled hard for the restoration of democracy (Coronel, 2009: 04). She retired from public office in June 1992, but continued her struggle for the Filipinos. She raised her voice against the President Joseph Estrada in 2001 on the basis of fraudulent presidential elections. President Arroyo demanded his resignation but never actively participated in the politics again for the purpose to provide chances to the young blood (McKee & Wallerstein, 2009:03).

2.8 THE RISE OF WOMEN POLITICAL LEADER: CRITICAL ANALYSIS The above mentioned women reached to top leadership positions in countries where women are far from achieving political equality and their rights (Lithgow, 2000:01). However, ironically women politicians of the Northeast, Southeast and South Asia also led many governments and the opposition movements. In Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, India and Philippines women are predominant in politics and have occupied top leadership posts as presidents and prime ministers several times in their respective countries. The most notable among them are Srimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika Kumaratunga (Sri Lanka), Corazon C. Aquino and Gloria Macapagal- Arroyo(Philippines), Benazir Bhutto(Pakistan), Indira Gandhi & Sonia Gandhi(India), Aung San Suu Kyi(Burma), Megawati Sukarnoputri(Indonesia), Wan Azizah Wan Ismail (Malaysia), Begum Khalida Zia and Sheikh Hasina Wajid(Bangladesh). Mostly, the political victimization and crisis situations of family and country excel these women in public domain and motivate them to endeavour for the rights and prosperity of public. Further, Fleschenberg argues that they are the elected representatives of their people but are the descendent from socially and politically influential families and ruling dynasties (Fleschenberg, 2009:24-25). It is often assumed that their political legacy

61 grant them top leadership positions of party leadership, prime ministers, presidents and opposition leaders (Derich &Thompson, 2013:30;Jalalzai, 2004). These women political leaders have ably led the political parties of their husbands and fathers. Basu argues that they are either the daughters of the founding fathers or the influential figures of their respective countries. They are/were the privileged political ladies whose parents or husbands served the country as prime ministers or former politicians (Basu, 2005:06). They skilfully led their political parties and united the dispirited public, and had articulated their hopes and ably gained their support as well. Though these women political leaders laid the foundation of dynastic model of democracy, they became the successors of the political positions of the slaying male members of their families and set a pattern for the future females to occupy the political positions in the same hereditary manner (Tuminez, 2012:08; Altson, 2014:203; Jensen, 2008: 15 ). Being the successors of the political victimized male, they benefitted by gaining the sympathies and support of their people. Derich and Thompson mentioned Srimavo Bandaranaike prominence as ‗weeping widow‘ and ‗mother of the orphan children‘ (Derich & Thompson, 2013:21). Srimavo Bandaranaike got sympathies of public through a political narrative highlighting the achievements and sacrifices made by her husband and her own ordeals in response to the death threats at the death of her husband (Jensen, 2008:16). But, their skills and strategies to manipulate the situations in a manner to create a suitable environment in the patriarchal and traditional societies‘ further facilitated them in political struggle. Scholars posit that the education of these women leaders such as Indira Gandhi, Benazir Bhutto and Chandrika Kumaratunga from the reputed colleges and universities, the social strata and their privileged class as compared to the general population also facilitated them in their rise to top leaderships (Jalazai & Krook, 2010:08; Deeba & Wilson, 2013:80). These privileges further increased their probabilities of success and leadership (Fleschenberg, 2008: 02 & 39). Though, mostly women political leaders are inexperienced politicians performing the typical traditional role as mothers and homemakers and they are considered to be symbolic leaders who can be easily influenced and controlled by the male party members as compared to the established male leaders (Bakshi, 2001:01). But these suppositions are nullified by the women political leaders as they prove themselves strong (Skard, 2015:155). They demonstrate political acumen and ability to improvise through fast

62 learning (Bakshi, 2001:01). Scholars have also referred to their intelligence, ethics (Derichs & Thompson, 2013), efficiency (Alston, 2014: 235), trustworthiness and honesty and risk taking in tumultuous political environment as compared to their male associates (Skard, 2015:156). The effectiveness of a political leader lies in their sincerity, honesty and trustworthiness. Women politicians demonstrate these characteristics (Davidson, 2004:70). Thus skills, characteristics and qualities demonstrated by Asian women leaders such as both Corazon Aquino and Srimavo Bandaraika were politically inexperienced but their supporters considered them to be very ethical, morally upright and reliable leaders with illustrious political history of public welfare (Thompson, 2013:156). Women political leaders from South Asia have taken the charge of the disorganized political parties when the later were in bad shape. Each of the six women leaders (Indira Gandhi, Srimavo & Chandrika Bandaranaika, Khalida Zia, Sheikh Hasina Wajid and Benazir Bhutto) reorganized their parties in a much better way. This shows their ability as leaders in their own right (Gupta, 2014:191). Such politically skilled leaders are aware of the feeling, emotions and requirements of their people by creating friendly environment and are able to influence their people with the help of their skills to handle the difficult situation with ease (Braddy & Campbell, 2014:01). They recognized themselves as true leaders of their people which make them able to remain in power (Fernandes, 2014:72). Women politicians are able enough to impart a message of power, strength and decisiveness (Campus, 2013:06). Women leaders are not just the compromising leaders but they are strong enough to have adopted sound policies and took strong actions against those who sabotage their respective governments. For a politically skilled leader, social relationship is needed for the purpose to get the support of their people to achieve the objectives (Ferris et al., 2007:293-295). Women politicians through their former socialization and political skills formed their relationship across different constituencies and influenced their public in general to create a relationship with them in such a manner that they started including them in their struggle to achieve the desired goals (Klenke, 2011:56). This is also because women are believed to have good communication skills (Mirza & Jabeen, 2011:270; Lussier and Achua, 2013:10-11). Scholars have praised Benazir Bhutto political wisdom, courage, eloquent, endurance (Hossain, 2011:01) and commitment towards people‘s welfare and determination for the achievement of the set goals. Benazir Bhutto is credited as being

63 an effective and democratic leader because of her political skills as perseverance and determination (Shah. B, 2014). Similarly writers appraised Srimavo Bandaranaike courage, political skills, dedication, capacity to learn and toughness (De Silva, 2000:01). She was a modest, trusteed and powerful member of her cabinet (Richardson, 2005:308). While Indira Gandhi earned the title of an ‗Iron Lady of India‘ because of her tough actions against the odds (Thelikorala, 2011:01). With such exceptional skills, attributes and determination these women leaders became a role model and example for other women folk (Mydens, 2010:05). Similarly, apart for political skills, socialization and circumstances are important determinants for the emergence and amelioration of these political leaders. Socialization provided the force and skill to gain political power (Jalalzai & Krook, 2010:09; Halder, 2004:33). The grooming of Benazir Bhutto was totally for the political leadership.Benazir was brought up to be her father political heir. As an elder child of her family, she got special attention. Z. A. Bhutto took Benazir to attend his political meeting and conferences (Skard, 2015:125). Similarly, Indira Gandhi was also trained for politics, the fact that other ladies were able to hold their own in the tumultuous situation must be regarded as a tribute to their resilience as politicians (Dixit, 2008:45). Political socialization for Srimavo Bandranaike, Khalida Zia and Corazon Aquino started after the assassination of their husbands. They came to the forefront and achieved the leadership of their political parties founded by their consorts and then occupied the top leadership position of their countries as well (Jalalzai & Krook, 2010:09). Apart from skills, the circumstance/situation are also helpful in the emergence of these women leaders to the top political leadership positions and got political successes. (Jalalzai &Krook, 2010:09; Halder, 2004:33). Scholars postulates that the place, time and circumstances facilitates the rise of a great leader (Bass et al., 1981:38; Martin et al., 2006:45) and situational leadership demands the compatible leadership style to the involvement and capacity of their followers (Northouse, 2013 :99). The above mentioned women political leaders emerged in an uncertain, chaotic situations. They sought political power in dramatic situation created by military coup, murder or sudden death of a leader or opposition by authoritarian forces. Women leaders led peaceful movement against autocratic and military rulers (O‘Conner , 2010:384) and women are highly vulnerable in conflict situations, whether household related conflict or violence, community or local tensions, armed conflict and civil war(Mwagiru, n.d:01).

64 Political unrest, the demand for change and the unpopular regimes are helpful in providing opportunities to the women to take the leadership position (Skard, 2015:154). Authoritarian /military rule has curtailed democratic processes in some South Asian countries which opened ways for the empowerment of discriminated groups including women (Shaheed, n.d:07). These women got prominent leadership position through democratic revolution in Asia. Uncertain situation in their countries provide chances to the women politicians to hold the top political leadership positions as they are thought to be more honest, moral and selfless advocates of the cause of their assassinated /martyred father or husband (Shehabuddin, 2014:72). But all these women have their own experiences and have their own distinct style for configuring the influences and events (Martin & Borrelli, 1997:45). The emergence of Benazir Bhutto (Lithgow, 2000:05), Khalida Zia, Hasina Wajid (Foley, 2013:222) and Corazon Aquino have revolted against the dictatorial rule in their own ways. They faced different situations such as house arrest, exile threats and the assassination attempts. However, they survived and proved themselves as the substantiate leaders of the people because of their persistency in hard times (Shehabuddin, 2014:72), which paved the way for democracy and provide the fundamental rights of the people. Srimavo Bandranaike, Chandrika Kumaratunga (Martin & Borrelli, 1997:45) and Indira Gandhi faced different problems before and even after their commencement to top leadership positions from the secessionist/separatists group. Similarly, Benazir Bhutto also faced resistance from the conservative/religious parties like Jamat-i-Islami, JUI clerics supporting by the ulemas of Saudi Arabia issuing fatwas against the women rule. A series of violent acts and agitation started to destabilize the new elected government, but Benazir Bhutto called it the consequences of the election results by those who faced defeat and are backed by military (Ispahani, 2015:56). These women leaders have resisted militarism, desire to become equally represented in democracies (Pandey, 2005:17) raised their voices against military dictators. All the above mentioned women political leaders after gaining top leadership position, stood courageously against all odds and critical situations (Jensen, 2008:19) and despite the numerous hurdles and constraints, these women made their way to advance to top leadership positions. They also achieved remarkable progresses by learning leadership skills like their male counterparts (Foley, 2013:230). Women leaders after gaining power in critical situations proved themselves as survivors. Indira Gandhi appeared as a champion of democracy and steadfast leader who

65 would not bow before any one. For this reason, she was given the title ‗Durga4‗mother (Hindus Goddess). However, Indira Gandhi was also given the title of ‗Kali‘5because of her oppressive measures against her opponents (Panday, 2005:52). These women leaders are the pioneer of advancing the positive political change in traditional societies such a change is important to create an atmosphere for the women to be equally suitable to run the political office. These women mobilised politicians and traditional leaders to accept women in the parliaments and endure higher self-esteem and confidence (Kumari, 2014). Through their experience, women political leaders improved their decision-making skills. They brought necessary changes within their countries in spite of the unfriendly social and political environment. Their political leadership have transformed general perception regarding the status of women as weak, inferior and innocent to strong, intelligent and capable leaders. Their leadership enables women voices to be more influential and prominent within governance processes (Kumari, 2014).

2.9 CONCLUSION Strong social and politically influential family ties facilitated the above mentioned women politicians to acquire political leadership. However, their own political skills and the ability to use the situation in which they rose to power are also an important contributing factors. They have the unbeatable courage, patience, intelligence, moral and ethical characters which enabled them to occupy the top leadership positions and also to retain them. They won the support and trust of their followers in general over a period of time and this ensured their stay in power. Such popular support is evident from the fact that different titles were extended to them such as ‗goddess‘ (Indira Gandhi), ‗mother‘, and ‗daughter‘ (Benazir Bhutto). Therefore, we can conclude that women political leaders in Asia acquired top political positions and retained them (such as Prime Minister, President) primarily through their consistent struggle and extraordinary talent. They also retained those positions for a period of time. Such examples also served to inspire more women to get into politics and acquire leadership positions in their respective countries.

4 Durga: The righteous Hindu Goddess who got success on slaughtering the demon, riding on her lion. 5 Kali: Black one, she is also the Hindu‘s Goddess considered as a symbol of destruction and fury who also fought against demons and evils. According to their sacred book when Durga loses control or when faces dreadful enemy, Kali is born from Durga anger and embody her furore. Kali generally threatened order and stability. She is the goddess of Fierce. Her worshippers considered her as a mother of sympathy.

66 CHAPTER – 3

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STATUS OF PUKHTUN WOMEN

It is pertinent to analyse the socio-economic and political status of Pukhtun women in order to understand the struggle of Nasim Wali Khan. This will put her case in a proper context as well. The economic, political and social status of women in Pukhtun society assist us comprehend the structural conditions in which these women live and struggle. Their situations acquaint us about the hindrances which are still obstructing the way of these women. In this chapter history, customs, traditions, behaviours and attitudes of the Pukhtun men towards women are discussed for the purpose to identify the main hindrances confronted by Pukhtun women in various fields of life including politics. Though, there are some exceptions where Pukhtun women gained political prominence, however the overall conditions are discouraging towards women political participation. Majority of the Pukhtuns inhabit areas constituting parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan. The triangular shaped area of about 250, 000 square miles between the Central Asia, South Asia and the Iranian Plateau of Sijistan starts from Dir in the North moves along the Indus turns West wards towards Dera Ismail Khan in the South, where it is connected with Sharigh, Degar Loralai, Harnai, Quetta, Pishin, Chaman and Qandahar and extends towards Herat. From this place, it moves into the foothills of Hindukush in the North-East and again annexed to Dir (Caroe, 1958: XVIII). The larger part of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (province of Pakistan) and 3/4th South East region of Afghanistan consisted of this area. This mountainous area is divided between Pakistan and Afghanistan. They form the World‘s largest group of tribesmen. The demographic details of Pukhtuns are obscure because of their residence in remote areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan. Particularly, their number in Afghanistan is not known because no official census is done in Afghanistan recently. However, various estimates show that Pukhtuns are over 30 million (Barry, 2013: 20). Pukhtun population is not limited to Pak-Afghan borderland. There is considerable population of Pukhtuns in urban areas of Pakistan such as Karachi and as well. Pukhtuns also live as diaspora in Europe and USA for quite some time. They have substantial presence in Middle East as labourers and businessmen.A small minority of Pukhtuns is also present in India and Bangladesh as well. Pukhtuns, throughout the world, have some common features, most notably their

67 language locally known as Pukhtu or Pashto language, unwritten code of conduct (Pukhtunwali) and their strict adherence to Sunni Islam, but with exceptions of Shias of Kurram agency and some other areas (Danver, 2013:559). There are different explanations regarding the origin of Pukhtuns. Pukhtuns consider themselves the descendants of a mythical figure called Qais Abdur Rashid, who is believed to have travelled from Hindu Kush to Arabia and accepted Islam directly at the hands of the Holy Prophet Mohammad (P.B.U.H) and died in 662C.E (Christensen, 1988:144; Dyndo, 2007:07). However, some scholars argue that Pukhtuns are a race born out of the intermarriages of Aryans with foreign invaders in Pak-Afghan borderland. Pre-Islamic Pukhtun culture dates back to 330 BCE (Khan, 2015). Others claim that Pukhtuns are the descendant of Afghana (grandson of King Saul of Israel) who ruled during 11 century BCE, the lost tribe of Israel (Danver, 2013: 559). A Pukhtun scholar, Pareshan Khattak opposes all the early theories related to the origin of Pukhtuns. He argues that the absence of proper historic precedents regarding the above mentioned theories make them ambiguous. He argues that Pukhtuns have their own specific identity through which they are recognized with. Since their known origin Pukhtuns have been distinctive and therefore cannot be relating to other ethnicities or nations. They are neither Aryans nor Mongols. Pukhtuns is an ancient nation with centuries old civilization (Khattak, 2005). Pareshan Khattak further argues that historically Pukhtuns lived in close proximity with different nations, they have adopted some characteristics still observed in form of Pukhtunwali. Khattak illustrates that if we analyse the Aryans nation, we observed that they respected their elders. They didn‘t follow the inherited monarchy. Similarly their social system is based on Tribalism. Tribal system made the Aryans united as a nation against the invaders. They were hospitable. They honoured their guests and offered them good meal. Khattak argues that all these features are present in Pukhtunwali as well. However, still Pukhtuns are identified as a distinct nation who followed their own codes of conduct in the form of Pukhtunwali since their inception (Khattak, 2005:194). I argue that despite different theories regarding their origin, Pukhtuns have a strong sense of solidarity towards each other and they consider themselves as the descendants of a single forefather who lived somewhere in Afghanistan. Thus, belief in common ancestry makes them united through an organized social order. This is often typical of tribal societies which trace their lineage to a patriarchal head with blood ties connecting the entire tribe. Following is a detail of their social and political existence.

68 SOCIAL STRATIFICATION OF THE PUKHTUN SOCIETY

Segmentary lineage system forms the very basic structure of the society. There is hierarchy of social groupings in such societies. Such grouping started from the local level moving upward through several levels and forms the entire ethnic group. The relationship is based on shared values, culture and kinship. Pukhtuns are highly concerned with the origin, genealogies and descent (Caroe, 1958). Barfield argues that prime loyalty of Pukhtuns is towards their kin, village, tribe and ethnic group generally termed as qawm (Barfield, 2010:18). Family forms the very base of the Pukhtuns‘ hierarchical structure. Kul (family) is usually used for enlarged family while Koranai and Tabar is used for smaller family. Kul is sometimes used for referring to a group of families closely related to each other. They have maintained their individuality and identity (Kilcullen.2009:74). These extended families united together in smaller groups forming lineage (Plarganey), which united together in kinship groups are called clans (Khels). These multiple kin groups form a tribe (qawm). They usually united against the common rivals who threatened their existence (Munoz, 2010:04). Tribes (qawm) are usually comprised of number of groups and sub-groups (Khels). There are numerous subdivisions who occupied specific areas close to each other. Tribe is basically a social organization which is based on lineage and locality. They share common ancestry, language, culture and history (Kakar, 1979; Moghaddam et al, 2012:807). Likewise Barth provides specifics of the traditional arrangements of Pukhtuns organizations. He posits that Pukhtuns present in the central belt of the barren hills are engaged in mixed agriculture (Barth, 1969:118). Mostly tribesmen are descendants of the common predecessors. Pukhtuns are organized in patrilineal segmentary lineage system (Barth, 1969:118). These levels of organization exist within the Pashtun tribal system. Tribal society maintained peculiar mannerism, values, norms and traditions (Kilcullen, 2009:74). In other words, Lindholm called such social structure an ―acephalous, patrilineal segmentary system‖. This means that they lack institutionalized leadership and hierarchy as well (1982: xxiv). Barth argues that Pukhtuns living in the plains, valleys of Pakistan are mostly arduous agriculturist with having artificial irrigation system. They are the land owners while the villagers serve them in the lands as their tenants. Pukhtun population living in

69 the towns are traders, administrators, craftsmen and labourers as well. Likewise, some Pukhtuns are living a pastoral life politically organized as tribes. Barth states that politically Pukhtuns are segmentary organization of the Pukhtun descent group. In some areas they are living without an institutionalised leadership while in some areas having a quasi-feudal system with subject to bureaucratic administration (Barth, 1969:118). I argue that recently their socio-economic organization has changed considerably. Different classes according to the wealth, property and authority have emerged among them. All these classes are engaged in different professions/works which determine their position in their society. The proprietorship of wealth and land gave powerful status to Pukhtuns in their society. Alam (2012: 315) posits that in Pukhtun tribal areas, affluent and powerful elites are the Maliks. They are actually the chief of their tribes who enjoyed highest status in their respective tribes while in settled areas they are called as Khanans (Swat areas), Nawabans (Mardan) and similar names granted to them according to their status in the society. So, the status and engagement of work in Pukhtun society is based on the distribution and possession of wealth and land. The landless or small landholders are engaged in farm related activities, while the one with possession of large lands are landlords to farmers (Alam, 2012: 315). Poor people of the tribe serve rich in their homes as their servants (Khitmatgaran) and in fields as their tenants. Holy groups of the Pukhtun tribesmen as Mian, Sayyids and also land owners are on top of the hierarchy. Then, other groups as Mullahs (who perform the religious duties have a marginal involvement in political affairs of Pukhtun society), shopkeepers, goldsmith, tailors, carpenters, shepherds, barbers, butchers, musicians and dancers are placed in lower categories. People of all these categories are politically, socially and economically dependent on the landlord families (Ahmed, 2006: 19-20). Similarly, women of high social status are partly visible in public places whereas more specifically women of elite class in the villages are confined to the four walls of their houses and not permitted to move outside freely. Female of poor families mostly help their males in fields and also perform household chores at homes of the wealthy Pukhtun families (Alam, 2012: 315). Nevertheless, this is changing with the passage of time. Major changes occurred after 1970‘s. Considerable number of Pukhtuns went to Gulf States for earning. The remittances they sent home have brought changes in economic and social structures of Pukhtuns. The number of landholders have increased considerably which led to the transformation of social stratification (Rafiq, 2017:78). Undoubtedly, Pukhtuns living in any part of the world have a great respect

70 towards Pukhtunwali, they follow the code variently. Pukhtuns have always considered the code (Pukhtunwali) an ideal conduct and have been trying to observe and follow it by for centuries.

PUKHTUNWALI: AN UNWRITTEN CODE OF CONDUCT

Pukhtunwali is a flexible code of conduct which is not static but dynamic and negotiable. It covers political, socio- economic and religious aspects of life. These attributes are closely associated by Pukhtuns with their Pukhtun identity. These are not attributes themselves but a complex form of concepts of justice and honour which is derived from Pukhtuns specific value orientations. These value orientations are autonomy, equality, bravery, individuality and aggressiveness, collectively named as Pukhtunwali (Krbek & Pollitt, 1977:15). Rehman states that Pukhtunwali is centuries‘ old unwritten code of conduct, followed by Pukhtuns at the cost of their lives (Shams-ur- Rehman, 2015:299). Thus, different features of Pukhtunwali are still followed and respected by Pukhtuns. One of the features of Pukhtunwali is Jirga, which is considered to be the very cause of its flexibility, where issues and disputes are discussed and resolved (Taj, 2011). Another feature of Pukhtunwali is Melmastia (hospitality) for which Pukhtuns are characterized with (Lindholm, 1982:211). Melma means guest. They are honoured and respected by Pukhtuns. Once under the roof of Pukhtuns, they are treated as guests and served well with good food, place and shelter (Ali, 2013:02). Barth argues that these informal institutions are the facilitating factors for Pukhtuns to maintain their common values and specific identity within a segmentary population (Barth, 1969:123). Similarly, if an individual is an asylum seeker and wants protection of his life from his foes, such guests will be given every possible protection against his enemies (Lindholm, 1982:211; Taj, 2011:02). This is termed as Panah or protection (Saigol, 2013:50). Likewise, if the culprit seek mercy at the house of the victims, Nanawati (shelter) is granted to them (Harnden, 2014:25). Badal (revenge) is another code of conduct (Lindholm, 1982:211) which should be taken at any cost. Responsibility of revenge ran deep in the blood of Pukhtuns (Easwaran, 1999:17). Miakheil argues that Pukhtuns never forget to take a revenge, though sometimes it may defer for some purpose, as according to the Pakhtu proverb, ―Ka cheeri Pukhtun, khapal badal sal kala pas ham wakhle no beya ham-e-bera karay da”

71 Translation: if a Pukhtun took his revenge after hundred years, he still seems to be in a hurry (Miakheil, 2003:5)

So revenge is taken against the wrongdoers, otherwise such family or individuals lose prestige in the society. To protect themselves from such stigma, Pukhtuns involve themselves in unending blood feuds (Miakheil, 2003:5). Thus, revenge is the liability on the shoulders of an affected family or tribe which should be taken in any way by any generation. This code of conduct (Badal) even destroys the lives of more than one generations. Mostly, Pukhtuns prefer to live in joint family system which enhances their family solidarity and welfare. Such communal life is a source of their economic security and social integrity. But with the passage of time, this joint family system is changed into an individualistic pattern especially in an educated and well off section of the society. Similarly, Pukhtun society is following the aggregate culture. Altson states that Pukhtuns have a composite and aggregate culture. They avoid individualism. They are interrelated with one another (Altson, 2014). So, tribal culture and Pukhtunwali are reformulated in terms of mutual responsibility and solidarity. Nationally the notion of tribal independence is termed as Pukhtun autonomy which makes them united against any aggression (Verkaaik, 2012:70). Thus, Pukhtuns work for the welfare of group instead of individual. Likewise, honour of the group and of the individuals is bound together. Protection of honour is responsibility of the whole Pukhtun community which is to be protected at any cost more specifically against those who tried to infringe it (Altson, 2014). Similarly, Sharam (shame), Peghore (taunt) are also important codes of Pukhtun culture and any harm to life, property and respect of women, family, culture, ethnicity, community and nationality is attached to Nang (honour) and couldn‘t ignore in any situation (Khattak et al., 2001:02). Ghairat (courage), Tor, Nang, Namus (honour of women) and Pardah (segregation of gender) are also features of Pukhtunwali (Barth, 1969:122) in order to protect their females against anyone. It is stated that feature of ghairat is central to Pukhtun culture. It gives them the spirit of pride, zeal, autonomy, courage and self- assertion related to being a Pukhtun and doing Pakhtu. Ghairat is close to their hearts and in case of insult or challenge, they never hesitate to take even the lives of others or sacrifice themselves. Otherwise, they earn the title of beghairat (without honour). It is stigma to them and are considered as weak and impotent. Thus, ghairat compels Pukhtun to defend the honour of his family and tribe at any cost. According to the Pukhtu proverb ―a Pukhtun will throw himself in the fire for the sake of his honour”

72 (Culver, 2008: 74). Similarly, protection of Namus is mandatory act on part of Pukhtuns. The responsibility lies on each end every member of the Pukhtun community to protect Namus of family, village and society. Protection of females, land (also Motherland) and property are termed as Namus. Those individuals who either leave the place or to fight for his honour and are better able to protect their Namus should earn Ezzat (honour). But, if anyone fails to do so would have no ezzat in the society. It is stated that it is worthwhile to die instead of living without honour. As mentioned in the proverb, “Mal me da Sara Jar Sha aw Sar me da Namus na Jar sha” means I will sacrifice my wealth for my head and will sacrifice my life for my Namus‖ (Miakhel, 2003:3). Protection of women, land (also Motherland) and property are considered as the foremost duty of Pukhtuns. Likewise, Pukhtun protect and defend their females against any mishap which destroys the very image of family, tribe and even Pukhtun community. Otherwise, women have to pay price of the family honour in different forms as swara6, pardah (seclusion of women), honour killing and restriction on their free movement (Altson, 2014). Violation of any of these codes could not be tolerated. Any violations against them would lead to bloodshed. Likewise, Torah (bravery) and Imandari (truth) are the codes present in blood of Pukhtuns (Ali, 2013:04). Mashartia (respect for elders), saritob which is manliness (Ahmed, 2006:16), Siyali (equality), Qawm (Tribal or Ethnicity), Qawmi Taroon (Tribal binding), Hamsaya (neighbour or outsider living within a village or family) are also crucial codes of conduct. Jirga (assembly of male elders) has the responsibility to supervise and implement these codes (Barth, 1959:67). Jirga is a meeting of the reputable people of Pukhtun community that has the authority to settle the dispute in a manner acceptable to both the sides (Shams-ur-Rehman, 2015:298). Thus, Pukhtunwali covers almost every aspect of life whether economic, religious, social and political. So being an ideal Pukhtun, observance of these codes along with true faith in Islam is crucial.

6 For the settlement of disputes, sometimes the aggrieved party receive compensation in the form of diyat( payment or acceptance of blood money), Qisas(eye for an eye etc) or Swara. Swara is a custom in which the female of a culprit family is given to the aggrieved family. It is a constant reminder for the end of the conflict.

73 ISLAM AND PUKHTUNWALI Pukhtuns have greater affection towards Pukhtunwali and religion Islam. They consider both the same (Minhaj-ul-Hasan, 2015:215). Majority of Pukhtuns are Sunni Muslims. Great Pukhtun poet, Rehman Baba strongly respond to those who consider Islam and Pukhtunwali as different. Rehman Baba replied: ―You keep on considering Pashto and Islam as two different things, whereas in my opinion if God were to be a human being, He surely would have been a Pakhtoon” (Singh et al, 2014:n.d).

Religion is significantly visible in their acts and behaviour. Barth argues that Pukhtun society has the influence of both Islam and Pukhtun ethnic values. Pukhtunwali is followed along with Sharia law (Barth, 1981). Pukhtuns consider themselves as genuine Muslims as they have not gone through late conversion. They claim that their ancestor Qais Abdur Rashid became the first disciple of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) at that time when most of Arabs were infidels (Christensen, 1988: 144). Undoubtedly, Pukhtuns are the believers of Islam. Pukhtuns believe that they have accepted the religion Islam collectively. Islam is the dominating factor in the formation of their social structure and ideology. They also follow Islamic law (Shariah). Although, there are slight differences in the dialects, customs and traditions of every Pukhtun tribe, but shared social norms. Thus, Pukhtuns are abiding by two types of codes, Islamic law and Pukhtunwali (Naz et al., 2012:63). Glatzer (1998) states that it is ingrained in the mind of Pukhtuns that Islam and Pukhtunwali are one and same things. Their codes are engraved in their historical context and traditions. Such codes are practiced by Pukhtuns of both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Honour, shame and fight for the right cause (Jihad) have resonance in Islam. Similarly, fighting without a just cause is prohibited by both Islam and Pukhtunwali. Pukhtuns call the warriors as Mujahideen and pitiable displaced peoples as Muhajerin. Pukhtuns used these terminologies even today, which reminds us the exodus of the Prophet (PBUH) to Madina. Similarly, the ongoing war in Afghanistan against the foreign troops is considered as jihad by Pukhtuns and martyr in the war is entitled as Shaheed (Glatzer, 1998:9-10). Pukhtuns meticulously observe religious rituals like fasting, Prayers, Zakat (money or other daily items granted to poor), Hajj (Pilgrimage) and Jihad (holy war

74 against the infidels). Similarly, Pukhtuns considered that their identity is with the observance of Pukhtunwali. It is a matter related to honour and their integrity is in the practice of Pukhtunwali. Thus, they thought themselves both as Muslims following the Islamic laws and Pukhtuns by practicing Pukhtunwali as similar things. Pukhtuns prefer religion for modelling an ideal life. They considered religion ―a moral code and is the Allah‟s will for the amelioration of humanity”, but followed Pukhtunwali while taking decisions regarding the communal matters (Kaker, 2003:03). So, it is commonly observed that in the implementation of their decisions they grant secondary status to the religion. Thus, religion comes in contradiction with customs. Islam not only govern their lives, but grant them an Islamic identity of being a Muslim. Both customary laws and Islam are truly observed in the same manner, but a great difference is seen in its implementation (Naz et al., 2012:65). I argue that Pukhtuns have amalgamated both Islam and Pukhtunwali in a manner which benefitted males of the society. Different features of Pukhtunwali grant subjugated position to women and in turn restrict their lives. Likewise, the interpretation of the Quranic verses by the religious scholars' further grant dominating status to males in various matters. These are some of the factors which make females of the traditional societies more vulnerable. Pukhtun women confront different challenges in society which obstruct their way to a relatively better standard of life as well as towards their success. No doubt, Pukhtuns consider themselves as true Muslims abiding by the Islamic rules and having similarities in their code of conduct as well as in Islam. But, there are some observable differences in both Islam and Pukhtunwali, which increase hurdles for women in their way to successful life. Pukhtunwali governs various aspects (ideological, social, cultural and political) of Pukhtun lives most notably while dealing with the rights of Pukhtun women. Mostly, customary laws formed by patriarchal social organization are followed. Islam occupies more ideological place while the dominating position is that of their customary laws. Both (Customary laws and Islam) are truly observed in the same manner but a great difference is seen in its implementation (Naz et al., 2012:65). Pessala argues that though Islam is intermingled in Pukhtunwali but is different in many ways (2012: 01). Islam provides protection, liberty and rights to women being as a mother, sister, wife and a daughter. Islam granted them property and inheritance rights but totally neglected by the Pukhtun society which make them subservient to the male members of the family. Pukhtun society is being monopolized by male members (Qadeer, 2015:1268). In Pukhtunwali, women are

75 deprived of the rights of property and inheritance (Naz et al., 2012:69). The right of Zar (gold), Zan (women) and Zameen (land) are male possessions in Pukhtun society (Naz et al., 2012: 70). Likewise, majority of females are deprived of education. They are also not allowed to engage in economic activities outside their houses. Pukhtuns consider houses as the true moral and religious place for their women (Naz et al., 2012:04). Females of the Pukhtun society are bound by their customs and even sacrifice their lives for safety of their family honour and security of their family male members. The above situation makes lives of the Pukhtun women more deplorable. They faced different religious, socio-cultural, economic and political hindrances which impedes their way to progress.

IMPEDIMENTS TO WOMEN PROGRESS 3.1 RELIGIOUS AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES The religious practices and cultural norms are often justified through selective reading of religious text which create hindrances in the way of women political participation and empowerment. Such interpretations favour the patriarchal notion and subjugate women of the society. Similarly, use of religion by different sections of the society to promote their interests, creates more problems. Saleem states that religion and patriarchy go side by side in patriarchal societies. Lives of women are controlled by religious beliefs. They even face discrimination in the name of religion. Restrictions are imposed on them in the name of religious and societal norms like wearing the veil and minimum visibility in public places and many more (Saleem, 2006:7). So the diversity between the theological and living Islam increases burden for women. Fatima Mernissi (leading feminist writer) argues that early Muslim scholars have interpreted the sacred text according to their own interest. They have misguided the people and manipulated Islam. She further states that Hadiths were elaborated in a manner that benefitted males and subjugated women (Mernissi, 1995:119). So wide discrepancies are visible regarding the status of women in religion, traditions and later the actual situation as well (Kaushik, 1993: XII). Likewise, Critelli discusses situation in the tribal belt of Pakistan. She posits that Pashtun women living in these areas are suffering due to absence of state laws. Seven Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have a special status in legal and administrative system of Pakistan. Mostly, affairs in these areas are run by local council of elders with nominal interference from the state. People of such areas run their affairs through their old tribal customs of Pashtunwali. Rather, women in the settled areas have

76 the protection of police and judiciary which is not available to women in these areas (Critelli, 2010:239). People of these areas follow both Sharia laws and customary laws for their personal issues. Their policies toward women are implausible and inconsistent (Critelli, 2010). It is stated that “Pukhtuna nim Quran mani: nim Pukhtunwali” (Pukhtuns half use Quran and half Pukhtunwali) (Christensen, 1988:145) Naz argues that Islam has a dominated role in the ideology and social structure of Pukhtuns. They abide by the Islamic law but also follow Pukhtunwali throughout the course of their social and religious life (Naz, 2011). Islam is closely related to the Pukhtun identity which is used by local, national and regional political domains. Therefore, Banerjee states that religious leaders used Islam for the unification of Pukhtuns in crises. She credited the ideology based on both Islam and Pukhtunwali behind the success of KK movement. This proves that Islam and Pukhtun customs move beyond the living Islam and is used in the political and social reform movements as well (Banerjee, 2000:160). Christensen argues that Islamic teachings are blended with the Pukhtun identity to attract masses of the region and gain their support (Christensen, 1988). In today‘s world, religion is the prime force to impel and mobilize the public (Huntington, 1993:192). Thus, leaders through religiously legitimated appeal made an attempt to mobilize people for political actions. But in case of conflict, they further persuade them for correctness of their conduct through religious connotation (Christensen, 1988:145). Likewise, theological and intellectual rhetoric creates sectarian demarcation between different religious groups. Different groups and sects have their own interpretation of Islamic doctrines. This is because of the absence of single centrally acceptable religious authority, who left a vacuum of interpretation which in turn provides basis for various doctrines (Gaier, 2010:2). Christensen endorses the argument of Gaier (2010) and states that political conflict occurs, when different religious groups gave different interpretation of Islam. Some religious preachers combine state authority with the religious legitimation. They have their own yardsticks for the recognition of a good Muslim and identified those as the good subject who accepted their authority. Thus, through the measures of repression and rewards the state managed to gain support of the number of religious personalities who together promoted the version of Islam (Christensen, 1988:145). The difference between theological Islam and practical Islam is because of the diversity among the religious elites as well. Jan & Aman argue that the presence of varied religious political parties like Jamaat- e- Islami, Jammiyyat- ulama- e- Islam, militant

77 elements like Taliban and Tehrik- e- Nifaz- e –Shariat- e- Muhammadi(TNSM) have assimilated Islamic principles with the local customs to get legitimacy. Pukhtun cultural elements such as ‗honour‘ (Jan & Aman, 2015:22) and ‗Pardah‘ (Khan. A, 2007:20) have been interpreted by giving them religious connotation. Such interpretation creates hurdles for women particularly in the KP (erstwhile NWFP) and Baluchistan provinces and results in their absence from public life. Even though, there are notable differences in the status of women of urban and rural areas. Majority of women population in rural areas are denied of their basic fundamental rights, while urban women get a slightly better deal. Urban women have better access to education and job opportunities because of their access to resources. They are, therefore, unwilling to accept a subjugated role under the traditional patriarchal system (Saleem, 2006: 5-6). Similarly, Saigol argues that religion is used by the upper class to achieve, sustain and increase their power. By using these measures, they can easily reach to hegemonic ascendancy within the state and society (Saigol, 2009:38). The diverse interpretations of Islam by the state and religious elites regarding women and their participation in politics create difficulties in their lives, which make them dependent in every walk of their lives (Critelli, 2010). Shaheed argues that different strata of the society in Pakistan are using religion to protect their own interest (Shaheed, 2009). As religious preachers and parties have a significant influence especially in the rural areas. People of such areas grant them great reverence. Therefore, the upper class used them in their own favour as well. Like in 1970, when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power through his manifesto of Islamic socialism. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto also used Islam against his opponents as an important ground to political alternatives. This was welcomed by the general public which was the abolishment of large scale holding of private properties. But, it was a threat to the power base of landlords throughout the country. The economic transformation and market reforms of the government through socialism led to the decline of traditional power of the landlords across the country. The dilemma of a decline of such power was faced by the local khans of the KP province as well. These landlords made an alliance with the traditional mullahs (religious leaders) and local imams (prayer leaders) to issue fatwa (religious decree) against the abolishment of private property and declared it as Un- Islamic. They further declared the socialist policies of the government as a threat to Islam and to call for jihad against it. Such measures were taken by the landowners to secure

78 their property from being nationalised. Instead, they supported Nizam-e-Mustafa (System of Mohammad) campaign against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto rule. This led to the decline of Bhutto rule, while military leader Gen. Zial-ul- Haq promised to enforce Shariah (Orakzai, 2011:38). So, religion was used by the upper strata of the country to favour their own interest. Qasir posits that Zia‘s Islamisation program was focused on the social role of urban female. The slogan of Zia ideology “Chaddar‖ (veil) and “Chardivari‖(home) (Qasir, 1992: 118) believed in the confinement of women within their houses. So, Islam is used by the leaders to pave the way for politico-religious forces and to assert hegemonic control over the political discourse (Shaheed, 2009:6). During Zia- ul- Haq regime, the Islamic political ideology of Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) was followed. He mixed religion with politics for the purpose to gain legitimacy and acquired political allies to prolong the rule (Chengappa, 2004: 1-2). Scholars argue that such religious parties always opposed the liberation of women. They are even against the women‘s political participation and their presence in public life. In one such instance when Jammat- e- Islami (JI) launched a campaign against the women‘s involvement in the National Parliament (Awan& Kokab, 2016:846), they called it as against Islam, if a woman would lead the Islamic country. Therefore, they had opposed Benazir Bhutto to be an elected Prime Minister of Pakistan. Ulema perceived her leadership as pernicious to society and would damage the Islamic ideals regarding the family (Haeri, 1993:200). As Islamic scholars argue that a ―nation that would hand over its leadership to a woman would not enjoy welfare and prosperity. Pakistan would suffer if it was governed by a woman,”. “Women should stay at home. . . The religious scholars argue that there are many men in her party. Why don‟t they come forward?‖(Sekine, 2014:29). Saleem argues that Islamization process had a deep impact on women of the whole country but specifically of the North West Frontier Province (now KP), the already patriarchal society. Power and influence of these political parties began to increase and women began to live in fear of discrimination and subjugation in the name of religion (Saleem, 2006:8). Similarly, Mullahs (religious leaders) have a powerful impact in the rural areas. They have interpreted some of the verses of Holy Quran in a manner, which have a glimpse against the women‘s equality and political participation. Unfortunately, common Pashtun men followed their dictates (Jamal, 2015: 24). Khan argues that a major transition in societal mind-set became evident when

79 religious political parties formed government in KP and Baluchistan in 2002. The religious party‘s alliance Muttahida Majlis-e-‘Amal (MMA), became victorious in 2002 elections and formed a government (2002-2008) by using Islamic rhetoric during electoral politics in Pukhtun regions (Khan. J, 2014: 302). Religious parties had won majority in the Provincial Assembly of KP, due to the outburst of religious upheaval. They have also started campaign of Islamization in Pakistan, which had its deep impacts on the KP (Saleem, 2006:8-9). Jahangir (human rights activist and an advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan) states that religion is used for political purposes to sustain the insecure governments or to conceal the crucial issues of economic and social justice from the public (Jahangir, 2000). Khan states that religious affiliation acts as a determinant in restricting the women from politics. In our society, majority of women face restriction and opposition in political field on the plea that religion does not allow them to mingle with opposite sex openly. Likewise, religion is used as an effective tool against women political activists in the area. It strictly prohibits women from political involvement either as political candidate, voters or even joining campaigns or other electoral activities (Khan.A, 2007:5). Sherazi posits that women were not allowed to cast their votes in different districts of KP. Most notably in Buner district, women were barred from casting their votes in the constituency of provincial assembly PK-78 and in Sorey Union Council of Buner PK-78. Same situation was faced by women in the provincial assembly seat PK-94 of the Lower Dir. Likewise, in the Amankot village of Swat district, a Jirga was organized by the village elders, political workers and candidates for the purpose to ban women from casting their votes in 2013 elections (Sherazi, 2013). Similar, Boone (2015) endorses the argument and posits that political empowerment of women were thwarted by religious groups and political parties in Hangu, lower and Upper Dir. Likewise in 2013 elections, women were again deprived of their electoral rights in the name of local customs and traditions, while the local authorities grew into organized anti-women movement (Boone, 2015). Besides minimal presence of females‘ in the political field, women of the society are economically dependent as well. Amna Latif argues that under representation of women in politics is because of male dominance over the economic and other power resources (Latif, 2009:428). Islam guaranteed parity between males and females. The misinterpretation of Islamic rules by men make it biased against women. Such

80 interpretations cause male-domination in a society and grant women of such societies subjugated positions (Shahid. 2007:125). Similarly, the amalgamation of cultural norms with the religious interpretation make women more dependent. Cultural norms of the society encourage separation and isolation of women, often justified through religion connotation (Shaheed, 2009). I argue that the gender stereotyping through the cultural beliefs increased the problems of women more specifically of the pukhtun society. They are still facing problems like unemployment, illiteracy, exclusion from property and decision- making process which minimize their role in the societal matters as well. One of the cause for their minimal presence in the political field is their economic dependence as well. Naz, et al., (2012) argues that traditionally Pukhtuns have ambiguous norms for female inheritance. Property and other assets are distributed among family members. Property is pondered to be a symbol of authority and power and is related with males of the society. Thus, there is an observable difference in religious practices and cultural traditions of the area. Sharia has allocated property and inheritance rights to both the genders (Naz, et al., 2012:69). Khan posits that the significance of Zar (gold), Zan (women) and Zamin (land) are the main principles of Pukhtunwali and very base of the local ideology. The concept of family, property and private ownership provide dominance to male members in terms of inheritance which is a base of patriarchy. Mostly, males have been given the inheritance and property rights while Pukhtun women are denied of such rights (Khan. N, 2012:12). According to Pukhtunwali women are not entitled to own lands independently. Their shares in properties are seized by concerned males of the family. This makes them economically dependent on their males. Such economic dependence further subjugates them in the family as well as in the society. Thus deprivation of women in the economic field is also one of the causes of their exclusion from politics. Their economic status is not encouraging. Alam argues that women of rural areas are involved in home management, embroidery, sewing and agriculture activities such as livestock & poultry etc (Alam, 2012:313). While women in the urban areas have access to some income generated professions like teaching, medicines and recently their engagement in beauty salons. Absence or inadequacy of financial resources has a negative impact on their decision- making powers (Aderinwale, 1997). Mahbub –ul- Haq posits that cultural values have isolated women from economic activities (Mahbub-ul-Haq Human Development Center, 2000). Their main responsibility

81 is to perform the household chores. Their role is neither paid nor recognized. Similarly, males are considered to be the bread earners and are responsible for the whole family (Joseph et al., 2005:723). So, males are provider and protectors of the family while females are passive members. Majority of the women are not allowed to do jobs as well (Awan and Kokab, 2016: 05). Thus, deprivation and violence against women is prevalent in patriarchal societies (Agathangelou, 2002). Similarly, Perveen7 states that the diversity of opinion between customs, religion, and state laws is not limited to the Tribal belt only. But KP and FATA region are the most volatile areas for the human rights activists as well. Women activists have been criticized for their work by arguing that they are propagating the western agenda. She discussed one incident that in Kohistan district of KP province, a religious cleric, Maulvi Abdul Haleem warned female NGO workers in his sermon on 4 May 2012. He threatened them not to work in the district, otherwise they would be forcibly married with the locals. He further asserted that these women workers are influencing their native women in the name of education, employment and empowerment. He added that all these acts are un-Islamic and against the local customs and practices as well (Perveen, 2013:39) The above stated discussion demonstrates that discrepencies in the political and economic fields are deeply prevalent within the Pukhtun society which further subjugate them. Furthermore, these problem have adverse consequences in rural areas where lives are mostly traditionally driven. Such traditions assign more power to males who got more privileges in the field of politics and power. The blatant exploitation of religion by encouraging the socio-cultural restrictions such as discriminatory customs and traditions, patriarchal setup of society and economic dependence are the bases for the minimal role of women in the field of politics.

3.2 SOCIO-CULTURAL IMPEDIMENTS FACED BY THE PUKHTUN WOMEN

Socio-cultural values and practices are found in every social organization. The abidance of such practices enable the individuals to live in peace and harmony. These practices cover every field of life including social, economic, religious and political as well. But in Pukhtun society these practices are mainly male dominated which increase problems of women in Pukhtun society. Scholars argue that different norms of the Pukhtun society restrict women in their own way. These practices make the life of women

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82 more dependent and miserable. In Pukhtun patriarchal society, separate spheres are allocated for both males and females (Moghadam, 1992). Women of the Pukhtun society live according to the prevalent cultural values and social norms (Jamal, 2015:19). The observance of the prevailing norms and values make lives of these women more deplorable. Mann (2005:3) argues that males adopt aggressive and violent behaviour whereas females have passive and submissive attitude to protect honour of the family. Choo (2006:588) posits that women are considered to take the burden of cultural representation and are symbolic bearers of traditions, honour and national identity. Though in Pukhtun society, both genders are bound to Pakhtu, the word ‗Pakhto‟ is not only a language, but is a symbol of beliefs, attitudes, integrity and cultural identity of Pukhtuns. Since childhood, Pukhtuns are aware of their gender limitations. There is a clear demarcation of their responsibilities and duties as well. Grima Benedicte posits that hujra (men space), gun, turban, gherat (Honour), saritob (manliness), hospitality, granting an exile, badal (revenge) are men‘s Pakhtu while shame, modesty, tears, gherat, purdah and endurance of hardship are considered to be women Pakhtu (Grima, 1992 :01). But Namus (honour), Tarburwali (agnatic rivalry) is usually used in terms of enemy (Christensen, 1988:147). Different features of Pukhtunwali rely more on the protection of women. Pardah (an important feature of Pukhtunwali) should be observed by both Pukhtun men and women (Fazal, 2013:41). Different practices like Vulvar (bride money), swara, Tor and pardah in Pukhtun society make the lives of women vulnerable. Vulvar (bride money) is one such practice prevalent in Pukhtun society. According to the custom, males of the bride took money from bridegroom or his family. Family of bride considers it beneficial for a girl. But it has socio-psychological consequences which are faced by girls‘ throughout their lives. Through this custom, males of the society consider females as their movable properties. Vulvar further degrades women. They remained submissive as they are considered to be purchased like any other commodity. The purchased brides have no significance domestically as well (Khan. N, 2012:5). Similarly, swara is another prevalent custom of Pukhtun society. Swara is an alternative to eradicate the vendetta among tribes or even families. According to the custom, girl from the culprit family or tribe is given as compensation to aggrieved party. Swara is an old custom deep rooted in Pukhtun society. Local Pukhtuns followed the custom on the plea that through this custom, sacrifice of a girl can save life of the whole

83 family or tribe (Ali, 2018). The sacrifice of a girl is for seeking apology and forgiveness from the culprits. Girls are the victims of such practices who have to pay price of crime committed by males of the family or tribe. As mentioned in one of the Pakhtu song. Khowenday chay keenee roonra staee; roonra che keenee khowenday swaray kay warkaweena Translation: “When sisters get together, they kudos their brothers‘, but when brothers meet, they give their sisters away as Swara‖ (Minallah, 2006:1-2).

Another most prevalent custom is Tor. Literal meaning of Tor is black, but in Pukhtun context it means adultery or illicit relations. It is a crime, the punishment of which is execution. Anyone who is suspicious of illicit relations have been killed by the family of an involved female (Khan.N, 2012:7). But, Khan argues that sometimes this custom is used against the enemies as a reprisal. Tor is used against female of the opponent family by propagating her illicit relations. Without investigating the charges, women became the victim of suspicions as well. Women of these societies are disempowered who can neither defend themselves nor can escape execution (Khan.N, 2012:7) One ancient custom in Pukhtun society is Ghag (call someone). It is also a prevalent custom of Pukhtun society in which man declares his intentions to marry a particular woman. Different methods are used for Ghag. One simple method is that messenger is sent to the house of a woman to convey proposal of a man. Secondly, a man who wished to marry shoot a gun from the nearby mosque and announced the name of a particular girl. The worst consequence of Ghag is that girl and her family suffered throughout life. They lost their respect as name of a particular girl is announced publically. Sometimes, it may happen that men have no intentions of marrying a girl whose name is announced publically. In such cases, women being victim of such practices (unless release from the claim) are denied to be married by anyone else just to protect themselves from feuds. While those who resist Ghag have faced dire consequences (Kari, 2016). According to unofficial report, almost 20 girls have committed suicide being bound by the custom Ghag. In one such incident, Asma Rani a third year medical student was shot dead. She was killed by rejecting the marriage proposal from the married person and a father of two kids. Though, it is still unclear if Ghag was invoked before the murder but the circumstances are strikingly similar (Khan, 2018).

84 Recently a bill was presented by Sitara Ayaz (Provincial Minister for Social Welfare and Women Development) in the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly. Elimination of Custom of Ghag Bill 2012 was passed unanimously by the Assembly for eradication of a custom called ghag. The violators have to face seven years‘ imprisonment or Rs500, 000 fine or both (Ashfaq, 2013). I argue that though it is a positive step taken by the female MPA towards protection of Pukhtun females from the prevailing customs. But its fair implementation is also important for the security and progress of Pukhtun women. Similarly, Pardah is also an important custom of Pukhtun society. The embedded value of Pardah is visible in construction of houses as well. Residential areas with multiple entrances and high walls are believed to represents pardah. Houses are private domain and unrelated men are prohibited to enter. Similarly, hujra is male‘s area where females avoid entering (Ahmed, 2006:50). So, women have a place inside home while outer world is for men. This dissociation of private and public spheres between both genders in Pukhtun society is justified as honour of family, tribe and whole society which is possible only with the protection of their females. So in patriarchal societies, fate of females is in the hands of male members of concerned families (Naz et al., 2012:16). Scholars argue that responsibility of family honour lies on woman‘s shoulders whose modesty, dignity, chastity and honour are above all other matters. If any act of female gains bad reputation, her whole family is defamed. Such defamation becomes the basis of peighore (taunt). Bloodshed and feuds are initiated for the purpose to regain lost honour of a family. In some cases such vendettas continue for centuries. A woman responsible for damaging honour of a family through her wrong acts also loses her life (Naz et al., 2012:16). So, Pardah is pondered to be the most admirable manner for the safety and security of female‘s honour and reputation, which is related to the honour of family and tribe as well (Rzehak, 2011:10). Despite observance of pardah in strict sense, there is a great difference in the lives of women of tribal and settled areas. In Orthodox tribal families, women strictly observe pardah and have to remain within four walls of their houses. Their main responsibility is to perform household chores. Males are the protectors and providers of the whole family (Joseph et al., 2005:723). Barth posits that male of the family is authoritative to give his decision regarding the fate of the family. They have the right to keep family united or to expel members of the family (wife by divorcing her and children through disinheriting). Male member also controls the social assimilation of their family members, even restricts wife to meet her close relatives and controls the property as well (Barth, 1959: 22).

85 Most of the families of Pukhtuns‘ live in joint family system which leads to patriarchy because of the central role played by family and household (Lindholm, 1982). Thus, gender segregation is the patriarchal gender role which mostly confined women within houses (Barth, 1959). Further, in a patriarchal society females are recognized by male members of their family, however, in most cases they can even hide their names from the strangers because of the fear of earning bad repute to the family. Women instead of mentioning their names, if required, usually mention names of their male relatives (Alam, 2012:316). But Pukhtunwali is not static. In urban areas most of the females do not adhere strictly to the traditions and customs like in tribal areas. Women are allowed to move outside their houses, but in veil or sadar and are ushered by a servant, driver or other closest male relative (Ahmed, 2006:49). Similarly, they are also allowed for education and are permitted to do work of their own choices. However, the situation is opposite for females of the tribal areas (Alam, 2012:316). Similarly, relaxation in Pardah is being observed by older women of both the tribal and settled areas. Older women have more mobility, a greater access to resources and have more decision-making powers within the household as compared to younger women (Lindholm, 1996). They are able to move outside, spend a socialized life by visiting houses of relatives and neighbours and inform themselves about happenings around them (Grima, 1992: 48 & 96). Likewise, ‗mother‘ being a female has given great prestige and honour in family, clan and even tribe. Their orders are being respected because of great cultural value of the concept of ‗mother‘. It is obligatory on the whole tribe to respect and honour elders. So, any harm or insult of mother could lead to blood feuds and are not forgiven by Pukhtuns at any cost (Shah, 1998: 69). Elder women of family, tribe or clan is a source of creating a good relationship among people. They can bind family members with one another and represent their families while conducting Gham-Khadi. Elder women also attend marriage as well as funeral of the Pukhtun people, both in the land lord rich families and in poorest families (Ahmed, 2006: 43, 83 &128). Thus, Barth argues that age and gender are the two crucial factors in the division and distribution of family resources, power and labour (Barth, 1959). Despite their regards towards mother, women in general are forced to live according to Pukhtunwali (Naz et al., 2012:64). Particularly, under Pukhtunwali code the involvement of women in political sphere is considered to be a threat to the prestige and

86 honour of a family and tribe. Domain of politics is for men. Umer et al (2016) argue that politics is considered to be the male domain and have no space for women in this field. Women in the political field brought them in direct contact with strangers that contradict Pukhtunwali. Pukhtun women are considered to be Pukhtuns‘ honour and they opposed their physical presence publically. Thus, socio-cultural values do not permit women of Pukhtun society to join political sphere (Umer et al., 2016:149). The perceived threats to honour restricts woman‘s role in the politics. This implies that social and cultural values are intertwined with political role in Pukhtun society. The political, social and economic empowerment of women is envisaged as a challenge to men‘s authority. So it is difficult to accept women in the superior or managerial role (Khan, A, 2007:05). Therefore, women find it difficult to play an active role in public sphere. These challenges also favour male domination in different fields, including politics (Umer et al., 2016:149). Naz et al (2012: 65 & 70) argue that Pukhtunwali and gender segregated socio- cultural setup are perceived factors behind the division of private and public spheres in Pukhtun society. These factors further increased the problem of gender discrimination in politics and political empowerment. Religious extremism (Elashi, 2014: 01), honour boundedness, strict observance of Pardah (Orbala, 2012:02) societal attitudes and cultural norms are the main hurdles for the Pukhtun female to be in politics (Naz et al., 2012: 65 & 70).

3.3 POLITICAL IMPEDIMENTS The above mentioned socio-cultural features of Pukhtun society indirectly affect women participation in politics. However, apart from these hurdles there are some direct influences which hinder women‘s role in politics. For example, lack of social and economic power vis-à-vis men directly affect women‘s political role. Hanif considers that the economic dependence of women has a negative effect on their decision-making powers in the family, community and in the political parties. Unavailability of economic resources further degrades women‘s status and political leadership position (Hanif, 2009:26). Similarly, Awan argues that possession of power, political affiliations and economic resources are very important to be visible in the political arena. But, the economic dependence and limited mobility of women of patriarchal societies face hardship to form mass political networking (Awan, 2016:05). Hanif endorses the argument of Awan and adds that politics is a political process which

87 needs public interaction. This interaction is possible through public appearances and mobility but cultural norms are against free mobility and mix gathering of Pukhtun females with general public (Hanif, 2009:26). However, I argue that there are evidences of visibility of some Pukhtun women in the political sphere who are considered to break the cultural barriers and show their presence in the male dominated political arena. Nonetheless, as a matter of fact these women are from the politically active, landowning families where women get more opportunities and training to facilitate their way into politics. Thus, women of the politically prominent families become advantageous and find their way into politics. But, the case for general women population is quite different. Women in the general population are mostly powerless, their lack of interest in the political affairs, burden of excessive workload (household), unfriendly political environment, lack of confidence and experience in the political field also discourage these women to enter the arena of politics. Iwanaga argues that in patriarchal societies, mostly men contest elections while number of female candidates are less. She states that lack of opportunities, interest and minimal female participation during elections are the factors for their nominal presence in political sphere. Similarly, she states that apart from contesting elections, lack of experience, resources and self-esteem are the factors behind woman‘s hesitation of contesting elections. She argues that the biased norms and beliefs of males are responsible for creating such situation (Iwanaga, 2008: 125). Likewise, Hanochi endorses Iwanaga (2008) and posits that minimal political participation and political activism of patriarchal societies make them politically ignorant of their issues. She further adds that their lack of interest in the public life is not because of their work load but they prefer domestic territories for themselves, which she claims, to be the main cause of their political backwardness. Hanochi argues that such demeanour contributes to the formation of two different spheres of activities, private and public. Women of the patriarchal societies actively perform private and domestic responsibilities while public activities as community leadership and politics are regarded as the domain of men (Hanochi, 2001: 114-115). Shvedova shared similar views as Iwanaga and Seiko. She argues that such attitudes favoured men and thus political arena is manipulated by them. Men are behind the formulation of different rules for the political sphere. Presence of men made political model further marginalized woman‘s presence in the political sphere (Shvedova, 2005:34) Mahmood posits that political empowerment of women is not an end in itself, but

88 means to provoke the society for social and political empowerment which would further stimulate the overall development of society (Mahmood, 2004:151). Ali argues that violence against women, even in the political field is executed by males for the purpose to maintain their power and bolster the hierarchical structures. The very base of such structure is the exploitation of marginalized groups. High profile political assassinations and biased attitudes of the political parties against women are to deprive them of the decision making processes. Similarly, inaccessibility of the funds for their constituencies and derogatory remarks also worsen troubles for women political figures (Ali, 2014). Furthermore, women political figures perform their political functions within the boundaries directed by the political party leaders, party associates, voters and the media as well (Rosenbluth et al, 2015:34). Similarly, political parties hesitate on part of women political participation because of their weak political activism and passive vote bank. So, political parties use women political participants for the representative functions at political meetings, mass gatherings and political campaigns as well. Thus, women political wings in different political parties are for the purpose to perform these representative functions and have no authority in the decision-making processes within the political parties (Awan, 2016:3). Mehdi is critical of the agendas presented by different political parties. He argues that majority of the political parties have no agenda regarding the equality of women in politics. Their presence is taken for granted. In the electoral process, women on the reserved seats increase their chances to success. Reserved seats though induct women in the political arena, yet, they are dependent on the male colleagues and are acceptable as an extension of male political figures. Such electoral system maintains the gender status- quo instead of challenging it (Mehdi, 2015). Similarly, unfriendly political environment for women also creates problems for them. As it is not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to play their role in the political fields, women in rural areas are forbidden to cast their votes and attend mass gathering. Abbas argues that it is almost impossible to take women out of their houses for the public gatherings. Public gatherings are also dominated by males of the society where presence of women is negligible. Men talk on behalf of the women political workers and leaders. Those women who show their presence on the occasion are even unable to talk about their rights. This shows manipulation of women by men in the political sphere as well (Abbass, 2016).

89 Furthermore, lives of those women who are better able to achieve the political positions are still bound by their gender related roles and status. Different factors bound women of these societies to their traditional functions and resist them to join the political field which is considered to be males‘ domain. Richard argues that the patriarchal ideals are creating obstacles for women in the political field. Males of these areas consider them a threat to their dominance, in view of the fact that previously women in these areas have proved themselves in the male dominated political field and had led campaigns on different occasions (Richard, 2010:236). Currently, the militancy further make lives of women vulnerable.

3.4 EXTREMISM AS AN OBSTACLE TO WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

Social and political situation for Pukhtun women is already grim. It got further worsened with the increasing influence of Taliban in these areas. Presence of Taliban or their supporters in some areas is one of the largest threats to the empowerment of Pukhtun women. They have created the environment of terror by blasting the girls‘ schools, kidnapping and torturing all those who try to defy their rules. Their terrorist activities have deep impact on the lives of general population. Such devastating actions make the lives of women more deplorable. Unfortunately, the influence of Taliban, especially in KP province poses a serious threat to the advancement and prosperity of women. Militants targeted different practices and actions which they considered to be against Islamic beliefs. Grigsby points out that their main targets were music, schools and even government offices. Their target was not only female but males as well. Nevertheless, their dogmatic beliefs made the lives of women miserable as they opposed women‘s involvement in the activities outside their homes whether education, political or social (Grigsby, 2014:96). O‘Malley in his UNESCO publication mentions that Taliban oppose girls´ education. They have used mosques and illegal radio stations for the closure of all girls´ schools. They have threatened to blow up girls‘ school in KP. As in Afghanistan, those girls who are attending schools and ignored their threats were attacked with acid (O´Malley, 2010:79). Similarly, in Swat valley (district of KP), a young school girl was shot by Taliban gunmen who fortunately survived. Taliban claimed that she was explicitly advocating the girls‘ education and defying ban on female education that‘s why she was targeted by them. She got severe injuries on her head. She is

90 still the staunch supporter of girls‘ education who gained worldwide recognition. She became the young Noble Peace Prize laureate winner for her explicit stand for female education in a dreadful situation imposed by Taliban (Hussain, 2013). Thus, militants have not only destroyed thousands of girls‘ schools, but also threatened women to leave their jobs and force them to wear hijabs. Same threats were received by the KP woman politician Bushra Gohar (MNA), nonetheless, she is determined regarding her political career and did not bow in front of threats from Taliban. She was adamant in continuing her political career and had no intentions of leaving politics. She defied the threats from Taliban by confidently meeting her constituents and showed her physical presence publically (Najibullah & Wazir, 2011). Bushra Gohar is explicitly advocating the rights of women in KP and FATA region. She argues that bills regarding the child marriage and domestic violence should have been passed by the KP Assembly (Nisa & Khan, 2016). In 2013 general elections, women party workers came out for campaigning and supporting their party‘s candidates as well. Malik reveals in her interview that Taliban had threatened ANP male candidates in Mardan, Swabi, Charsadda and Peshawar. Then, women political workers of ANP led the political campaigns of their male party colleagues (Malik, interview, 2017). Women candidates led election campaign for themselves as well. They have visited almost every part of their constituencies to gain support of public despite Taliban threats. Likewise, women also came out for casting their votes in certain specific red zone areas for elections like Mardan. Similarly, women of the tribal areas were openly contesting elections in an uncertain situation. Badam Zari, from Bajour Agency (NA-44, Tribal area-IX) is the first woman who contested elections independently from FATA. She has confidently faced the uncertainty and militancy (Anwar& Ahmed, 2017:174) Scholars posit that initially emergence of Taliban in Swat valley was welcomed by general public. Women of these areas willingly donated their jewellery for the financial assistance of Taliban. Taliban leader Mullah Fazullah on FM radio spread the Islamic teachings in a manner to gain support of the people. His popularity among the public particularly women was immense. Women have convinced their husbands and sons to work for Taliban. They perceived it their contribution to spread Islamic Ideology. But later, the situations were completely different. Women were mainly targeted by them. They have killed all those women who showed their physical presence publically. Teachers, dancers, councillors and school girls were affected. Though, they were not able

91 to resist Taliban‘s brutalities openly but found alternatives. Majority have fled their residential areas. Yet, there were other women who stayed in their hometowns and continued their work despite threats from Taliban. In one such incident, a local woman councillor Shaheen Iqbal was threatened by Taliban to leave her job, otherwise would be killed by them. She sent her children to other safe areas and stayed alone in her house. She confidently continued her job. She adopted different strategies to cope with threats from Taliban. She locked her house and spread dry bushes and leaves outside her house to deter people from entering the house. She carved a hole inside her house, a doorway to her neighbourhood which she used while moving outside. Through such strategies, she was able to continue her job in such deteriorated situation (Brohi & Khattak, 2013:44). Taliban brutal attitudes towards the public lose their popularity. Zakreshi posits that Taliban are against the women empowerment in all fields. They thought women empowerment symbolises the western influence which would threaten their own norms and culture and they are going to resist the western influence in their region (Zakreski, 2013). Khan argues that Taliban target those women who show their presence in the public sphere. She posits that Taliban called unveiling women as against Islam and Pukhtun culture which is compatible with Western liberation (Khan.K, 2010). The wave of religious extremism has a deep impact on both the rural and urban areas of KP. Everyone is affected by the current storm of terrorism. Scholars argue that Taliban‘s idiosyncratic perception regarding the religion Islam and their brutal punishments (beheadings, floggings, amputations and shootings) against the ―culprits‖ publicly is for the purpose to terrorize people and to increase their power (Physicians for Human Rights Report, 1998: 32). Sinno posits that Taliban politicise Islam and justify their cruel attitudes in the name of religion. Majority of Pukhtuns are against such repressive acts of Taliban, who considered it against the true image of Islam. Taliban commit crimes in the name of Islam and politics. Islam is used by them for their legitimacy (Sinno, 2010:32). Malik endorses Sinno and postulates that though local Pukhtun culture is against the women empowerment in all fields, however, it was hijacked by the militant rhetoric. As mentioned earlier, Pukhtuns in the settled areas have educated their daughters and who show their active presence in the political processes as well. Malik is of the opinion that Pukhtuns of such areas opposed Taliban for their brutal conduct not because of tribal or clan rivalries but because of emergence of a new class including the landless peasants or the have nots against the local influential class who have challenged their very status in

92 their society (Malik, 2016:15). Yamane So argues that initially Taliban manipulated the tribal belt of Pakistan because of the remoteness and inaccessibility of those areas. Local people are against their rule but Taliban have established the unauthorized hurdles for them. They even destabilized the old Pukhtun culture while disrupting and manipulating the centuries old codes to intimidate and terrorize the locals (So, 2011:24). Similarly, Zia argues that Taliban have also attacked the lady health workers and issued fatwas against such women. In different fatwas, Taliban termed it the responsibility of Muslim men to kidnap such ladies and forcibly marry them. They even declare them as “fit for murder”. Taliban called these Lady Health workers as working for wages and also visit different houses which are against the Pukhtun culture. Taliban used radio for the propagation of their teachings. Thus, it was easy for Taliban to persuade Pukhtuns easily because of their affinity to their cultural values. They have even killed, murdered and kidnapped these women (Zia, 2013). In these situations of uncertainty, women public figures find it difficult to work openly. The situations for women political involvement further worsened by the orthodox thinking of the Pukhtun society. Despite their deplorable status in the society, yet women show their presence in the political field. There is observable presence of women in politics not only from those having kinship ties with prominent political families but from the general population as well.

3.5 POLITICAL ROLE OF PUKHTUN WOMEN Before we discuss political role of Pukhtun women in politics, it is pertinent to briefly highlight the role of Muslim women in general. Despite numerous hurdles, Muslim women are active on the social and political front. They struggle to achieve highest positions in the state politics. There were evidences regarding the political involvement of the Muslim women in the past as well. They became role models for the new generations. Bala (cultural analyst) posits that Muslim women were actively involved in the creation of Pakistan by supporting their males (Bala, 2013:131). Similarly, during Khilafat movement when Ali brothers including other prominent leaders were arrested. Abadi Begum (Bi Amma), mother of Ali brothers (Maulana Johar Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali) entered the political field and had a powerful appeal towards the Indian public. Bi Amma is one such model in the 1920‘s Khilafat Movement. She had visited different parts of India for propagation of the movement and strongly opposed the

93 imperial government. She addressed mass gatherings behind the curtains in order to observe her pardah (segregation) which is a basic Islamic doctrine. She had also addressed the All India Muslim League annual meeting in the absence of her sons. Women were enthusiastic and struggled hard for the achievement of an Independent, Sovereign Islamic State Pakistan. They were intellectual, sincere and courageous. They possessed the leadership qualities (Yasmeen at al., 2017:05). Similarly, Pukhtun women have played their role in politics despite strong patriarchal norms. During 1930-33 in the great Khudai Khitmatgar (Servants of God) movement of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Pukhtun women were also in the forefront with male members of the society. This was a peaceful movement against the British Imperialism (Bala, 2013:131). Due to pardah, women participated and showed their presence behind the walls and above the rooftops to be aware of the movement led by Pukhtun nationalist Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Abdul Ghaffar Khan appreciated and encouraged Pukhtun females by considering them an important part of the society without whom prosperity is impossible (Banerjee, 2000:100). Elder Pukhtun women such as Dur Marjan & Noor- un- Nisa of Taru Jabba were vanguards of the movement. They led many processions of KK movement. Educated women of the time endeavoured for better education and better life standards of Pukhtun women. Leaders of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement were strong abettor of the women‘s education and had worked for it. Pukhtuns appreciate their struggle. The followers of Khudai Khidmatgar movement including Muslims, non- Muslims and women boycotted the British products and their institutions including courts, tax offices, schools, police and army (Shah, 1998: 76-77; Stephan, 2009: 113). Similarly, Frontier Muslim League also worked for the women‘s development and took active steps for their education to enable them for their participation in politics. First women‘s branch in NWFP was formed in April 1939. Activities against the government started in 1940, which led to their participation in 1945-46 elections. In these elections, women delegation motivated Pukhtun women to cast their votes in favour of the Muslim League candidates. After the meeting, numerous veiled Pakhtun women registered themselves as a member of the Muslim League (Shah, 1998:78). Women Muslim League also launched a civil disobedience movement against the ministry of Congress. Women conducted different processions in which they had covered themselves in veils and actively participated against the Congress Ministry. Quaid-i- Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had appreciated the efforts of Pukhtun women, who

94 struggled hard and participated in the achievement of an Independent homeland for the Muslims (Shah, 1998:78). Women participated in historical political events, nevertheless, under the strict observance of religious tenets and cultural codes. Hence, women actively played their role in the political affairs of Pakistan. Quaid- i-Azam (Founding Father of Pakistan) formed a Women‘s Central Committee. Fatima Jinnah became its president for the purpose of introducing women‘s quota in the Muslim League. After the formation of Pakistan, Ms Fatima Jinnah (the sister of the founding father Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah), a woman of great astute became the first woman of an independent Muslim state to contest the presidential elections against the military ruler Gen. Ayub Khan, however, she lost the elections because of rigging (Bano, 2009:26).

Muslim women continued advances and had struggled for the political empowerment of women even after independence through different legal reforms. Their struggle became successful in 1948, when Muslim Personal Law of Sharia was passed. This law recognized property rights of women and enabled them to inherit all forms of property. Then, Begum Shaista Ikramullah and Begum Shah Nawaz were the first female representatives in the first constituent assembly of Pakistan, who represented women. In the legislature of 1956 constitution, universal suffrage and reservation of special seats for women were granted on the basis of direct female suffrage (Ali & Akhtar, 2012:223). Further, in 1956 and 1962 constitutions, 6 seats were reserved for women in the National Assembly, which was considered to be a great development (Bano, 2009:26). During 1970-77 period, after the promulgation of 1973 constitution, 10 seats were reserved for women in the National Assembly for the next 10 years (Mehdi, 2015). In 1982, these seats were increased to twenty. After three general elections of 1977, 1985 and 1988, reservations lapsed in 1988. A significant development in the electoral history of Pakistan was witnessed in 1988, when Benazir Bhutto won elections and became the first female Premier of an Islamic country. Her government created a separate women‘s ministry called ―Ministry of Women Development‖ and also established many women‘s universities. Further, women‘s protection bill was passed in the regime of General Pervaz Musharraf. According to the bill, 10% quota were reserved for women in the Central Superior Services while 5% quota were reserved for them in all other government departments which was also approved by the Cabinet. In local government, women quotas were increased to 30%, however, it was reduced to 17.5% in 2002 later under the Legal Framework Order (Report, 2005:04).

95 Women activists are struggling for their presence in the political sphere and to provide them their political rights which is guaranteed by the quota system (seats reserved for women) in the Assemblies. Presently, number of seats reserved for women are 60 in the total of 342 National Assembly seats. Thus, the number of women contesting elections for general seats increased by 130% since 2008 general elections. Currently, 18 women senators are occupying positions through reserved seats in the indirect election of Senate. Similarly, in the four provincial assemblies of Pakistan, the number of seats reserved for women are 137; in which only 66 seats are reserved for women in the total 371 seats of Punjab, 29 seats are reserved for women in the entire 168 seats of Sindh, 11 reserved seats out of the total 51 seats in Baluchistan and 22 reserved seats for women in the entire 124 seats of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly. In the May 2013 election, 150 women filed nomination papers for the National assembly and 313 for the provincial Assembly‘s seats, which are almost double the total figure from the 2008 elections (Ghosh, 2013:03).

But apart from these developments, women in the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP) left the space and went into the background. Few of the Pukhtun women later came to the forefront and carved their place in the Politics. Among them are Zari Sarfaraz (MNA: 1962-64; 1965-69), Kulsoom Saifullah (MNA: March 1977-July 1977; 1985-1988; 1988- 1990) and Begum Nasim Wali Khan. Zari Sarfaraz was an active member of the Musim League and an astute Pukhtun businesswoman (Amir, 2013). Kulsoom Saifullah was a renowned political figure, social activist and a businesswoman as well. She was Pakistan‘s first female federal minister (Sherazi, 2015). Other prominent Pukhtun women are Bushra Gohar who served as Senior Vice- president of ANP and now is the ANP central vice-president. She became the Member of Parliament on reserved seats for women in the 2008 general elections. Similarly, we saw a great change in the 2013 general elections, Dr. Meher Taj Roghani, Pakistan Tehreek-e- Insaf (PTI) female candidate and a special assistant to chief minister, was elected as a first woman deputy speaker of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Assembly with a great margin of 40 votes. Under 2013 general elections, the national assembly of Pakistan had 8 women from the Pukhtun inhabited areas (KP and FATA) while 22 occupied reserved seats in the KP provincial assembly (Mahmood, 2015). My assessment is that whenever, Pukhtun women get an opportunity, they prove their abilities. All female members confronted the odds and occupied prestigious places

96 both in their parties and in the government. They confidently work in the political sphere like their male counterparts. They work effectively in the promotion of good governance. Women played an active role in the political affairs of Pakistan and raised their voices against the social, economic, cultural and political discrepancies. Similarly, women political workers have been creating political awareness among females of their respective areas in the KP province. Though various hurdles still obstructed women of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa from exercising their electoral rights. But it is need of the time to take such measures both at the central as well as local level to provide them (women) their electoral and other fundamental rights. As we observed that in 2013 general elections, the Chief Justice of Peshawar High Court (PHC) ordered the Election Commission of Pakistan to halt the results of NA-25 Lakki Marwat and NA-5 Nowshera and conduct re-polling in these two constituencies where the turn out of the women voters were low (Shah.N, 2013). Likewise in 2018 general elections, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) ordered re-polling in the constituencies of NA-10 Shangla, NA-48 North Waziristan of PK-23 Shangla -1, where majority of the women did not cast their votes (Shah.A, 2018). Women are still struggling for political representation. However, they are kept away from the political process through different measures like unavailability of identity cards or they are not enrolled as voters. During Gen. Musharraf regime, Women‘s advocacy group became successful in securing reserved seats for women in the national and provincial assemblies which empowered women of those areas where women are barred from their political rights. In 2013 general elections, almost 1150 women contested elections for the general seats of the National assembly, most of whom were independent candidates. Women from the Pukhtun society are struggling hard against the odds. They are fighting for their political rights. We saw Badam Zari from Bajaur (KP) who contested elections on a general seat. Though she lost the elections, yet became a role model for other women (Saleem, 2013). I argue that such progress is clear indication that the Pukhtun women have the capacity to prove themselves in every field whenever they get a chance. They are now more aware and educated and have the potential to work for the prosperity and advancement of their Pukhtun society. They struggle hard for the upgrading of women in different fields, especially in the political field more specifically for the women of the rural Khyber Pukhtunkhwa.

97 3.6 CONCLUSION Pakistani women and more specifically Pukhtun women are facing hindrances in different spheres of lives. Such obstacles impede their way to success and prosperity. Socio-economic, cultural, religious barriers are like the invisible chains in their feet. Beside contradictory norms and values represented by Islam and Pukhtunwali, they are interpreted in a manner to justify patriarchal behaviour and structures in Pukhtun society. Pukhtuns are followers of the religion Islam, but they also follow their centuries old codes of conduct Pukhtunwali, in which most of the features are against rights of the Pukhtun women. Being an Islamic society, Pukhtuns are still probing for an appropriate role of religion Islam in political and social life. They are struggling to find boundaries between Islam and traditions. Such amalgamation of religion and culture further multiplies the consensus of the followers especially regarding the rights of women. Which in turn makes life of the women vulnerable and exposed to exploitation. Pukhtuns use their cultural codes to benefit males and infringe the rights of women which grant the women subservient position in the society. Regardless of the fact that there are precedents of the women who showed their resilience and carved out some political space, by large women are exploited in the name of Pukhtunwali and are subject to male dominance and control. However, some Pukhtun women dare to challenge these odds and resist control and subjugation. The following chapters will explore one such example where a protagonist Nasim Wali Khan struggled to achieve political prominence.

98 CHAPTER – 4

POLITICAL OPPRESSION, VICTIMIZATION AND THE EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

Situations produce leaders and leaders having capabilities to efficiently manoeuvre a situation, retain themselves in leadership position. This chapter explores such relationship between leadership rise and the testing situations. More specifically, it explicates the situation which was responsible for the rise and retaining of political leadership by Nasim Wali Khan. Nasim Wali Khan occupied leadership position in the turbulent situations and retained it with her skills of political manoeuvring. However, like other Asian women leaders, Nasim Wali faced tough odds from the patriarchal society she was living in. Before taking the leadership role, Nasim Wali Khan was a house wife and had some rather limited influence over party through her husband. The exacting situation which the immediate family members of Nasim Wali Khan confronted in 1970s compelled her to enter politics which she never imagined. Once she took this arduous task of leadership, Nasim Wali Khan improvised and led her political party out of political crisis. The political crisis of her family and party was created by their arch rival and ruler of the country i-e Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Nasim Wali as a political leader had to confront the double jeopardy in those early times. First, her party was in crises due to the political victimization of the government; and second, her personal challenge of confronting a patriarchal society opposed woman leadership. This chapter explores the crises situation which forced her to join politics, her leadership style, the strategies she adopted to cope with hurdles she faced as well as the facilitating factors in her political struggle both before and after joining politics.

SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS: CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING THE EMERGENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN AS A POLITICAL LEADER

4.1 POLITICAL RESISTANCE TO AN AUTOCRATIC GOVERNMENT OF ZULFIQAR ALI BHUTTO

Awami National Party (ANP) is an ethno-nationalist political party that faced greater challenges throughout its existence. Various regimes, for different reasons, suppressed the party by persecuting its leaders as well as its workers. Its top leaders such

99 as Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bacha Khan) and faced imprisonment, ban, torture‘ etc. Abdul Wali Khan also faced four assassination attempts during his political career (Marwat, 2015: 123). In the 1970 general elections, the then National Awami Party (now ANP) won substantial number of seats in the province assemblies of Baluchistan and erstwhile NWFP (now Khyber Pukhtunkhwa). NAP secured the largest number of seats i-e 13 seats in 40 constituencies of erstwhile NWFP and secured majority of 8 seats in 20 constituencies of Baluchistan. National Awami Party secured 6 seats in the National Assembly as well. NAP didn‘t get any support from Sindh and could not get candidate to contest elections from Punjab, nonetheless occupied one seat out of 300 constituencies in the East Pakistan provincial assembly (Tasneem, 2013:197). Abdul Wali Khan, leader of National Awami Party from the west wing of Pakistan, secured seats of both the National and Provincial assembly from his home town Charsadda. That was a time, when Sheikh Mujeeb-ur- Rehman was anticipated to be the forthcoming Premier of Pakistan. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto deemed him a peril to his political career. For this reason, Bhutto in pre-elections manoeuvring went to Charsadda in 1971 to see Abdul Wali Khan and tried to convince him to join in an anti- Mujeeb alliance. But the offer was not accepted by Abdul Wali Khan. Due to which Z.A.Bhutto threatened Khan for the severe consequences (Shah, 2015). After the general elections of 1970, Abdul Wali Khan on 23rd March, 1971 presented his full support to Sheikh Mujeeb in the formation of government. However, General Yahya Khan didn‘t allow the transfer of power to Sheikh Mujeeb, despite of the fact he had won majority in the 1970 elections. Sheikh Mujeeb and his party was banned by Yahya Khan which appeared to be a malicious act. Such vindictive actions against the leader of East Pakistan were condemned by NAP and compelled the government to resolve problems through dialogue (Chandio et al., 2011). The support offered by NAP to Sheikh Mujeeb was not aceptable to the government of West Pakistan, as a consequence, Yahya Khan also banned NAP on 26thNovember, 1971. But, when Z.A. Bhutto formed the government on 21st December, 1971 he removed ban against the NAP and this fair deed was admired by the NAP leaders by providing unconditional support to the PPP government. However, the friendship between NAP and Bhutto did not persist for long (Shah, 2015). After the secession of East Pakistan, NAP formed a coalition government in two provinces of Pakistan i-e with BNP (Baluchistan National Party) they formed a

100 government in Baluchistan and with the support of JUI (Jamait Ulma -e -Islam) they formed a government in earstwhile NWFP in 1972. NAP also became the main opposition party within the National Assembly of Pakistan (Mushtaq.2011:251). Abdul Wali Khan became the opposition leader at the national level and became major opponent of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Z.A. Bhutto after gaining power became more authoritarian and harsh towards all those who opposed him (Wolpert, 1993). Therefore, his relations generally with NAP but specifically with Abdul Wali Khan remained strained. After NAP formed her government in Baluchistan, Baluchistan became the hub of NAP because of its ethno-nationalistic credentials. PPP government steered by Z.A. Bhutto provoked local confrontation in Baluchistan with the support of Balochi Sardars against the NAP government. As a consequence, NAP stayed in power only for ten months (Shah, 2015). PPP government time and again charged NAP for the disintegration of Pakistan and involvement in violent activities. They considered them a threat for the safety and security of Pakistan. The charges became intensified when an arm cache at Iraqi Embassy was found in Islamabad on 10th February 1973. Federal Government charged NAP leaders and Baluch government for involvement in planning a violent secessionist struggle through these arms. They charged the opponents by stating that the confiscated arms are expected to use by them for the same purpose. Print media of Pakistan used this incident as a proof of secessionism against the JUIP-NAP coalition government in Baluchistan (Marwat, 2015: 167). Abdul Wali Khan rejected Bhutto‘s accusations against him, his party and colleagues. He further clarified that if they ever wanted arms and ammunition for their political cause they could easily get it from Afghanistan borders through Baluchistan and NWFP being the border provinces and having their governments. He added that it is an insane act to keep arms and ammunitions at Iraqi embassy in Islamabad (Federal capital) instead of their own provincial capitals. In a joint session of the federal Parliament, Abdul Wali Khan condemned the popularization of fake propaganda which according to Abdul Wali Khan would defame Pakistan globally (Marwat, 2015: 167). The alarming situations further became worsened when on February 14th, 1973, Bhutto dismissed the coalition government of BNP and NAP in Baluchistan and bypassed NAP appointees Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo (Governor) and Attaullah Mengal (chief minister) of Baluchistan. Nawab Akbar Bughti replaced Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo and became governor of Balochistan. As a result, NAP-JUI government in erstwhile NWFP also

101 resigned on 16th February 1973. Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil (Governor of NWFP) also resigned in protest on the recommendation of Abdul Wali Khan. Later, Arbab Sikandar Khan Khalil was replaced by Mohammad Aslam Khatak by the federal government. At the time, Mufti Mahmood was the chief minister of erstwhile NWFP. Abdul Wali Khan condemned Z.A. Bhutto‘s action against Baluchistan government (Alvi, 2016: 134). Z. A. Bhutto took more oppressive measures against Baluchistan government. General Tikka Khan (Chief of Army Staff) was ordered to start military operation against the ―miscreants‖. Government ordered to find the guerrilla camps in the Marri Tribal areas. Such brutal actions made the situation more convoluted and increased hatred and fear among the Baluch against the federal government (Hassan, 2016:54). Abdul Wali Khan was against submissive and authoritarian rule of Z. A. Bhutto. Abdul Wali Khan blamed PPP government for provoking Mazdur Kisan Party to be involved in subversive and violent activities in erstwhile NWFP in 1972. He also charged federal government for starting conflict between peasants and landlords of NWFP, specifically in Peshawar, which was traditionally the support base of NAP. Abdul Wali Khan warned the government that these subversive activities would take the country into civil war (Marwat, 2015: 163). Due to his unwavering opposition to Bhutto, Abdul Wali Khan faced death threats and assassination attempts during Z. A. Bhutto rule. However, he narrowly escaped these attempts. The first assassination attempt against Abdul Wali Khan was carried out during 1970 election campaign. On 3rd December 1970, when Abdul Wali Khan was leading a procession at Lahori Gate (Peshawar), an un -identified person opened fire on Abdul Wali Khan but he escaped. These submissive tendencies further increased the gap between PPP and NAP (Marwat, 2015:163). In order to counter such oppressive acts of Bhutto‘s government, all opposition parties united and formed an alliance named as United Democratic Front (UDF) on 28th February 1973 against the Z. A. Bhutto‘s oppressive rule. The main political parties of UDF included National Awami Party (NAP), United Pakistan Muslim League (PML), Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI), Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP), Pakistan Democratic Party (PDP), Khaksar Tehrik and Independent Group. On March 14th, 1973, Pir Pagara of PML was appointed as a president of UDF, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan and Mufti Mahmood as its vice presidents while Professor Ghafoor Ahmad became UDF secretary (Ziring, 1997:393). The agenda of UDF was to ensure maximum provincial autonomy, struggle to bring democracy back and implementation of

102 Islamic teachings and resist the dictatorial policies of Z.A. Bhutto government. All opposition parties met in a convention held in Rawalpindi on 23rd March 1973 followed by a rally (Marwat, 2015: 173). The convention and rally was attended by Maulana Mufti Mahmood, Pir of Pagara, Abdul Wali Khan, Maulana Shah Asad Noorani, Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, Asad Gilani. Abdul Wali Khan was accompanied by a group of Pukhtuns called Pukhtun Zalme led by (Marwat, 2015:174). Federal Security Force (FSF) obeyed the orders given by Z.A.Bhutto and attacked this opposition gathering at Liaquat Bagh Rawalpindi. Consequently, many people (including majority of Pukhtuns) got injured and dozens of them being killed. Some of the NAP leading members including Ajmal Khattak escape to Kabul for security of their lives. PPP blamed Pukhtun Zalme for the massacre. Later, Hafiz Pirzada (Federal Law Minister) blamed Pukhtuns that their purpose was to invade Islamabad and Rawalpindi and wanted to humiliate . Government justified its operation on the rally by stating that government had to protect its citizens against the wrongdoers. But, Abdul Wali Khan called this charge, a conspiracy against Pukhtuns and stated that Pukhtuns present in the rally were unarmed and they showed their solidarity with Baluch brethren. Bhutto regime took harsh measures against the adversaries by putting the leaders in jails and torturing them as well (Marwat, 2015:176). Z.A Bhutto government launched an official campaign to defame Wali Khan and his party. Initially, government accused Abdul Wali Khan as an enemy of Islam and called him a traitor. Abdul Wali Khan was blamed to be engaged in activities detrimental to the state. Bomb explosions, street violence, law and order situation became a routine matter (Lyon, 2008). Bhutto and his government controlled media charged NAP leaders for the chaos. They further blamed that NAP tried to disintegrate Pakistan in collaboration with the government of Afghanistan (Marwat, 2015: 123). Abdul Wali Khan was again imprisoned by Z.A.Bhutto government on 8th February, 1975 when he was attending the funeral of Hayat Sherpao, the slain leader of PPP and close associate of Bhutto (Lyon, 2008). Bhutto regime blamed NAP for the assassination of Hayat Sherpao and consequently detained Abdul Wali Khan along with 52 other NAP leading members including Asfandyar Wali Khan, Afzal Khan, Arbab Sikandar Khan, Haji Bilour (NWFP), Ghous Bakhsh Bazenjo, Khair Bakhsh Marri, Attaullah Mangal (Baluchistan). Z.A.Bhutto even apprehended the governors of Baluchistan and NWFP (Noman, 2009). Likewise, Z. A. Bhutto government adopted a strategy to get rid of Abdul Wali

103 Khan and his comrades. For this purpose, government amended 1962 Political Parties Act. This amendment enabled the government to declare any political party illegal, if it was found involved in unlawful activities. This amendment also empowered the government to first ban a political party and then send reference against the party to Supreme Court of Pakistan (Marwat, 2015: 123). Under this amended law, Z.A. Bhutto took revengeful actions against NAP by banning it on February10th, 1975. Such actions of ruling class are common in Pakistan, where opposition is coercively restrained instead of engaging it politically (Noman, 2009). NAP offices were sealed by the government and the party records and assets were also confiscated. Later, they wrecked the records as well (Wolpert, 1993:249). Abdul Wali Khan was declared as enemy of Islam. He was called a traitor and the agent of Iraq, India, Russia and Afghanistan (Wolpert, 1993:242). There seems to be a systematic effort on the part of the government to destroy the political career of NAP leaders. My interview respondent and secretary general of ANP(W)Mr. Tofaan reveals that censorship was imposed by Z.A.Bhutto on the publications of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Wali Khan names, and the press would publish their names as A.W Khan and A.G Khan to misguide the people (Tofaan, interview, 2016). Though, 1970 general elections provided a unique opportunity to Pakistan i.e., democratic transition based in popular politics. However, the subsequent government of Z. A. Bhutto spoiled it through his autocratic style of governance. Though Z. A. Bhutto was a charismatic, educated and prominent political leader from Sindh, who governed Pakistan from 1971 till 1977 (cf. Wolpert, 1993). But Z. A. Bhutto after acquiring the helms of affairs used inexorable measures against those who defied his authority and questioned his cruel measures. Police harassment, intimidation, incarceration and toucher were various measures used by Bhutto to deal with his adversaries. Z. A. Bhutto‘s repressive actions were not only used against political opponents but included lawyers, journalists and all those who publically confront Z.A.Bhutto. During his rule, there was widespread political violence; ‗political assassinations, murders were common‘ and ‗official use of violence and terror‘ became ‗widespread‘. Speaker of the Baluchistan Assembly and the opposition members were killed. Labour leaders were also main target of the oppressive rule. Assassination attempts were made on Abdul Wali Khan (NWFP leader) and Asghar Khan (leader of Tehriq-i-Istiqlal). Officials and members of Jammat-i- Islami were also targeted and killed. Street crimes, beating, guns and goons were prevalent in Pakistani society. Bhutto inflicted fear and terror in the minds of public

104 (Ziring, 1997: 381-383). In these crisis situation, NAP along with Abdul Wali Khan‘s family was the main target of the governmental political oppression. Abdul Wali Khan, his eldest son among other top party leaders were incarcerated by Z.A. Bhutto government on the charges of treason. Abdul Ghaffar Khan (father of Abdul Wali Khan) was also detained by the government on 2nd April 1975(Yousafzai, 1998:60). Ghani Khan and Ali Khan were brothers of Abdul Wali Khan. Both of them were non-political, one of them was academician and the other was a poet. They were least interested to lead. The only male child was Sangeen Khan, the eldest son of Abdul Wali Khan. But he was too young (less than 18 years) to lead a party (Mazari, 1999: 383). Likewise, Abdul Wali Khan cousins‘ (sons of Khan Sahib; chief minister of west Pakistan) had no interest in politics as well. Leaders of NAP were imprisoned in different categories of jail. Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo , Syed Hadi Naqvi , Yusuf Mustikhan, Fasihuddin Salar, Dr. M.A. Mehboob, Lal Bakhsh Rind, Usman Baluch and Karamat Ali, (Kaushik, 1984:11), Abdul Wali Khan, Abdul Wahid Khurd, Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil, Gul Khan Naseer, Pervaz Salim, Col. Sultan Ahmad, Mohammad Afzal, Dr. Inayatullah, Nisar Khan were imprisoned in class A category jail while Moosa Jan, S. Mohammad Salim, Mohammad Aslam, Khan Sardar, Ashrafullah, Mohammad Abdullah, Malik Amanullah, Mohammad Gul, Saifullah, Munawar Khan, Abdul Qayum, Ghulam Hussain, Hamid Aziz, Muhammad Bakhsh, Muhammad Fateh(Patay Khan), Shar Muhammad, Abdul Aziz, Jumma Rahim, Abdul Wahab, Alif Khan, Attaullah Jan, Muhammad Aslam Kurd, Muhammad Hashim Mengal and Saadullah among majority NAP members were imprisoned in class B category jail (Ahmad, 1977:26). The imprisonment and bar on NAP leaders left a leadership vacuum. Despite the arrest of the main leaders of NAP, some members of the defunct NAP, prominently Kaswar Gardezi from Multan (former secretary general of NAP), Majid Mengal, Attaullah Mengal, Ghulam Ahmad Bilour (President NAP, NWFP), Jennifer Musa and Hashim Gilzai, Mahmood Ali Kasuri, Mazhar Ali Khan, Abdul Khaliq Khan, Mahmooda Salim, Umrao Khan, Amirzada Khan and Nasim Wali Khan among other members endeavoured to find ways for their political survival (Mazari, 1999:383). Members of the defunct NAP party decided to appoint a leader able enough to revive the party, aggregate the party followers and struggle for the emancipation of party leaders. However, leading NAP in these conditions of political victimization and oppression was very difficult. Nasim Wali Khan, being a woman family member, came

105 forward and take a strenuous task during convoluted time. Though Nasim Wali Khan had never thought of joining active politics (Wali.N, interview, 2017). Nonetheless, absence of male political successors of Abdul Wali Khan within the family and unfavourable political situations for party compelled her to lead. Therefore, to ensure her family‘s political survival, Nasim Wali Khan took the hard task to lead a political party choked in crisis. Thus, her entrance in politics was accidental and necessity of the time. Nasim Wali Khan reveals that ―I came into politics not for the mission but for the need. About 5500 people were arrested after Sherpao‘s murder. It was pure political smack down. I observed that the political consciousness was lost; I wanted to maintain that spirit, keep the democratic forces together‖ (Wali. N, interview, 1977:14).

Besides her own realisation, Nasim Wali Khan was further provoked by Bhutto‘s statements and actions. Nasim Wali Khan states that after taking oppressive action against Abdul Wali Khan, Bhutto claimed that ―he had killed Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his family politically‖ (Nasim Wali. N, interview, 2017). Nasim Wali argues that this statement provoked her to join active politics (Wali.N, interview, 2017). After consultation with Abdul Wali Khan in jail, she accepted the leadership position (Afridi, interview: 2017). Nasim Wali Khan did not repent her decision she stated ―Now I am glad I came; I realize I did the right thing‖ (Wali. N, interview, 1977:14). Nasim Wali argues that though she accepted leadership position of the party, she was worried regarding the response of her people. Her support base among Pukhtuns of Pakistan would mean to adopt a socially appropriate behaviour. Women in Pukhtun societies are generally restricted to homes and free mobility of female members of the society are discouraged. Nasim Wali Khan conveyed her apprehensions in these words, ―I was afraid in the beginning that they wouldn‘t accept me. When I went for my first public meeting, I was confused, because our people were divided. Some said I should come out, others said I shouldn‘t. Our young supporters, those in colleges, were in favour. The older people thought that our opponents would use it against me. In our society, a women‘s coming out in public is considered bad. It was difficult for the public to accept. And that is why I was afraid of peoples‘ reactions. Three to four times, I felt like going back. But I did not lose courage‖ (Wali. N, interview, 1977: 18) Furthermore, country‘s political circumstances were also unfavourable for the

106 party. Thus, for the purpose to counter the political crises the imprisoned leaders suggested to consult a tenacious political figure able enough to revive a party in the convoluted circumstances (c.f Mazari, 1999:382). Therefore, they offered leadership to anti- Bhutto from Punjab i-e Ghulam Mustafa Khar and Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi. However, these leaders refused the offer because they thought that their affiliation with NAP which was generally mistrusted in Punjab would put their political leadership at risk in Punjab. The leaders of NAP then offered this position to a Baluch independent candidate Sherbaz Khan Mazari. Mazari accepted the leadership of NAP (Mazari, 1999:384). Nasim Wali Khan in consultation with Sherbaz Mazari and other defunct NAP leaders suggested to form a new political party to confront the government (Marwat, 2015:201). Consequently, on November 6th, 1975, a new political party bearing the name of National Democratic Party (NDP) was officially launched at Islamabad. Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari became its President and Nasim Wali Khan as its Vice- President (Mazari, 1999:384). It was in 1975 that the government allowed Nasim Wali, Amir Zada Khan (Mardan based advocate), Haji Ghulam Bilour went to meet Abdul Wali Khan in Hyderabad jail (Wali.N, interview, 2016). Nasim Wali posits that Abdul Wali khan never dictated her and the party colleagues from the jail. Abdul Wali Khan was mostly unaware of the country‘s political conditions, therefore, he gave a free hand to Nasim Wali Khan and other party associates for revival of the political party. However, he emphasized that the leaders should take decisions through consensus (Wali. N, interview, 2017). The above accounts reveal that crisis situations put parties to test. Parties confronting suppressive regimes get into leadership crisis as well. In such testing times, courageous persons are needed to take leadership role. In hereditary parties such leadership comes from within the family and in traditional societies male members take up the task. Politics become a family affair. However, in the absence of male family members, women of the family may also offer their services. It is instructive to notice that these women leaders take the risk and courageously confront the crises. Nasim Wali Khan had no contemplation towards active politics, neither her husband nor the male members of the family ever expressed their desire towards her involvement in active politics. However, Nasim Wali Khan in order to sustain the family hold on the party accepted the role. Her decision was not based on an emotional whim but a rational calculation that her party was facing an existential threat and she is required to lead it out of the crisis.

107 The convoluted situation provided an opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan, which she availed by coming out of the traditional premises of her house. Later, she manoeuvred the situation in her favour and courageously confronted all the odds. Like other South Asian woman political leaders, the crisis situation provided an opportunity to Nasim Wali Khan to lead. But, situation alone was not responsible for her rise as a political leader. Being a member of the politically prominent family, Nasim Wali was not at the mercy of the situation, she was politically groomed in Wali Khan‘s family. However, the fact that Nasim Wali knowingly accepted the challenge of leading the party in crisis and in a patriarchal social settings, shows that she was a courageous woman. She could have refused the leadership and played a role of a grieving wife restricted to her home but she refused to do so. Scholars posit that women of the eminent political families become the ‗beneficiaries‘ of the political legacy (Jalazai & Krook, 2010:08; Iwanaga, 2008: 2; Mittra & Kumar, 2004: 218). Political training received within the family equip them regarding political know how and decision- making. This attribute further enhances their chances of success and leadership (Fleschenberg, 2008: 02 & 39). Thus, females of the elite classes have distinct life experiences and grooming as compared to females of the general population. Their families act as a political training platform. Politically prominent families endow them with crucial knowledge required for effective political functioning. Involvement of parents and spouses in the societal or national affairs provide basic opportunities to these females for nurturing political skills, reputation and even support base, which is known to be their ―Political Apprenticeship‖ (Cornwall & Goetz, 2005). Such ‗political apprenticeship‘ (O‘Neil & Domingo, 2016:22) is utilized by women leaders to attain leadership position and later improvise in active politics. As wives and daughters of politicians, these women occupy political positions on behalf of their husbands and fathers (Jensen, 2008). It is pertinent here to reflect again on the political background of Nasim Wali Khan. Nasim Wali was the daughter of Amir Mohammad Khan Hoti, who was an active member of Khudai Khidmatgar movement in British India. He even remained the provincial president of Khudai Khidmatgar movement. Later, she married with Abdul Wali Khan, a veteran political figure and the son and successor of Ghaffar Khan. Ghaffar Khan was the founder of Khudai Khidmatgar movement and his family was a hub of political activities before and after partition of British India. He led nonviolent resistance against British imperialism and later spearheaded nationalist politics within Pakistan.

108 Being member of such illustrious family, Nasim Wali was politically groomed right from the very beginning. She had a great affection for her father and his struggle for the rights of Pukhtun people from the platform of Khudai Khidmatgar. Abdul Wali Khan used to discuss political matters with Nasim Wali Khan which increased her political awareness (Khan. H, interview, 2017). Nasim Wali Khan mostly accompanied him in his political visits. Such accounts of Nasim Wali‘s training in politics endorses the idea of political apprenticeship, which female of prominent political families go through. Likewise, my primary data also endorsed the idea that Nasim Wali received her earlier training in politics within her family. Afridi in his interview argues that strong political family background facilitated Nasim Wali throughout her political life. Name recognition as being wife of Abdul Wali khan and daughter in law of Bacha khan was indeed a great support for her. However, Afridi also appreciates her courage, wisdom that being a Pukhtun woman she was courageous enough to face people confidently (Afridi, interview, 2017). Lawangeen Khan (grandson of Nasim Wali) reveals that without a strong family backing, it was impossible for her to take a lead and attain the top leadership position (Khan.L, interview, 2017). Her family struggle was properly acknowledged by Nasim Wali Khan throughout her political career. In her visit with Sherbaz Khan Mazari to Lahore on 3rd December 1975 and addressed District bar association. In her speech she introduced herself in the following words, ―you recognize me as Mrs Abdul Wali Khan but today I am going to introduce myself properly‖, ―I am proud of myself that I am daughter of a martyr, I am proud of myself that I am mother of a mujahid and wife of a mujahid as well. Besides, I feel honoured that I am daughter -in -law of that mujahid who has spent all his life behind the bars for the rights of his people and for his true principles. A mujahid who was never been purchased by anyone nor did he ever bowed before any dictator‖ (Wali.N, speech, 1975:11).

In this speech she clearly expressed her relations with her male family members who were acknowledged by the public. She used impressive language to dignify the males of her family. Their struggles and sacrifices were being highlighted before the audience. Likewise, Sherbaz Khan Mazari in his address on 3rd December 1975 in Lahore, acknowledged the sacrifices and political efforts of Nasim Wali Khan‘s family in these words, ―I can proudly say that Nasim Wali is a person whose father has spent his whole

109 life struggling for the acquisition of independence and justice from the British imperialist forces and embraced martyrdom. She represents the third generation of her family that is struggling for the similar cause. Her father-in-law, husband and son is in jail. I acknowledge her courage and determination that despite the turbulent situation she is still standing before you‖ (Mazari speech, 1975:16).

By adopting such strategy to recall and acknowledge the sacrifices and endeavours of male members of her family, Nasim Wali intended to win over the support base created by her family. Consequently, she was able to win public support through these acknowledgements. Therefore, unlike new women leaders, Nasim Wali was able to exploit her family support base and retain leadership position. Women political leaders of politically prominent families acquire leadership position, attract sympathy and support of the general masses and proceed their political parties efficiently (Iwanaga, 2008:283; O‘Connor, 2010:388). Wijekoon argues that public have great respect towards eminent political families. General masses pay regards to the struggle and sacrifices given by male members of these families (2005:60). My interview respondents also endorsed the importance of family position for women leaders. One such eminent woman politician and current MPA of KP assembly argues that the standing of family in politics expedite the women members of the family. Public following of the family further helps women attain leadership positions. Other women of the general population strive harder to make a place for themselves in the political sphere (Ihsan, interview, 2017). Arguing in the same line, Hussain revealed that in South Asia and Central Asia ‗entitlement‘ matters a lot. It is used as an additional factor in the success of political leaders. But entitlement of Pukhtun society relates to the sacrifices and struggles of elders and not to wealth or caste. In case of Nasim Wali Khan, presence of particular family entitlement is just because of her ancestor‘s struggles and sacrifices who went through ordeals in their political career (Hussain, interview, 2017). Belonging to a politically prominent family, Nasim Wali Khan had developed her basic understanding of politics within her family. Frequent visits of the political figures and routine discussion on political matters in her home, enabled her to learn politics. The role of her husband in this regard is prominent. He would discuss various political affairs with Nasim Wali and engage her in crucial discussions with his political associates. Through her husband, Nasim Wali kept herself informed about different political

110 activities happening around her. Such training provided her basis to enter active politics. However, after taking leadership role she further polished her political skills. The political affiliation of her family, her political apprenticeship within family and the public regard not only facilitated Nasim Wali to play political role but also encouraged Nasim Wali Khan in her endeavor against political adversaries. Therefore, from the case of Nasim Wali Khan, we can conclude that familial political connections assist women in their career development. Nasim Wali Khan‘s personality and political grooming enabled her to courageously confront all opposition and escape manipulation at the hands of male stalwarts of her party. She exhibited strong will-power and determination which was unchallengeable. Literature (Bakshi, 2001:01; Roy, 2015:64) states that mostly female leaders are susceptible to manipulation of their male colleagues of the party. Therefore, women are often considered to be less challenging in politics. At times, this encourages men colleagues of political parties to choose women as political leaders. Campus argues that ―women leaders are like puppets in the hands of male party members‖ (Campus, 2013: 46). They can be easily manoeuvred. Therefore, the nomination of women as leaders of defunct parties serve two purposes; i.e, women leaders gain public support during crisis time and they are also available for manipulation at the hands of male members of the party. Nasim Wali argues that she was also initially rejected by some old party comrades for her presence in politics. However, she neglected such dissenting voices within the party and later proved herself the best candidate for leadership of the time (Wali.N, interview, 2017). Similarly, Afridi reveals that Nasim Wali was not a compromising leader who can be easily manipulated in the decision -making and in the formulation of policy by the male party members. She worked with determination and continued her active political role even after the release of Abdul Wali Khan. She was not powerless and couldn‘t be side- lined even in the presence of male family members. She actively participated in politics and had a strong hold in the party affairs (Afridi, interview, 2018). After analysing the leadership of Nasim Wali, we observe that initially some old guards of Khudai Khitmatgar including Ghafoor Khan and Mirdal Khan opposed her physical presence in politics. But, Nasim Wali Khan even against their opposition not only joined the party but led it as well. Within the party some members were thinking that she couldn‘t be able to lead the party for long in the presence of government oppression and would accept her failure (Wali.N, interview, 2017). She could easily leave active

111 politics without being charged for it. However, Nasim Wali argues that she was determined and had performed her leadership role in a way that her leadership became acceptable to all (Wali.N, interview, 2017). My assessment from Nasim Wali‘s case is that, although crisis situation provide an opportunity to females of the prominent political families to lead but such turbulent situations also proves challenging as well. The cooperative, empathetic and collaborative nature of female are deemed to be appropriate in crisis time. They have the ability to struggle for the congregation, improvement and advancement of their political parties and families. Saint- Germain posits that women are the true unifier of family and are more appropriate to grab the political authority after any mishaps with their males and they have the potential to serve in acrimonious circumstances (Saint-Germain, 1993). As Jalalzai argues that in the severe political uncertainty and defective political institutions, women‘s political participation provide harmony which acts as the contributing factor and support them to acquire leadership position (Jalalzai, 2008). While assessing Nasim Wali‘s political entrance and her political struggle, I argue that primarily, after the ban of NAP and imprisonment of party leaders, she visited the houses of party workers to express her solidarity in turbulent times. Through these visits, she tried to acquaint them with the crisis situations and encouraged them to endure it with patience. Through such strategy, she had successfully congregated old party associates and supporters and revived former NAP with the new name National Democratic Party (NDP). The platform of this party enabled Nasim Wali Khan to endeavor for the safe acquittal of Abdul Wali Khan, his associates and supporters who were confined in Hyderabad jail and she also demanded fresh elections. She consolidated the defunct political party and workers. The appointment of Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari as president of new party (NDP) to confront the political and societal challenges was a good decision of that time. Ahmad argues that Sherbaz Khan Mazari was the close associate of Z. A. Bhutto, but because of his policies he dissociated from Bhutto and joined hands with the opposition, Nasim Wali in a turbulent situation. Mazari was a likeminded person who was against the military action in East Pakistan and was also against the PPP action in Baluchistan (Ahmad, 2000). Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan served as a link between her husband and party workers. She intelligently availed the opportunities and hardly compromised in her political career. She bravely confronted the oppressive measures taken by government of the time. She was confident and discussed issues impressively with the general masses in

112 her public meetings. My interview data reveals that Nasim Wali Khan‘s struggle continued for three years and she led different successful rallies and campaigns throughout the country in which she was able to collect large gatherings of people from all over Pakistan. She opposed all those acts of the government which violated rights of the public, as a consequence, she gained support and sympathies of public (Khan.H, interview, 2017; Yousafzai, interview, 2017). Furthermore, followers play a very important role for effectiveness of leaders who can accept, follow and recognize a suitable leader of the time. Turbulent situation was a challenge to the successful leadership of Nasim Wali Khan. Thus, acquisition of support of masses were crucial to confront the testing time. Nasim Wali Khan adopt such appropriate leadership style which enabled her to win support and acceptability of the general masses. Apart from criticism of some old party comrades, later she proved herself the best nominee for the political leadership of the time. Wijekoon argues that the cultural aspect of such societies accumulate ―the sympathy vote‖ for the women of elite class who are challenging demanding circumstances in politics (2005:64). In her visit on 31st October 1976 to the office of NDP Lahore, Nasim Wali Khan was fervently welcomed by the NDP workers. After the recitation of Holy Quran, Ahsan Daein (president NDP Lahore), inaugurated the mass gathering. He started a brief emotional address by stating that ―The whole family of Nasim Wali Khan is in jail. All male family members are imprisoned. Our honourable sister has embraced the difficulties by joining politics in these difficult situations. Youth of Lahore assure their support to the respectable sister in her struggle for democracy…everyone who are opposing the oppressive policies of the government are brutally targeted but he encouraged them by saying that despite such dreadful conditions we would obtain our rights‖ (Daein speech, 1976:21).

Nasim Wali Khan was successful in gathering mass support not only in erstwhile NWFP (now KP) but also in Sindh and Punjab provinces of Pakistan. Public was sympathetic towards her. Such support was crucial for her political struggle and ultimately paved way for her success in politics. Thus in the elections of 1977, due to her efforts, NDP made an alliance with the nine opposition parties in the name of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and jointly contested elections against Bhutto government. Support of masses towards Nasim Wali

113 was evident in these election in which she was succeeded from Swabi and Charsadda and became the first female parliamentarian of Pakistan to be elected on general seats instead of reserved (Roy, 2014: 179). But in the elections of March 7th, 1977, Bhutto succeeded with absolute majority. The opposition accused government for rigging in elections and boycotted the provincial assemblies‘ elections. PNA started agitations and anti-government rallies against Z.A.Bhutto regime. Government took harsh steps against the opposition which further deteriorated the country‘s circumstances (Nasr, 1994). Nasim Wali Khan started her campaign by visiting the whole country. She held public gatherings and processions throughout the country (Yousafzai, interview, 2017). During this political contestation, on July 5th, 1977 General Zia- ul- Haq (the Chief of Army Staff) imposed Martial Law. The Martial Law was welcomed by majority of the opposition leaders (Amin, 2007) because they considered it an ―unwanted but unavoidable‖ act (Khuhro et al., 2013). After the imposition of Martial Law in July 1977, Gen. Zia- ul- Haq in act of appeasement went to Hyderabad jail to meet Abdul Wali Khan. He intended to revoke Hyderabad Conspiracy Case and release the previous NAP leaders and supporters from prison. Consequently, in December 1977, Abdul Wali Khan was released from the jail and his confiscated properties were returned. General Zia declared Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Abdul Wali Khan as great patriots (Amin, 2007). Nasim Wali thus led a non-violent, planned and systematic civilian movement to overthrow the oppressive regime of Z.A.Bhutto (Yousafzai, interview, 2017). Moreover, political victimization motivated Nasim Wali to struggle against her adversaries. Besides political oppression, at that time she was confronted with her identity crises as well. Being a woman and Pukhtun, Nasim Wali had to struggle against the patriarchal norms and values of Pukhtun society.

4.2 IDENTITY CRISES: NASIM WALI KHAN BEING A PUKHTUN WOMAN

It was not easy for women of the Pukhtun society to perform and engage in public affairs. The entire Pukhtun community is supposed to socially organize and act through the codes of Pukhtunwali. Thus, social organization and codes of conduct of Pukhtuns are subject to customary laws. These codes are highly biased towards women. Under these codes women are subjected to norms that make them dependent on men and

114 are practically restricted to the four walls of home (Niaz, 2011). Nasim Wali being member of the same Pukhtun community abide by traditions like any other woman. It is pertinent to look into some crucial questions such as; what restrictions Nasim Wali faced from her society during her political career? And how she overcome those hurdles? The centuries old codes of conduct (Pukhtunwali) are the very essence of Pukhtun society. These codes establish a patriarchal social order with women in subservient status. Under this code, the lives of women are influenced by the concerned men at an early stage. Saeed argues that women abide by the decision of a father, brother and husband. Father exercise authority from education of females to selection of their husbands. After marriage, husband and in-laws dominate their lives. They could decide every matter whether related to number of children, her role in community and limitation regarding education or employment. Pukhtuns consider such authority crucial for safety and security of honour and chastity of women. Infringement of which brings dreadful consequences to a society (Saeed, 2012:101). Though, female leader Nasim Wali Khan challenged the cultural taboos‘ footed in patriarchy, by joining politics and making gender irrelevant to her struggle. She challenged some of the very primary requirements of the code such as seclusion of men and women (pardah). She stood against the tides of tough times and was successful enough to gain public support (Khan, L, interview, 2017). This raises an important question i.e How was it possible to challenge the cultural codes that were considered dear by the society and still being able to gather public support? I argue that Nasim Wali was not actually challenging cultural norms, but tried her level best to bring them in conformity with the changing times. Likewise, it is significant to understand that the characteristics of Pukhtunwali are not firm and static. Banerjee posits that concept and beliefs of Pukhtuns are flexible having the capacity of conciliation and alteration (Banerjee, 2000). Similarly Bartlotti argues that Pukhtunwali as a metaphoric system is adaptable and can be formed, fabricated, manipulated and even dismantled (Bartlotti, 2000:14-15). Nasim Wali‘s effort to manipulate some of these norms was in line with the practices of her father-in-law (Ghafar Khan) who also manipulated some cultural norms (cf. Banerjee, 2000). Though, Nasim Wali faced some opposition from her own family members in the beginning. Shahida Waheed, a cousin of Nasim Wali and daughter of the Mirdal Khan (old Khudai Khidmatgar and Abdul Ghaffar Khan‘s close companion) reveals that

115 challenging the very code of Pukhtunwali i.e., to come out in the open among male supporters and workers was not liked by Nasim Wali‘s uncle. Nasim Wali‘s uncle was of the opinion that though women were part of the nationalist struggle of the Pukhtuns, their presence were limited. They were only helping during elections and had no part in the process of making decisions as well as in the party organization. Waheed states that Mirdal Khan considered it against the very code of Pukhtunwali that Nasim Wali, being his family member, attended and addressed public gatherings (especially in Mardan) in his presence. But the unflinching support of Abdul Wali Khan helped Nasim Wali to face such opposition without any fear and exit (Waheed, interview, 2017). The above analysis reveals that Nasim Wali was aware of Pukhtun traditions and would like to deal with unfavourable ones. To adopt public life at time when the presence of Pukhtun women in politics were meagre and not appreciated, Nasim Wali was able to win confidence and support of Pukhtuns. Confidence of colleagues empowered her to take tough decisions courageously, which in turn granted her the undisputed leadership of the party for almost two decades. Scheckelhoff argues that support and encouragement of family are significant for success of these women in their career (Scheckelhoff, 2007). Similarly, support from friends and followers further enhance integrity and successes of women leaders (Bell et al., 2005). Tadros postulates that females are lacking important resources and available time because of gendered specified domestic and reproductive work. He argues that though lives of women seem to be constricted to the private sphere of houses but it also acquaint women about the power which they use publically in their adulthood. Likewise, encouragement and support of family and spouses are instrumental in upgrading of their political career (Tadros, 2014). I argue that though Pukhtunwali was barrier in Nasim Wali‘s political career but was adjusted with the requirement of the circumstances. This could only be possible with the support of the family members and the ability to manoeuvre the same to gain desired consequences. Following are some details about how she was able to do so. Status and honour of family is closely related to character and actions of women in Pukhtun society. Bad reputation of a woman will disgrace the whole family which is intolerable and can lead to terrible consequences (Jamal, 2015). That‘s why females‘ are more sensitive regarding their functions in the society. It is societal obligation to observe Pardah. Pardah means to remain in seclusion from the stranger males. Pardah represents three main principles in the life of Muslim women. Obedience to the religious commandments, cultural identity related to status, kinship and

116 political consciousness. Though customs are patriarchal and oppressive in nature but for women to observe pardah is a way to show their regard towards religious beliefs and its acceptability. Pardah has many facets and choice is that of women according to her status in society (Papanek, 1971:521). The violation of Pardah is not tolerated by Pukhtun society. Paktun women are prohibited to move out in the general public more specifically in the presence of strangers. It is against Pukhtun cultural norms and customs. This bring us to the question of; how Nasim Wali joined active political life and showed her presence in rallies, meetings and demonstrations all along when it was prohibited by Pukhtunwali? Ahmed argues that women of the patriarchal societies are more thoughtful about the functions they perform. However, we do observe some differences in the lives of Pukhtun women of tribal and settled areas. Women of the orthodox tribal families are not permitted to move in public places and are restricted within four walls of their houses. But elder females have some relaxation in Pardah. While moderate and progressive Pukhtun families observe their traditions and customs but not in a strict sense as tribal‘s do. They are to some extent allowed to move outside four walls of their houses but in Veil or Sadar and accompanied by servant, driver or closest male relatives (Ahmed, 2006). Hussain affirms in his interview that Bacha Khan (the great nationalist leader) did mobilize Pukhtun women since the commencement of Khudai Khidmatgar movement. He encouraged them to learn and write which motivated them and gave them confidence. Bacha khan worked hard to create awareness among Pukhtun women (Hussain, interview. 2017). In KK movement, majority of Pukhtun women participated on the appeal of Bacha khan which was a breakthrough for Pukhtun women. KK movement brought women an unprecedented access to public life and relaxation in Pardah. Women even attended meetings and they were present on the streets in groups to meet Bacha Khan (Banerjee, 2000:98). I argue that being member of a progressive family, Nasim Wali acted accordingly. She joined politics in an era, where there was minimal women participation in active politics particularly in a traditional and conservative Pukhtun society. Women usually suffered by these patriarchal tendencies. But she was aware of her traditions which was evident from her physical appearance. She always covered herself in a long black or white sadar to show her reverence towards her norms and traditions along with the fulfilment of her tasks. Almost each and every colleague and reporter of the prominent newspapers of that time appreciated her traditional attire (see also Bondrey, 1977; Malik, 1976; Mazari, 1999).

117 Nasim Wali reveals that she was always conscious about honour and dignity of her family. In her speeches she always mentioned the reasons behind her active involvement in politics. In one of her speech on 3rd December, 1975 in the Lahore Bar Association she stated that, ―Women presence in the large public gatherings outside their home is not considered a stigma in Punjab neither they considered it bad but in Pukhtun society we have a different culture. The mobility of a woman outside her house is similar to invite a doomsday (qayamat ko dawaat kay mutaradif hay). We are backward and uneducated. Despite this whenever country needs sacrifices or whenever dictator arises we are proud that we had always confronted crises situations, large arrays move out of our houses‖ (Wali.N speech, 1975:11-12).

Similarly, Sherbaz Khan Mazari argues that ―Nasim Wali Khan was covered with sadar and she took more trouble to explain that being a Pathan lady she was only appearing in public because of the compulsion of circumstances‖. Mazari further states that ―I recall that she even stated that as soon as her husband is released from jail, she will at once withdraw to the sanctity of zannanah‖(Mazari, 1999:389-390). Furthermore, in another mass gathering on 31st October 1976 in Lahore while addressing NDP workers in Lahore office. She was warmly welcomed by the workers. Malik (1976) states that she was covered in white sadar. Throughout her life she wore traditional Pukhtun dresses with Black and later white sadar. It shows her determination for the achievement of the task within the cultural and traditional domains (Malik, 1976:21). In her speeches, Nasim Wali asserted time and again that her involvement in active politics was because of the compulsion of the situation. However, she would not challenge the cultural codes but would try her best to act accordingly. Whenever, she acted differently, she would explain the compulsions publicly. Nasim Wali would cover herself in traditional sadar and wore simple and dull colours. She particularly cited an instance, when her husband Wali Khan asked the reason about her simple dress code. Nasim Wali Khan answered that ‗for women who work in the presence of thousands of men, her dress should be simple in order to avoid public gaze and to concentrate on the work‘. That‘s why she decided simple attire with traditional white Sadar in public gatherings (Wali.N, interview, 2017). My interview respondents posit that in traditional societies, women political

118 leaders being part of societies follow the local traditions to gain acceptability among general public. They argue that political triumph is impossible in violation of these very codes (Ihsan, interview, 2017: Khan.A, interview, 2017). So, Nasim Wali in a traditional attire observed Pardah, the very code of Pukhtunwali (Khan. F, interview, 2017). Besides her dress, Nasim Wali confidently attended meetings with party supporters in Hujra8. She showed her appearances in public gatherings and rallies which apparently was to challenge the norms of Pukhtunwali. Yousafzai argues that the people were ―shocked‖ to hear that a woman from Bacha Khan family came in the open and joined politics. Not only that she used to travel with male members of the party and held rallies against government of the time. However, the general public were still sympathetic towards Nasim Wali (Yousafzai, interview, 2016). It was her ability that she successfully adopted strategies which enabled her to accumulate the people‘s support and acceptance while challenging the norms of Pukhtun society. She skilfully used the cultural codes in her favour at the very beginning of her political struggle. Tofan recalls the memories of a rally at Chowk Yadgar, Peshawar and posits that Nasim Wali Khan was very confident that in her initial political speech, she looked into the eyes of her opponents in the party and inspired her followers. She impressively presented her skills of political leadership. She took over the public emotions and would clearly recall that the supporters in the rally including the security personal couldn‘t hold back their tears. The very words of the speech were; ―I am going through a circumstances where there is absence of male family members to take care. My father is dead, my husband, my brother, my son and all other male family members are in jails. There is absence of able leaders who are willing to take the political responsibilities in these hard times and to proceed the movement. These circumstances impelled me to come out and show solidarity with my people by taking their responsiblities in these testing times. We will fight together against the oppressive rule of Bhutto‖ (Tofan, interview, 2017).

She won public sympathies through her emotional speeches. Mayar posits that in her speeches in Toru and Hoti, Nasim Wali tried to realize her people that she being their sister was passing through times of distress and in such situations it is required from them to support her (Mayar, interview, 2017).

8 Hujra: Male sitting area where females are prohibited to enter.

119 She skilfully elucidated atrocities of Bhutto government towards her family and party as their only fault is the struggle for rights of our people. She asserted that government is playing a dictatorial role and there is no sign of democracy in ‗our Islamic and democratic Pakistan‘. Bhutto government has imprisoned leaders without any reason. A rule of unjust and oppression is prevalent in Pakistan. She insisted that they should stand beside their sister and raise voice against the unjust and exploitative rule of Bhutto. She would ask her supporters to ‗put the chadder on your sister‘s head‘ (Mayar, interview, 2017). These were very well thought strategies of Nasim Wali since Nang and Namus (honour) are also the main pillars of Pukhtunwali. They require protection of female in Pukhtun society and the first and foremost responsibility of all Pukhtuns. Any harm to the female honour lead to unending feuds. Pukhtuns make no compromise on matters related to female honour and they prefer death over the shameful life. Mentioned in one of the Pakhtu folklore that ―Sweeter to me is death than life which is passed day to day without honour‖ (Singh et al., 2014). Enevoldsen argues that in Pukhtun folk songs, women are portrayed as feeble and to be protected from any harm by the brothers. Brothers act as a source of courage for the sisters. So in the poetic way woman remind it to the people that she has brothers as her defenders and saviours. As mentioned by Enevoldsen that in one of the tapa (Traditional folk songs), Pukhtun woman convey her massage to her husband in these words ―Brother less I am certainly not, If you won‘t defend my honour, then my brother will‖ (Enevoldsen, 2004: 40). My interview respondent reveals that in Utmanzai, one of the small towns of Charsadda District of Khyber Pukhtunkhwa, shopkeepers brought Parhooni or Sader (long cloth to cover the whole body) for Nasim Wali as a sign of respect and support. Being woman in distress, public were empathetic and supportive to her (Ihsan, interview, 2017). I argue that she skilfully accumulated support and encouragement of public towards her political struggle by appealing to their cultural sensitivities. Nasim Wali was aware of the fact that give high value to the tradition of protection to women particularly sisters. Brothers are the symbol of strength for sisters in Pukhtun society and in any difficult situations, brothers are in the forefront to take sisters out of difficulties. Williams & Best argue that women are considered to be ―submissive, physically weak‖ and by nature they are ―kind, emotional, soft spoken and have devoted nature‖ (Williams & Best, 1982) while ―competitiveness, aggressiveness, and independence‖ are the male

120 attributes (Ridgeway & Balkwell, 1997). Thus, Nasim Wali‘s acceptance of her vulnerability as woman in public and her emotional expressions appealed to the brotherhood and honour of Pukhtun men won her support. Afridi argues that Pukhtun people thought it their responsibility to stand by the female of such a family which always struggled for their rights (Afridi, interview, 2017). Wijekoon argues that members of patriarchal societies grant their sympathies to women political figures at time of tribulation because they consider women as ―weak and fragile‖ (Wijekoon, 2005:64). Nasim Wali exhibited political victimization of the government before the masses. Nasim Wali explicitly construed her situation to the public and appealed to their sympathy. The public became sympathetic and accepted Nasim Wali‘s leadership for the obvious reasons presented by her before them. The masses also felt the need to get united and support her at the time of distress (Afridi, interview, 2017). This is also because Pukhtuns often get united against a common opponent and more specifically in situations where the matter is related to the womenfolk. Public reprimand in Pukhtun society for those who choose otherwise and do not come forward to support women in crisis, is very common. One of my interview respondent (Pirzada, interview, 2017) and the supporter of Nasim Wali Khan states that public were sympathetic towards Nasim Wali but those (especially males) who showed silence in such hard situation ‗we gave them bangles‘9. This was a matter of Pakhtu10 (Pirzada, interview, 2017). Bangles show the weakness and submissiveness of women folk. Sanauddin posits that in South Asia offering bangles to male is synonyms to challenging their masculinity, which is unacceptable to males of the society (2015:145). Arms and weapons are considered to be the jewellery of Pukhtun men, which determine their bravery and courage, while bangles, finger rings and other ornaments are used to enhance the beauty of Pukhtun women (Khalil, n.d:89). To defend honour and to protect themselves from the stigma of being called as coward or dishonoured, people came forward and offered their support to Nasim Wali. However, the above account by no means show that Nasim Wali was weak and vulnerable. The very fact that she came out when it was not expected from her and stood against an autocratic government shows her strength. She was only trying to convince her

9 Bangles are the female hand jewellery. 10 Pakhtu is not only a language for Pukhtuns but a complete code of conduct. The word Pakhtu is often used for the entire code of Pukhtunwali.

121 audience that, when she as a women can come out why do not they? Klenke posits that political systems are manipulated by men thus women with the masculine characteristics notably the ―dominance, courage and accomplishment‖ could persuade the voters easily (Klenk, 2011:61). I argue that it is just stereotyping to consider women as feeble, weak and submissive. They are courageous to confront the opponents and have the power to accumulate support of the followers. Among Pukhtuns there were noticeable women other than Nasim Wali Khan who established their reputation. There are numerous historical accounts showing Pukhtun women with swords in their hands standing in the battlefield with men for defence of their homeland (Habibi, 1980:4) as in most recent cases of Malala Yousafzai who chose to struggle for females educational rights. Besides the cultural aspects of identity there were other aspects of Nasim Wali‘s identity which needs some consideration. Nasim Wali was carrying the legacy of her father-in-law who had created a political space for himself in the politics of sub-continent. Nasim Wali was not just a woman from the family but also the bearer of the political legacy of this family. She had to uphold the stature and sustain the legacy. Nasim Wali adopted active political life because of the political victimization of family male members. The legacy of her father-in-law was precious for her to be preserved, she even sacrificed her own comfort for it. Such testing time required a dedicated person to raise the morale of supporters and party colleagues and to defend the family reputation and legacy. Anoosh in her interview reveals that sometimes women have no option and have no idea what to do? Absence of men is an important reason for them to join the political front. Whether for safety of the family‘s name, party or a nation (Anoosh, interview, 2017). Women of the politically targeted families attain leadership position because of the protection of family political dynasty and to preserve the family name in country‘s politics. The question whether they are provided the opportunity of being in the top political leadership position in the presence of male members is still to be searched? Defending honour and legacy of the family is primarily the responsibility of Pukhtun men. However, if males are unable to do so then women take their place. A tappa famous among Pukhtuns is that”Ka Da Shazalmo na Pora Neshway….. Grana Watana Jinakay Ba Di Gatina”– ―If the young men could not defend you, O my motherland! Your maidens will defend you against your enemy‖ (Shaheen, 1984:549). Nasim Wali seems to have fulfilled such duty in the absence of her male family members. She performed her function as a resolute lady with clear vision. Amir Haider Khan (ANP

122 leader and ex- chief minister of KP) reveals that Nasim Wali was a simple house wife but her circumstances and protection of the political legacy of the family forced her in active politics (Khan.A, interview, 2017).

4.3 CONCLUSION The above account show that Nasim Wali, abided by her traditions, showed her political acumen. The situation was greatly adverse to her joining active politics. Therefore, she faced great hardship but she did not hesitate in confronting such acrimonious situations. She gained more popularity for her valiant and consistent approach to overcome the unpleasant situations she faced. She was to a greater extent steadfast in her decisions. She stood against government actions which she believed were against democracy and political tolerance. She also struggled hard for the unification of the old party comrades and workers. She was capable of dealing with the intricacies of the political life. Nasim Wali completed her responsibilities regarding the party enthusiastically, which made her the sound choice to lead the party during the period when the party was threatened by the serious internal divisions and external persecution. She made appearances throughout the country on behalf of the party. She had learnt the craft with her long association with Bacha Khan and Abdul Wali khan. The above discussion elaborated a situation which led to the emergence of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader. Although situations produce political leaders but they are not the sole factor in the rise of women leaders. Women political leaders have to fight their way out of such situations in order to be recognized as leaders. Cultural norms, family legacies and traditions and above all the attitude and response of general public towards female leader are various factors that may hinder or facilitate women political leaders to rise. However, it always depends on the personal traits and skills of these struggling women leaders to use these factors to their advantage. This also requires that we look deeper into those skills which are required and which are utilized by women political leaders on their path to success.

123 CHAPTER – 5

POLITICAL APPRENTICESHIP AND WOMEN LEADERSHIP IN A PATRIARCHAL SOCIETY: NASIM WALI KHAN’S POLITICAL STRUGGLE THROUGH ACQUIRED SKILLS

Success of the few notable Asian women political leaders are regarded to be made possible by family affiliations. Such understanding is devoid of deeper and more critical understanding of leadership skills acquired by successful women leaders through their political career. The previous chapter explained how turbulent situations impelled Nasim Wali Khan‘s rise to party leadership in a patriarchal society. This chapter highlights the attributes endowed with and acquired by Nasim Wali Khan over a period of time to retain leadership position within a political party. This chapter shows that by developing her political skills, such as eloquence, political acumen, efficient decision making power, social astuteness, confidence etc., Nasim Wali successfully carved a political constituency in an otherwise patriarchal Pukhtun population. The following sections of the chapter will elaborates the critical journey of Nasim Wali Khan in the restless sea of politics. The elaboration is important to comprehend a successful career path of a woman leader and the importance of learned skills in such a success. Women all over the world face difficulties in acquiring leadership role, therefore, it is also commonly observed that they always struggle hard to create a remarkable impact in different fields (Neely, 2012: v). Women are enthusiastic and interested to acquire top positions in different areas including business, politics, fashion, music and many more. Particularly, women political leaders are competent to build their constituency by interacting with and influencing millions of people for political support. This requires significant political skills and capabilities. Many of women leaders acquire these crucial leadership skills either in the mid or at the end of their political career and become aspiring role models for generations. This is because of their ‗political apprenticeship‘, which not only renders knowledge to the individuals regarding the political sphere, but also trains them to participate in politics. Stock posits that political participants gain confidence through political apprenticeship which enable them to raise their voices on different issues efficiently (Stock, 2012:02). Apprenticeship is the ‗learning process‘ (Wenger, 1998:11). Lave and Wenger (1991:29) elaborate the apprenticeship as establishing ‗community of practice‘ where

124 tasks and values are shared. Similarly, specific skills, knowledge and social practices of community are also transmitted from one generation to another. They further add that supportive and participatory attitude of the old generation is crucial in the beginning of political journey. They possess command on skills and knowledge required for the successful political career which is valuable in community of practice (Lave and Wenger, 1991:29). Moreover, Jalalzai & Rincker posit that political families assist their eligible members to run the political offices and therefore, provide the crucial apprenticeship. Politically active families confer political socialization and free apprenticeship to their young generations since their adolescence (Jalazai & Rincker, 2016:03). Zaman acknowledges this argument and posits that members of the political families are nurtured in a political atmosphere. They are politically socialized and are privileged to hold the position of political leadership (Zaman, 2012:82). Similarly, Kwok argues that members of the political families exhibit confidence essential for political career. Their grooming in political families is an apprenticeship for them. They acquire knowledge and skills through the experience of their elders in the political field (Kwok, 2014). I argue that political apprenticeship familiarize the individuals with the political field and enabled political figures to assist public impartially. Furthermore, their persistent endeavour, dedication to their work and service to public honestly and professionally facilitate them to earn the confidence and support of public. The acquired political skills and knowledge further assist the political figures to proceed in their political career and achieve top positions. Neely posits that great public reverence and respect are imparted to these committed leaders along with admiration (Neely, 2012: v). Similarly, skills are not the inborn characteristics possessed by leaders, rather they groom themselves through political apprenticeship in a way to achieve their objectives (Katz, 2009: 04-06). How the leaders acquire those skills? How they nurture them? What are those particular skills needed for retaining their leadership position? And above all how they utilize their skills to be successful political leaders for longer period of time? These questions shape most of the discussion in the following sections. To answer these queries, this study explores the prominent skills exhibited by Nasim Wali Khan. These skills made her able to secure and retain top leadership position. Some crucial political skills of Nasim Wali Khan which imparted political success throughout her political career are discussed below. Political leaders having the skills of persuasive oratory, political acumen

125 (Bennister, 2012: Xiii)), efficient decision making (Lussier and Achua, 2013:10-11), social astuteness and confidence (Ammeter et al., 2002:764-765), can comprehend the political situation. They can use these skills to exploit political opportunities and accomplish their objectives. In the following paragraphs we explore whether Nasim Wali Khan possessed these skills and if she did, how she used these skills to achieve her political objectives. We do so mainly with the help of primary data gathered through detailed interviews. However, we also used secondary data in support of our argument wherever it was needed.

5.1 POLITICAL ACUMEN OF NASIM WALI KHAN Political acumen is an important skill needed by any political leader. Through political acumen, political leaders get familiarity regarding the issues confronted by people and try to find the appropriate solutions for their problems. In return, they win valuable public support. In this way, political leaders carve out political space for themselves. When such space is carved out, it becomes more important to retain that space. Political acumen becomes indispensable for retaining leadership position in a political sphere. Moreover, attaining top positions might be easier for women of prominent political families in comparison with common women; however, such an opportunity brings its own unique challenges. For example, these women leaders will have to work in the male dominated political space where their conduct would be under a strict scrutiny of men. Therefore, women are under consistent pressure to prove themselves in such demanding situations. My interview data suggests that Nasim Wali Khan exhibited crucial political acumen in testing times. Mindful of the sufferings of her family, Nasim Wali joined political field to proceed with the legacy of her family. She had a good understanding of her situation and the political environment of the time. She was supposed to carve out political space for herself in these difficult situations (Yousafzai, interview, 2017; Khan. F, interview, 2017). Storey, et al., (2017) argue that politically astute leaders can comprehend diverse situations and can ably create a conducive and cooperative political environment for themselves even in turbulent circumstances (Storey, et al., 2017: 202). Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan utilized her political acumen and would deal with the political matters appropriately. Her capability of exhibiting political acumen and adoption of strategies in a manner to create conducive environment proved to be helpful in her prolonged and arduous political struggle. Political acumen enable political figures to gain

126 trust, confidence of their supporters (Ammeter et al , 2002:764-765) and can achieve an authorizing position as well (Storey at al, 2017:202). Thus, possession of political skills is indispensable for attracting followers. But how Nasim Wali Khan amassed the political acumen being a devoted house wife with no formal political training? As mentioned above, prominent political families instill political acumen among the competent family members. Likewise, Nasim Wali Khan being member of the eminent political family inherited political acumen. Political discussions at home and interaction with prominent political figures visiting her home would enable her to acquire political cognizance. Such political environment instilled political awareness which motivated her towards politics. During an interview with the researcher, Nasim Wali Khan confessed that her birth in an influential political family of Mardan (KP), where she saw active engagement of her father with Khudai Khidmatgar movement groomed her. Later, when she married Abdul Wali Khan (successor of Ghaffar Khan), a more valuable opportunity for political grooming was offered. In her new home, Nasim Wali saw more rigorous political activity because the home of Wali Khan was a hub of political activities since British Raj. Being a member of such an illustrious family, her knowledge and acumen about politics further groomed and matured (Wali.N, interview, 2016). A prominent journalist Yousafzai in his interview (2017) credited Nasim Wali Khan‘s family for her political acumen. He argues that Nasim Wali Khan‘s affiliation with progressive, secular, educated and nationalist family imparted her political acumen. Bacha Khan was a great proponent of the women‘s rights and believed in the political role of women. He was from among those very few political families of this region who believed in the women‘s role in politics. Yousafzai added that examples of political families that barred women from public spaces in this region are plenty. Aftab Sharpao, Arbab Sikander Khan Khalil, Afzal Khan are prominent Pukhtun political leaders, but female members of their families have never been engaged in active politics. Therefore, family permission and encouragement facilitates women in the political arena. Abdul Ghaffar Khan was among those few progressive leaders, who had not only encouraged women to play active political role but provided them space to nurture political acumen11 (Yousafzai, interview, 2017). Similar views were shared by an ex-MPA of KP assembly, Ms. Malik in her interview with the author. She appreciated political acumen of Abdul Wali Khan, and

11 The other example discussed by Rahim Ullah is that of Begum Kalsoom of Saifullah family.

127 praised supportive attitude of Abdul Wali Khan towards his wife Nasim Wali Khan. She emphasized that all those who spent time and remained close to Abdul Wali Khan had learnt a lot from him. Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan was influenced by her husband. Ms. Malik posits that ―he was an epitome of political knowledge‖. Beside Abdul Wali Khan‘s supervision, Nasim Wali Khan‘s political acumen was further polished after joining active politics. Ms. Malik argues that political family background instilled political astuteness in Nasim Wali Khan, however, she also admitted that everyone learns new things from daily experiences which further groom them. Nasim Wali Khan during her practical political life further improved her politics. Ms. Malik posited that, Political figures are the representatives of thousands of people, so they should know about their responsibilities and solutions of different problems. But, those political leaders having an ability to bring different public contrasting opinions in conformity and try to solve problems efficiently further bring maturity in their political knowhow (Malik, interview, 2017).

She accentuated time and again that support and encouragement of such a politically skilled mentor (Abdul Wali Khan) could be beneficial for any other person to rise and attain top political position. Thus, literature (Jalalzai & Krook, 2010:08; Fleschenberg, 2008: 24; Derichs and Thompson, 2013) and my interview respondents consider political family background as a crucial factor in the successful political career of political leaders. However, I go beyond the above argument posited by the literature and suggest that familial ties do instil political acumen among its members, but, the ability to utilize political acumen appropriately is also one of the inimitable skills needed by any political leader for their successful political career. The question is, had Nasim Wali Khan not acquired political acumen from her family, would she have been able to join and stayed for long in her political life? I argue that though Nasim Wali Khan acquired political acumen through prominent political family, nevertheless, it was her proficiency to avail and manoeuvre the instilled political acumen properly. Her sound political acumen motivated her to confront a variety of hurdles efficiently and act accordingly. The way she debunked all the myths expressed by her critics and endeavoured equally like her male counterparts for the achievement of tasks shows that besides political acumen the skills to manoeuvre and exploit a situation also play role in the political achievements of a leader. Jalalzai &

128 Rincker posit that political astute person from the political family can exploit the situation in their favour, gain trust and attention from the voters, even get great media coverage. Their pre-existing social networks and organizations help them to earn votes as well (Jalalzai & Rincker, 2016:04). Munawar Sultana, current Peshawar city vice-president of ANP, asserted in her interview that ‗if political leaders lack exceptional skills, no matter which renowned family they belong to, how much wealth they have and which important posts they occupy, they would not be able to stay longer in power‘ (Sultana, interview, 2017). Similarly, Pukhtun intellectual Hussain argues in his interview that though prominent political families impart political acumen to their females which enables them to attain top leadership positions. However, according to Hussain those members of the prominent political families who exhibit political skills get prominence. He analysed the political status of Nasim Wali Khan by comparing her with Sheikh Hasina Wajid (Premier of Bangladesh). Among six children of Sheikh Mujeeb- ur- Rahman, Sheikh Hasina Wajid came to the forefront and joined politics. Similarly, Benazir Bhutto‘s engagement in political field in presence of her three other siblings is evince of her manoeuvring capabilities and utilisation of the political acumen she had acquired (Hussain, interview, 2017). Ex- District Nazim of Mardan, Himayat Mayaar agrees with the views shared by Hussain. Mr. Mayaar argues in his interview that Nasim Wali Khan possesses crucial political acumen and the skills to exhibit it in accordance with the time and circumstances, that is why she became leader of the public in presence of her other siblings and many other competent personalities in the party (Mayaar, interview, 2017). My assessment is that Nasim Wali Khan became a party leader by succeeding her imprisoned husband which is a landmark not just because of turbulent circumstances which enabled her to attain such position but also because of her political acumen. Her political acumen was manifested from her endeavours which were not limited to Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (the then NWFP) but were spread in length and breadth of the country. She discussed the issues maturely in the mass gatherings. She expressed her difficulties in front of public in an impressive way, but showed her solidarity with them in their sufferings most specifically during Z.A. Bhutto‘s oppressive rule. Through her sound strategies, she was able to form a place for herself in the male dominated political field. In her visit to NDP office Lahore on 31st October 1976, Nasim Wali Khan maturely discussed the issues, problems and turbulent situation in front of the public in

129 her speeches. She was listened enthusiastically by both the educated class of the society as well as by the general public. She spoke extempore and stated that ―conditions in our country were deplorable and the public was victim of the oppressive rule. She asserted that in those turbulent situations when fundamental rights of citizens were infringed, there was a lack of democracy in our country, a country which was founded in the name of Islam. Islamic Republic must be based on justice and equality where all those components were missing. Our nation had sacrificed their properties and lives for their freedom from the British Imperialists. But it was not for the purpose to give responsibility to those having no respect for those principles which were the foundation of Pakistan. Independence means freedom of thoughts, feelings, expressions and mobility. Nonetheless, rulers were violating these basic rights‖. She highlighted atrocities of government against students, political workers and oppositional political figures. She added that ―they were assaulting all those who were opposing the oppressive rule. They were working against democracy, but yet against the humanity as well. I am asking one thing that, if the government had support of the majority then why they were afraid of us? Let grant us freedom of speech, thoughts and mobility. We know that their supporters would create hindrances in our way. We are ready for it but we need freedom‖. Nasim Wali Khan requested the public that unity among them was crucial in those testing times. We have to be united on one platform, only then we could achieve our task successfully (Malik, 1976: 21). Nasim Wali Khan exhibited her political acumen appropriately, specifically during the convoluted times. She enabled herself to perform well, which made her successful and acceptable public leader. She discussed the crisis situation in a way to create awareness among public regarding the time and circumstances. In testing time, she tried to involve public in her political struggle and amassed their support. She tried to assemble public on one platform in order to achieve success. Likewise, her experiences in the political field made her able to confront and solve the different intricate problems. Similarly, in her speech on 7th December 1975 in Lahore district bar association Nasim Wali stated that, ―We are facing oppression in our own country for some time. The government is suppressing members and workers of the opponent parties by all mean to establish dictatorial rule of one man. When I saw nobody in my house to confront atrocities of the government, then I considered it my responsibility to come forward. I have left the four walls of my house and raised my voice for

130 the rights of my people. Whatever is happening in Pakistan is all in front of you. A single person has pushed back the whole country just for the lust of his own personal ambitions. In the past, we felt that he (Z.A. Bhutto) is a person who would take the country out of crisis. It was not a fault of public, students, peasants, labourers, lawyers and intellectuals. Each and every group expected the same. They expected better future for our nation from this person. Similarly, people of Punjab had warmly welcomed him, but he (Z.A.Bhutto) has achieved such heights where we don‘t have the potential to remove him‖ (Wali.N, 1975: 11-12).

Nasim Wali Khan in her speeches depicted herself as public leader, who was struggling for their rights and for the revival of democracy. She was struggling among those likeminded individuals, who were the hope of the public to end the oppressive rule. She had discussed different crucial political, social, financial problems and had exposed atrocities of the government in front of public which assisted her to confront the oppressive Z. A. Bhutto rule.

Nasim Wali skilfully exposed the oppression of the government and stated that, ―Our country is under the control of bureaucracy (naukar shahi ka sikkah chal raha hay). Defence rules and Art. 144 have been imposed in the whole country for long time. I do not understand that from whom the government is feeling threatened. If it is feeling threats from the public then remove the mask of a ‗public leader‘ (quaid- e- awam). We are not discussing Baluchistan, because it seems as if it is not a part of Pakistan. Bullets are being fired and guns are being raised on our own people. They are fighting a holy war (jihad) against their own brothers. This is happening in this state which was achieved in the name of religion Islam. The same was done in East Pakistan, which is being repeated in Baluchistan. There is a puppet government. Chief Ministers‘ of the provinces have no real powers, but they are satisfied with the so called (barai naam) positions they are holding. There is a rule of one man. He is thinking that neither law nor public hands can approach him…We should think that why millions of people are helpless in front of a single person. It is very easy for the educated people to assess the situation of our failed economy‖ (Wali. N, speech, 1975:12).

131 Nasim Wali Khan competently persuaded the public to rise against the dictatorial rule of one man. She capably motivated them to be united on one platform and stood for the acquisition of their fundamental rights. Political acumen of Nasim Wali Khan enabled her to convey her voice to the public impressively. Her persistent endeavour granted confidence to the public who endorsed her political struggle. Through her political awareness, actions, aspiration and devotion, she changed the thinking of the traditional Patriarchal society. They accompanied her in her efforts against the authoritarian rule of Z. A. Bhutto. Day (2014) mentions that leaders can achieve authority and successful political careers only when they utilize their political behaviour in peculiar, genuine and convincing manner which makes the followers satisfied. The political acumen of leaders make the supporters loyal and supportive towards their leaders. Similarly, shrewdness, influence and apparent sincerity are skills which further enhance the abilities of a political leader (512-513). Nasim Wali Khan showed her concerns towards public and motivated them (especially the educated class of the society) which proved to be a prudent attempt. She addressed the bar association in these words, ―Thanks to Allah Almighty the public is rising against government from this area of our country (Punjab) as well and the non-cooperation is moving towards its acme. Though, governing party has majority in the assembly, yet there is deficiency in the quorum. They are confronting these situations. Have you ever thought to remedy this situation? Whenever situations become worse in other countries, public take to the streets. Similarly, you are more aware than me regarding amendments in the constitution as we have heard about these amendments from others. There are three and four hundred years‘ old constitutions still existing today in most of the countries but with less amendments. We are the ones who are cutting the roots of our infant plant. The whole game is being played just for one person. One amendment, second amendment, third amendment and now the fourth one along with throwing the opposition on the roads. Opposition parties are neither allowed to speak in the assembly nor outside. Opposition is even not allowed to move freely outside. Restriction on the freedom of expression impelled us to gather in these small bar rooms. We are endeavouring to contact those people who are able to join us in our struggle. We are inviting students, lawyers and intellectuals to aware

132 the people of the existing conditions effectively. Such efforts will be continued till the whole nation unites against such oppression (Wali N, speech, 1975:12).

In the above speech, Nasim Wali Khan discussed all the major political issues properly and gave solution of these problems as well. She elaborated that turbulent situations and atrocities of government forced us to take such measures to stand against them and raise our voices for our rights. She asserted time and again that unity is the prime component for successful achievement of goals. The deteriorating conditions of different governmental and academic institutions discussed by her impressively further exhibited her prudent political acumen. She skilfully manoeuvred the situation to her advantage by requesting the likeminded people to join their struggle against the oppressive rule. She addressed all sections (students, lawyers, both male and female political followers) of the society for the cause of boosting her struggle. Political acumen of Nasim Wali Khan is acknowledged by the fact that despite being a housewife earlier, her political apprenticeship compelled the political associates to assign her the responsibility of the party leadership (Tofan, interview, 2016; Khaksar, interview, 2018). She was disappointed with atrocities of the government and was deeply concerned with the fate of her party and family as well. The worsening situation did not allow her to stay aloof from the political sphere. It was possible through her political acumen that she artfully showed her presence in the general public without being resisted by the society. History of Nasim Wali Khan‘s political career provides us a clear idea of her efforts in congregating party associates and followers. Through the mass uprising, she was able to stand against atrocities of government and struggled for the fulfilment of her objectives. Through her political intuition, Nasim Wali Khan had metamorphosed political phenomenon in her own right. Nasim Wali Khan‘s political acumen was exhibited from the fact that not only male members of the society were her followers, rather women of the traditional society also accompanied her. In an interview in 1977, Begum Ghulam Mohammad Bilour appreciated the political acumen of Nasim Wali Khan in these words, ―I like Nasim Wali Khan‟s politics. I consider Nasim Wali Khan as my leader. I feel proud to be present among those countless women political workers of NWFP, who are followers of Nasim Wali Khan. The political acumen, courage and determination which she exhibited in these testing times are very rare” (Bilour, interview, 1977:14).

133 Amanchukwu (2015:10) posits that political acumen and appropriate leadership style makes a political figure an effective leader. But, Bennister (2012:Xiii) adds that besides the above mentioned skill, eloquence, charisma and the ability to effectively grasp turbulent circumstances facilitate the individuals to secure top leadership positions as well. Eloquence is another important skill mentioned by the skill theorists for efficient public figures. Political acumen facilitate leaders throughout their political career, but is possible only by developing the communication skills as well.

5.2 PERSUASIVE ORATORY SKILLS OF NASIM WALI KHAN I argue that good oratory skills are crucial for attainment of leadership position. Similarly, such skill is mandatory to preserve the same position. While analysing Nasim Wali Khan‘s oratory skills, it is perceived that she skilfully communicated her intentions to the public. Her impressive communication skills gathered the public towards her who listened to her and understood each and every word she uttered. Bondrey (1977:13) admired her oratory skills in The Herald in these words, „Public stay to listen, for she is the best speaker in the PNA line-up. Her language is Pashto, but her Urdu has a poetic fluency that defies easy translation‟. I argue that motivational speeches of leaders influence public particularly when such leaders endeavour against tyrant and corrupt rulers. Nasim Wali Khan with good communication skills attained a successful political career in the long run. She communicated her thoughts, feelings and interests in a convincing manner to the public and earned their support and encouragement in return. As Bondrey states, „on the public platform, perhaps what you say is not important as how you say it. And Nasim Wali Khan knows how to say it. Her style is striking mixture of off-beat imagery, humour, emotional appeal and logic” (1977:13). Being a skilful political leader with the power of eloquence she provoked general masses towards the achievements of set tasks which might become easier with their assistance. Malik also appreciated her persuasive oratory skills which she exhibited in the initial years of her political career (Malik, 1976:21). I argue that apprenticeship of the political families imparts leaders with skills such as oratory. Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan inherited the persuasive oratory skill form her predecessors. But the manner she exhibited vigorous oratory skills proved to further expedite her political career. Khan posits in her interview that her father, Amir Mohammad Khan Hoti was a good speaker and had a great command of Lucknow Urdu. Nasim Wali Khan had a great affection towards her father and inherited the same quality

134 from him. She was heard by people very curiously. She possessed skills of using clear words and expression. She was a great public speaker and continues to be so. Quality of oratory skills are in her genes. Her speeches were very powerful which galvanized the public (Khan, H, interview, 2017). My respondents (Zareef, interview, 2016; Yousafzai, interview, 2017; Khan. F, interview, 2017) praise Nasim Wali Khan for her natural charm. Moreover, they insist that being a gifted orator, she was an articulate speaker and has amazing command over both Urdu and Pushto languages. Certainly, being Abdul Wali Khan‘s partner and owing to her own political acumen, Nasim Wali Khan used her oratory skills to her advantage. Similarly, Yousafzai argues that after 1975, Nasim Wali Khan came out publicly and arranged public rallies against Z. A. Bhutto regime. People all over Pakistan, most specifically from Lahore, Karachi and Hyderabad would attend these rallies of ANP, where Nasim Wali Khan was passionately heard. Her party colleagues and followers heard her speeches with patience and enthusiasm. She articulated support of masses, especially from Punjab with dignity (Yousafzai, interview, 2017). Nasim Wali‘s oratory skills were acknowledged by her political colleagues such as Sherbaz Khan Mazari12. Mazari, a Balochi nationalist leader, in his autobiography, explained that Nasim Wali‘s first public speech was in the NDP‘s first public meeting held at Baldia colony. He states that being female of a patriarchal society, he was impressed by her good oratory skills which she exhibited in her first public appearance. He added that she utilized her natural talent by persuading public. Mazari acknowledged that her first ever speech made him realize that „it was just the beginning of her lengthy political career‟ (Mazari, 1999: 389). Similarly, one of my respondents, the General Secretary of ANP (Wali), Mr. Tofan recollects the memory of a rally held in 1976 in Chowk Yadgar (famous monument in Peshawar city). He states that, ‗Whenever I recall the time, I become emotional… the place was filled by the general public. When Nasim Wali Khan came on stage accompanied by the old colleagues from Mardan, Swabi and Charsadda, people were enthusiastic to listen to the first female member of Bacha Khan‘s family.

12 Sherbaz Khan Mazari is a Pakistani politician. He is sardar of the Mazari tribe. He entered into the political sphere in the general elections of 1965 against General Ayub Khan. In 1970, he became an elected National Assembly member as an independent candidate. He led the independent group in the National Assembly and was a signatory to 1973 constitution. Later, he became the President (1975-77) of newly formed National Democratic Party. He was one among the prominent leaders of the Pakistan National Alliance (1977-81) and Movement for the restoration of Democracy (1981-88).

135 Nasim Wali Khan in her speech stated that ―I donned this black shawl as a symbol of my sorrow. I will only start using white shawl, when you people support me in my struggle to shatter the Hyderabad tribunal and release our leaders. Would you agree to put shawl on my head then I will join the political sphere and start a struggle with you. I have no alternative but to actively participate in the political field and fight against atrocities of the government”. People felt her grief and became emotional…this was one of the memorable speeches of Nasim Wali Khan which motivated the people to join her struggle against the government atrocities…our party followers were all the old guards of KK movement, who suffered a lot during their struggle against the British, faced oppression, jails and being tortured by governments of the time. So, they felt her grief‘ (Tofan, interview, 2016).

While analysing this public speech of Nasim Wali Khan, it had a deep impact on the general public. Public were gathered under her leadership and joined her in her struggle. She skilfully utilized her cultural code of pardah through a chadder. Her demand of putting a shawl on her head refers to the honour of the women. Her emphasis on having a chadder is to use cultural norms in her favour to earn support of followers towards achievement of her task. Sultana reveals in her interview that the shopkeepers of Utmanzai (birth place of Abdul Wali Khan) brought chadder for Nasim Wali Khan. It was a sign of their willingness to stand beside her in her political strife (Sultana, interview, 2017). As Derich & Thompson point out that portrayal of the Asian women political leaders as political victims enhanced their chances of acceptance among the supporters. Though majority of the traditional Asian women political leaders are politically inexperienced but their skills to generate the ‗victimization sentiments‘ among the supporters enable them to lead the political movements against the cruel, dictatorial and unjust rulers (Derich & Thompson, 2013:16-17).

Likewise, Nasim Wali Khan posits in one of her interviews with Weekly Afrasia, ‗It is requirement of the time when my Father-in-law is in jail, my husband is being declared a traitor, my elder son Asfandyar Wali is being arrested on the charges of Hayat Sherpao assassination. He was sentenced for 19 years. My only brother Azam is a political absconder. My father is not alive. I am now the only person to revive the

136 political legacy of my family‘ (Wali. N, interview, 1977:11). Nasim Wali Khan time and again proclaimed that her presence in politics is because of the compulsion of the situation. Political victimization of her male family members forced her to stand against the odds and strive for the political resurrection of her family. These statements proved to be prudent attempts to appeal to social and cultural sensitives of the public. She worked for it by visiting every part of the country and tried to convince the people against government charges on NAP leaders and workers. She always mentioned the historical struggle of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and her family for the rights of the people. During her speech on 2nd November 1976, she discussed the struggle of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and stated that being member of such a renowned family with a long history of political victimization, I am also determined to face these hardships patiently and endeavouring persistently until the successful achievement of my tasks (Sarwar, 1976:8 & 28). My respondent and a prominent journalist Yousafzai argues that Nasim Wali Khan through her good oratory skills aroused Pukhtun people who stood for their rights in her struggle. This quality enabled her to proceed and majority welcomed her. Her political life brought changes in the attitude and behaviour of a traditional and conservative society. People would want to know about her and listen to her. She gained sympathies by discussing difficulties they were facing. She had the ability to incite people by talking to them as the matter of Pakhtu - that in the unavailability of males, women led the struggle to defend males of the family (Yousafzai, interview, 2017). Fayaz Khan, a lawyer at Mardan Session Court and a close relative of Nasim Wali Khan appreciated the speeches of Nasim Wali Khan. He posits that her speeches were impressive and she avoided rebuking anyone. She discussed and expressed her sufferings and issues in a very impressive and confident manner that the public got sympathetic towards her (Khan. F, interview, 2017). Similarly, on 4th August 1977 she was present in the conference of Pakistan National Alliance at a residence of Chaudry Zahoor Illahi. After the conference, majority of workers of the National Alliance and news reporters came towards Nasim Wali Khan. She expressed her grief by complaining that people of Punjab are still considering Abdul Wali Khan a traitor. But they refuted these charges and assured her about their support (Staff Reporter, 1977:07). Nasim Wali appealed for people‘s support in her struggle for release of her male family members and other ANP leaders who always fought for the rights of Pukhtuns

137 throughout their life. Public were aware of their sacrifices and struggles. They venerated her and granted their full support to Nasim Wali Khan in her struggle against the suppressive rule of Z. A. Bhutto. In one of her visits to Lahore on 3rd December 1975, Mr. Latif Butt (leader of the organization of Zinda Dalan-e Lahore) assured their assistance to Nasim Wali Khan. He added that ―Lahore is still alive. We would follow you and proceed towards the achievement of democracy. They raised the slogans for safe acquittal of Abdul Wali Khan, restoration of democracy and halting of military operation in Baluchistan.‖ (Staff Reporter, 1975:13). These supportive speeches were the indication that Nasim Wali Khan earned support of the people of Pakistan not only in KP but from other parts of the country. Nasim Wali Khan through her enchanted speeches created awareness among the public and motivated them to stand against those who are infringing their fundamental rights. She skilfully conveyed the efforts of her family towards autonomy of the provinces and their struggle for the achievement of fundamental rights. Furthermore, she tried to unite them for the revival of democratic forces. Nasim Wali Khan in her speech on 7th December 1975 in Lahore district bar association stated that, ‗Infringement of fundamental rights, trampling the sanctity of the holy institutions and suppressing the voices of masses are against the notion of democracy. Radio, TV and the Newspapers have been dominated by the government. The most important issue we are now confronting is that of democracy. Through the efforts and strength of public we had achieved freedom from the British imperialists. We had removed the Marshal laws and now we will try to get rid of the dictator. Our misfortune is that we had got freedom from slavery but became slaves of the slaves (ghulamon kay Ghulam bun gae). Would you see democracy in Pakistan? Democracy is the requirement of all whether they are Punjabis, Baluchis, or Pathans. However, those who take the name of democracy are being targeted. Military operation is going on for three years in Baluchistan. Recently two days before, twelve innocent people have been killed without any reason. In the presence of law, courts and you people what is the reason of the existing conditions? If they are killing Baluchis, they are Pakistanis, the death of Punjabis are considered to be the death of a Pakistani. Similarly plundering of Sindhi‘s property is the loss of Pakistan. Solution of these problems is

138 one, that all the four provinces should be united for the cause to bring democracy back. Pakistan is our country. Unity among us is crucial for the successful achievement of the tasks and for the settlement of our disputes (Wali, N speech, 1975:11-12).

Through her good oratory skills she tried to unite public on one platform without considering them Baluchis, Pathans, Sandhis or Punjabis. She went to each and every part of the country and insisted to feel the victimization of all provinces. She urged that if one province is being tortured then rest of the provinces have to raise their voices in its favour. These motivational speeches attracted public attention. Her eloquence removed their confusion that she is struggling not for a specific community but endeavouring for the rights of all. Similarly, her political life brought attitudinal changes in Pukhtun society as well who accepted her leadership. Khan states that her humble and efficacious nature created a sense of inspiration, expectations and desires among her followers (Khan. H, interview, 2017). Derich & Thompson called such skills as the ‗moral capital‘. Female political leaders having the possession of ‗moral capital‘ enables them to persuade supporters towards a particular goal. Moral reputation is a source of prestige, regards, loyalty and authority for political leaders (2013:16). From Nasim Wali Khan‘s speeches, she seemed genuinely interested in the welfare of her constituency (Zareef, interview, 2016). Bondrey posits that the secret of Nasim Wali Khan‘s success was partly her own personality and partly the turbulent political environment. To a public jaded with yesterday‘s politicians, Nasim Wali Khan came as a fresh face. She had the charisma that was otherwise absent from the political scene. ―Her style, her speech, her sadar, all convey an aura of purity that was solely missing in the country‟s political atmosphere‖ (1977:13). I argue that all her speeches were based on the current issues confronted by them. Her selection of words indicates her devotion and affection towards the audience. She always started her speeches by saying ―my brave brothers and sons‖ or ―your sister‖. Adoption of such words increased her prestige among the public and they considered it their responsibility to assist and pay their regards towards their ―sister, mother or a daughter‖ in response. Nasim Wali Khan in her address on 4th December 1975 in Lahore stated, ―My brothers, sisters and elders, first of all I am thankful to you that you

139 have given me an opportunity to share my feelings with you... I feel proud to be treated like a sister. The brothers of Punjab called me a sister, it is a great honour for me to have brave brothers and sons like you. You have ended my worries, as I felt lonely in my journey towards the revival of democracy. But now I am satisfied that I have the support of such courageous brothers and sons. The supporters of the government are praising the government policies but they are defying their promises of Roti, Kapra or Makaan. They are following the policy of hatred and suppression…There is absence of democracy. We are facing oppression and violence in our country. We are reviving the precedents of our elders, who came out against the imperialists in 1930‘s. They have faced the atrocities and brutalities of the imperialist forces for the freedom of their future generations. They endeavoured for the purpose to have their own country, own government, where they could live independently without fear of anyone. They could earn their living with pride and honour. But unfortunately the award of such sacrifices has been given to us in the form of titles such as ‗traitors‘. Every government of this independent state called us traitors. They are calling those people traitors who have spent their whole lives for the rights of the people. They are blaming us for violence in the country. They are torturing our people in NWFP. Bullets have been fired on them. My whole male family members are in jail. They have started military operation in Baluchistan. Punjab is the eldest brother. People of Punjab are more educated and more civilised. Therefore, we have started our journey for the revival of democracy from Punjab. I am thankful to my brothers in Punjab regarding their assurance of their support in my journey. I also promise to accompany them till the successful achievement of our goals‖ (Wali, N speech, 1975:16).

Nasim Wali Khan‘s speeches were very motivational. Nasim Wali Khan possessed extraordinary communication skills with consistent nature and had an ability to communicate with people in an impressive way. In her struggle against brutalities of the government, she tried her best to increase her mass support base. That is why she visited every part of the country. She expressed her concerns and solidarity with the people who were suffering. This made her acceptable leader of the people. She communicated matters very politely and respectfully to persuade people to understand matters they deal with.

140 She always tried to create unity among the party supporters. Sarwar (1976) posits that among one of her visits, during 2nd -3rd November 1976, to attend mass gatherings in different parts of Sahiwal (district of Punjab) starting from Pak-Pattan. Nasim Wali Khan was accompanied by Rao Mahroz Akhtar (President Punjab NDP), Advocate Rana Maqbool (Gen. secretary Punjab NDP), Ahsan Daen, Rao Shamshad (members of central committee NDP, Punjab) and Dr. Aqar (convenor NDP, district Sahiwal). The situation was unfavourable for the opposition parties to convene any political activity. During this visit, numerous police squads resisted the public and lawyers from attending mass gatherings in Pak-Pattan Bar Association. Nasim Wali confidently addressed this mass gathering. She stated, ―My family members are called as traitors. Government is blaming them for being involved in activities pernicious for the solidarity of Pakistan. How is it possible? Abdul Ghaffar Khan is the one who raised his voice against the British imperialism in Indo-Pak subcontinent. He always endeavoured for the betterment and integrity of Pakistan. If such struggle is considered as gumrahi (ignorance), then I am accepting the same. Where were those who have occupied the power and executive positions in the country at that time? We had always struggled for our independence and we are proud of it. They are trying to expel us from our own homeland. But we had faced hardships, lost our children, husbands and fathers. No one would be successful in their fallacious strategies. Conditions of Pakistan are deteriorating day by day because of these corrupt politicians…Police are still obstructing the public from attending mass gatherings. They are torturing them as well‖ (Sarwar, 1976:8 & 28).

Her awareness regarding the day-to-day matters and her ability to communicate the situations impressively further increased her credibility among the public. Hameed Khan reveals in his interview that Nasim Wali Khan communicated in a gratified and respectful way with a purpose to serve people. Her dedication towards political struggle through determination further created a conducive environment for her (Khan. H, interview, 2017). Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan in her interview argues that she was loyal towards her people therefore, she had never depended on others to write speeches for her, whenever she had to speak in the rallies or among any other public gatherings. She

141 addressed the gatherings on her own and never relied on written speeches especially written by others. Nasim Wali Khan further posits that it is to some extent her weakness, that she never addressed public gatherings from written papers. She spoke extempore and from her own will (Wali.N, interview, 2016). I argue that Nasim Wali Khan is an articulate leader. She knows how to represent and express her thoughts and feelings. Her good communication skills, the quality of forming different organizations among the party, to make decisions, and even to solve their problems as well further stabilized her position in the party. Her communication skills are very appreciable and inspiring. She communicates complicated issues very easily and in a simple way to the supporters. She toured different parts of the country and addressed public gatherings. Her personal tours, addressing large public gatherings, exchange of experiences with her peers and the acknowledgement by the public and party associates further improved her communication skills. Similarly, effective communication skills enabled her to create best possible place in the arena of politics. Nasim Wali Khan‘s speeches favoured the autonomy of Pukhtuns and her struggle against the suppressive regime enhanced her credibility. She effectively raised her voice on those issues which were furthering the public problems. Besides such skills, political leaders need the skill of good decision making. Similarly, political leaders who exhibit effective decision making skills for betterment of a community at large are acknowledged by the public as well.

5.3 EFFICIENT DECISION MAKING Decision making is an important skill for any political leader. Being representatives of the public, political leaders play a key role to take different crucial decisions for advancement and betterment of the public. However, fulfilment of their demands is possible only through efficient decision making power of political leaders. Such skilful leaders earn trust and confidence in return. Supporters and followers become confident that their leaders are competent to solve the problems they are confronting. Decision making is the process to specify goals and objectives. For the achievement of goals, selection of appropriate course of action, methods, and setting directions are crucial. Thus, decision making is a process of comparing and selecting the approaches and methods for accomplishment of the set tasks (Xing, 2015:43). Nasim Wali Khan‘s decision making skills which she exhibited by joining active politics, reviving the party, safely acquitting of male family members and enabling her

142 family to survive politically are the indications of her prudent decision making skills. As a matter of fact, Nasim Wali Khan is not only an educated woman, but possess political acumen and stands among the notable political figures. She joined politics in an era when women have minimal presence in political sphere, particularly in a patriarchal and conservative Pukhtun society. So, how she took different decisions regarding party affairs? Did her decisions bring positive outcome for the party? Renshon states that political leadership with skilled decision making power is crucial for the achievement of craving outcomes. This would be helpful in attainment of successful results even if the leader is short of exceptional judgemental ability. Similarly, if there are more options available to the leaders for the successful attainment of goals, it needs close attention which in turn provides crucial information about judgemental ability of the leader, values and ways of analysing the world around them (1993:70). Likewise, Nasim Wali Khan‘s political acumen facilitated her while taking different crucial decisions at the time of political suppression. She was aware of the circumstances and her far-sightedness enabled her to take decisions accordingly and her determination further assisted her to act persistently. Khan in his interview posits that Nasim Wali Khan was a very present minded person and took right decisions at a right time. She was confident while taking decisions regarding different matters which further enhanced her role and status in Pukhtun society. She was a reasonable negotiator and could always prefer party leadership‘s consensus while taking decisions on important issues (Khan. H, interview, 2017). Similarly, Tofaan argues that Nasim Wali Khan gained confidence of the party colleagues on important decisions while occupying the party leadership. She explained the situation to party colleagues and would state, ―I take the lead in view of the current situation to reform the party and release the imprisoned party leaders. But if anyone have any objection, then select any capable person to handle the situation and to make efforts for the release of leaders actively. We will all welcome them. I am ready to work with them. I have no experience of active politics but need your support‖ (Tofaan, interview, 2016).

Zareef mentions in his interview that under the guidance of Abdul Wali Khan and intimate awareness regarding democratic process, she always followed the rules and did not bend for short term gains which are crucial qualities of her leadership (Zareef,

143 interview, 2016). The appointment of capable women to the responsible decision-making positions through a credible process ensures their legitimacy and credibility in the eyes of the public as well (Nijat & Murtazashvili, 2015: 12). Party worker of ANP Sultana appreciates Nasim Wali Khan‘s political role by calling her a very strong political figure. She states that Nasim Wali Khan‘s decision making power won her respect and support (Sultana, interview, 2017). The analysis of her decision making power demonstrates that she tried hard to solve the issues confronted by her family and party as well. She never compromised on matters related to the better future of the party. Nasim Wali Khan‘s foremost decision was her involvement in the politics actively. Though she faced resistance from party colleagues but remained steadfast in her decisions. Similarly, supportive attitude of her husband (Abdul Wali Khan), parents and siblings further encouraged her to be active in the political arena. My respondent Malik emphasizes in her interview that whenever women get an opportunity and are encouraged by society and family, they are able to perform the same active function performed by Nasim Wali Khan and play their role for betterment of the society as well (Malik, interview, 2017). However, in the process of decision making, awareness regarding the problem is the initial stage. It is important to define the problem. A skilful leader enumerates the tasks, gathers required information and analyses different options to achieve desired results without ignoring uncertainties and risks. Political leaders always face barriers which effect their decisions and judgements, nevertheless, lessons from past experiences and work for a better future can make them able to be informed, adapt and proceed (Zimmerman et al., 2012:7). My assessment is that Nasim Wali Khan‘s crucial decision was her active involvement in political sphere in testing times. This very decision boosted her political struggle positively. Likewise, she was part of those likeminded group of people who reformed a political party (NDP) at a time of political dissension which further enhanced her prestige. Being a woman, she was courageous enough to take tough decisions accordingly. Through the platform of NDP, she was able to reunite the party associates. She accumulated mass support. She was also successful in her efforts of uniting all the political parties on one platform against Bhutto‘s suppressive regime. Through this platform, she was able to put forward her demands before the government and was able to get them fulfilled as well. Sherbaz Khan Mazari and Nasim Wali Khan are considered to be the progressive members of the defunct party (NAP), who formed and led a new party

144 (NDP). Kaushik (1984:78) states that Nasim Wali Khan prepared seven points under the supervision of her party colleagues. She put forward these points to the government. Nasim Wali Khan was a stern supporter of lifting of emergency. She fought for the restoration of civil liberties. The political solution of Baluchistan problem; release of all political detainees; implementation of the 1973 constitution which was collectively ratified by the National Assembly; security of job; grant of admission to all educational institutions purely on merit basis, reduction of unemployment and allotment of allowances during unemployment were the core issues to counter with. Similarly, during Nasim Wali Khan and Sherbaz Khan Mazari‘s leadership, their political party NDP decided to join alliance of the nine political parties named Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) against Z.A. Bhutto‘s government. While analysing the importance of the alliance (PNA) for NDP, we can find that on one hand, this alliance was helpful in the unification of all the opposition parties on one platform. Their unification acted as a stimulus for Nasim Wali Khan‘s political struggle. On the other hand, we observed that Islamic Political parties also joined the united front (PNA) against Z.A. Bhutto oppressive regime. This was also beneficial for successful political career of Nasim Wali Khan and for the achievement of her political goals as well. Similarly, in her political struggle she did not face any hurdle (in the form of fatwas, religious verdict by the religious scholars) from the Islamic Political Parties. Rather, they were her partners. Nasim Wali Khan‘s political acumen enabled her to play crucial role alongside various political parties (including Islamic political parties) to achieve set goals. Tofan argues that at the time of PNA, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto comprehended the role and position of Nasim Wali Khan in PNA. Therefore, he wanted to meet her for the purpose to solve the problems of NWFP (now Khyber Pukhtunkhwa) and Baluchistan. But, she refused to meet him because alternatives given by Z. A. Bhutto were against the proposed solution put forth by PNA‘s collective leadership. As a result, Nasim Wali Khan decided to boycott all sorts of agreements with Z. A. Bhutto. Nasim Wali Khan took a decision according to the demand of the time to overcome hurdles (Tofan, interview, 2016). In one of her interviews with Bondrey in The Herald (1977) Nasim Wali Khan stated, ―On the night of 22nd-23rd April 1977, when I was arrested, our agitation was at its height .Bhutto sent an emissary with an offer. He said that if we joined

145 hand with the government, they would give us government in the Frontier (NWFP), there would be re-election in Baluchistan which enable us to make our government in Baluchistan as well. They would withdraw the Hyderabad tribunal case, all detainees would be discharged, all cases before special tribunals and special courts would be withdrawn, but I refused‖ (Wali. N, interview, 1977:16).

Though it was a good offer as the government was prepared to accept all her demands. The acceptance of the offer would have benefitted her a lot. She could have easily achieved her goals without confronting atrocities of the government. Rather she would have attained the position of being the most desired political figure of the government. But Nasim Wali Khan decided to refuse the offers given by government. She successfully united the whole nation politically. The acceptance of offers would have symbolised betraying the whole nation. Her sagacious decision making skills increased her integrity among the public and political partners. They paid their regards and made her presence compulsory while taking crucial decisions. My interview respondent Khan posits that Nasim Wali Khan was strong enough to take important and hard decisions promptly and then stood by them. She faced house arrests many times, nonetheless, she never left her place. In those hard times, she made contacts with the party colleagues and workers. Khan discussed one such situation which showed her determination. He posited that once ANP was arranging a public rally against Z.A. Bhutto in Mardan (district of KP). Because of Nasim Wali Khan‘s house arrest and imprisonment of all top party leadership, it seemed to be impossible to hold the gathering. However, Nasim Wali Khan‘s took a tough stance and bold step to come out in the veil where nobody recognized her. She met party workers and colleagues in an office and made all the arrangements for the rally which made the rally successful. She was not even stopped by the government leaving Z.A. Bhutto with just the option to say, ―I gave her permission to lead it‖ (Khan. H, interview, 2017; c.f.Bondrey.1977:14). Khan argues that being a determined leader, the party communication system was also efficiently organized during Nasim Wali Khan‘s leadership. Whenever she faced house arrest, she sent an astazey (communicator) to the party colleagues and carry out her party functions (Khan. H, interview, 2017). Similarly, Hussain states that Nasim Wali Khan was very confident while taking crucial decisions regarding the party matters. Nobody have ever noticed her with any

146 hesitation while taking decisions. Whenever the party executive council or central party leadership took policy decisions, she would also supervise the processes. Most crucial party decisions such as organization of rallies and processions, agreements or alliances with the government or with other political parties, press conferences, protests were also taken by her (Hussain, interview, 2017). My respondent Latif Afridi argues that Nasim Wali Khan would discuss important matters with party members and never deviated from principles. She was never subjugated by male members through their arguments. Moreover, she would always argue hard with those she considered wrong (Afridi, interview, 2017). My interview data also reveals that being on the highest position in the party, she also used her political powers dictatorially. Support of Abdul Wali Khan granted Nasim Wali Khan highest echelon of power and under his guidance, she was able to take the contesting decisions that were not challenged by anyone in the party. Those party colleagues having reservations were also unable to criticize her openly because of the support and confidence of Abdul Wali Khan (Afridi, interview, 2017; Yousafzai, interview, 2017). Nasim Wali Khan agreed that due to her tough stance in the party, some party members would call her a dictator. She further posits that she was not a rubber stamp to be manipulated by male party members but gave directions, suggestions to her colleagues and the party office bearers (Wali. N, interview, 2017). Afridi argues that the party colleagues insisted to form women wing in the party. But Nasim Wali was against such idea. She stated that all (both males and females) are equal members of the party. There is no difference between them. There is no need to form another wing. Her decision carries such weight that the party is following that decision till this day and ANP has no separate women wing (Afridi, interview, 2018). Lawangeen Khan, the grandson and political advisor of Nasim Wali Khan being very close to his grandmother appreciated the decision making power of his grandmother in his interview with the author. He posits that Nasim Wali Khan would not take long to decide which is very good quality of a leader. He argues that certain situations required right decisions on the spot, otherwise they become less effective. She has the quality to take prompt and sound decisions, which according to him, very few leaders can possess (Khan. L, interview, 2017). Similar views are shared by other respondents in their interviews. Whether they are academicians, close party associates or family members. All the above discussion proves her strong decision power which enabled the workers and colleagues of the party to stand against an autocratic and dictatorial rule of Z.

147 A. Bhutto regime. Mahmood argues that she was among those who was in favour of the military action against Z.A. Bhutto government (Mahmood, 2014:14). After the imposition of martial law by Gen. Zia ul Haq, he announced that elections would be held in October which was welcomed by all but particularly PNA. On March 9th after the election results, she removed her famous black sadar (black shawl is used as a symbol of mourning). Sweets were distributed and Nasim Wali Khan discarded black dupatta. Nasim Wali Khan stated that the dark period was over and door to democracy was opened. Symbolizing her hopes she stated, “I will now wear white dupatta‖ (Bondrey, 1977:13). Thus making of alliances for the purpose to fulfil the demands were the decisions of Nasim Wali Khan with the consensus of party colleagues. She always analysed the problem and highlight it in a way to find its solution. Being a party leader, she tried to decide the matters which favoured the party and provincial autonomy and struggle to overcome all the hurdles they were confronting at the time. PPP ruled Pakistan from 1971-1977 with the imposition of martial law by General Zia-ul- Haq (Mahmood, 2014: 14). However, my interview respondent Hussain argues that later on Nasim Wali Khan decided to make an alliance with the rival party Pakistan People‘s Party (PPP) both at the centre and provinces which proved to be short lived (Hussain, interview, 2017). NDP joined an alliance of eleven major political parties and had started Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD) against the military rule. Nasim Wali Khan stood against General Zia- ul- Haq because of his unfulfilled promises.This movement ended at the death of Zial-ul –Haq and PPP formed a government in the general elections held after the demise of General Zia-ul-Haq (Mahmood, 2014: 14). The decision of alliance with PPP created a split among party members because ANP‘s left wing was against this partnership (Hussain, interview, 2017). Similar view was shared by Afridi (a senior member of ANP and a Supreme court lawyer) who stated that though she took consensus of the party colleagues, however, decisions were finalized by her which sometimes created dissention among party members (Latif, interview,2017). Then in 1989, ANP turned towards PML (N). Their alliance was based on the demand of ANP to rename NWFP as “Pukhtunkhwa”. However, on refusal of this demand ANP broke their alliance with PML(N) as well. Nasim Wali Khan justified separation of ANP from the PML(N) by saying, ―I want an identity, I want the name be changed so that the Pashtuns may be identified on the map of Pakistan” (Jaffrelot,

148 2002:157). PML (N) had not fulfilled the promise they made in the form of renaming NWFP as Pukhtunkhwa. PM Nawaz Sharif turned down the demand by considering it as having separatist connotation. Nasim Wali Khan and her party always fought for the separate identity of Pukhtuns otherwise they considered Pukhtuns would remain scroungers before the Panjabi leaders (Jamaluddin, 2008:28). Thus Nasim Wali Khan through her skills was victorious in the elections of 1977, 1988, 1993 and 1997 and became the Provincial Minister (MPA) of ANP (Banerjee, 2000:5). It is stated that pragmatic decision making and its implementation is possible only through the skill of social astuteness. Social astuteness is utilized to their advantage by skilled political leaders to achieve set goals (Yammarino & Mumford, 2012:33)

5.4 SOCIAL ASTUTENESS OF NASIM WALI KHAN I argue that political leaders amass successes mostly through awareness regarding requirements and demands of the society. Their earnest efforts further grant them social endorsement. Furthermore, culture of the traditional societies may facilitate leaders to communicate the masses in a specific manner, get to understand them and become aware of their demands and needs to gain public support and confidence in return. It is commonly observed that Pukhtuns have close cultural associations and social relations. Lindsay (1997) posits that socialization enables individuals of the society to learn way of life according to their cultural values. Similarly, being nurtured in Pukhtun families, children from the very early age are familiar with their norms, customs and culture. As Vandal et al (2013) state that social practices shape lives of the individuals and provide them an identity as a community. Thus, societal practices manifest significance of the community‘s value system and beliefs. Similarly, Pukhtuns have their own societal practices. This community has rites and rituals at worship, marriage, birth and death systems and even conflict resolution. The persistence observance of such societal practices increased the sense of belonging among the community (Vandal et al., 2013:7). Similarly, my assessment is that the elders and leaders of such communities have a great role in the enhancement of these community connections. They are honoured and respected by the concerned population. Their positive attitudes towards the indication and solution of different problems confronted by traditional communities have a great value. Such communities can easily overcome the hurdles they face, under the guidance of their elders. They act as a bridge to create and develop a conducive environment for close

149 social relations among them. A Pukhtun intellectual Kaka Khail praised the dedication of a Pukhtun leader Bacha Khan, who further enhanced the social connections and social integration among Pukhtuns. At that time, there was no such concept of women‘s education, social networking and political affiliations which were some of the reasons behind the backwardness of Pukhtun society. Bacha Khan and his associates acquainted Pukhtuns with the presence and importance of women in all fields of life. He emphasized time and again that women contribution in political and educational fields is significant for advancement of society. Bacha Khan persuaded Pukhtuns to educate their women and enable them to participate in political sphere as well (Kakakhail, 2012). Being nurtured in such familial environment, it was easy for Nasim Wali Khan to communicate with the public easily. But, it would be interesting to know how Nasim Wali Khan created a good social network? How these network relations contribute to her long and successful political career? Grima states that Pukhtuns have categorised their events and rituals into two groups called Gham-Khadi. Gham (sorrow, griefs, sadness) as opposed to Khadi (pleasure and festivals). Pukhtuns consider illness, deaths as Gham while births, weddings, circumcisions as Khadi. It is binding upon Pukhtun women to show their presence on these occasions for congratulatory or condolence purposes (1992:41) which grant them prestige, political influence and authority in the society (1992:43-44). Ahmad argues that females (especially wives) of the landlord families in a village are always at the forefront to create a good social network with distinct groups (other landlords, religious families, tenants and servants) of the villagers. Similarly, in religious festivals, females of landlord families distribute food items to servants, mullahs (religious person, priest) and other poor villagers which establishes reputation of the family. This forms a very complex social relationship between landlords and villagers which pays off at difficult /crisis times (Ahmad, 2006: 20). I argue that such social astuteness is very important for political leaders. It is of great significance to have close contact with public in general. This enables political leaders to be aware of their problems, demands and needs. Such social communication increases their prestige as a leader. They are respected and supported by their public in return. To show presence in gham-khadi of public creates a sense of attachment which enhances their credibility as well. General masses consider political leaders as their family members and never let them down in their political careers throughout their lives.

150 My respondent Sultana states in her interview, that one of her maid from Charsadda told her about Nasim Wali Khan‘s social life. She said that Nasim Wali Khan was very serious to solve problems of the public. Nasim Wali Khan tried to visit every house of her village to know about their situations. She tried her best to attend different ceremonies organized by masses and was very supportive and kind to them (Sultana, interview, 2017). My interview data reveals that she is still a very social person and keen to know about needs and demands of her people even at this stage of her life, when her health and age don‘t allow her to do so (Naeema, interview,2016; Bibi. N, interview, 2016). I argue that social connection is a source of creating a special bond among people of these communities which makes them feel as family members. Such social integration united them and they never let anyone alone which imparts strength to them as well. Affiliation with community facilitates the leaders to achieve their goals through public endorsement. Similarly, Ahmad states that presence of females of the prominent families in Kham-Ghadi of the community also enhanced political position of these families. Such social networking creates a sense of affection among the public. They earn great repute in the society which enables them occupy influential political positions as well. Female‘s social networking is helpful in their political struggle as well. Connection of elite females with public wins them their loyalties. Public in return considers it as their duty to remain loyal in elections to those (eminent families) who are there in all the events and ceremonies (Ahmad, 2006:12). Grima points towards a proverb prevalent in the Pukhtun society: one who ate the salt of someone would be indebted for ever to him/her and grant their favour in return (Grima, 1992:43). Thus, social networking plays a crucial role in successful political career of both male and female of the elite families (Ahmad, 2006:12). Similarly, Grima asserts that participation of the eminent Pukhtun families in gham-khadi of the public, especially in the native area, has a positive impact on political career of the individuals specifically the landlords. Even if they have left their native towns but showing their presence in the events arranged in the native town is their foremost duty. Thus prestige, political influence and authority is measured through the yardstick of these social relations. In Pukhtun society, political campaigning depends on the type of social interaction rather than public speeches (Grima, 1992: 44). Similarly, social integration is the source of Nasim Wali Khan‘s personal and career success. She was aware of the attitude and behaviour of public and her presence in

151 different public ceremonies granted her prestige and authority which was enjoyed by her for long. She showed her concerns regarding the public matters and was anxious to solve their issues. Through her social astuteness, she was able to organize campaigns, induct and organise masses which assisted her in her confrontation against the oppressive regime. She was successful in her efforts to engage even public of the backward areas to be aware of the political situations who joined her in her struggle for the revival of democracy. As Ammeter et al. (2002) state that those political leaders who opt for an interpersonal style to amalgamate social astuteness with the proficiency to adjust attitude and behaviour according to the distinct situational requirements enables them to gain credibility, confidence and trust of supporters. These attributes make them very effective who could easily control responses of the followers (pp.764-765). Nasim Wali Khan created a respectable place for her in the party through her social capital. She created harmony among the party workers as well. Nasim Wali Khan during her interview revealed that as far as her social association is concerned, her social contacts with general public were not for political gains but to fulfil her social responsibility (Wali. N, interview, 2017). Klenk (2011:56) posits that high ethical values on part of the political leaders by considering service of the public their prime duty are acceptable to public. Nasim Wali Khan further adds that it was too difficult for her to fulfil the social responsibilities along with political as well as her personal family responsibilities. As far as politics is concerned, social networking is very important. However, she acknowledged that this helps us know about issues of the people and clarifies their stance. Consequently, social astuteness helps in creating a conducive environment for leaders to gain acceptability among the public (Wali.N, interview, 2017). Similarly, Klenk (2011:56) posits that females should be more indulged in the socialization process, as they are expected to be more concerned about public needs. Women through their social skills make relationship with variant constituencies through their influential attitude and work in collaboration with others to achieve different tasks. Wadaan-uddin Khaksar (dedicated worker of ANP from Nowshera: KP province) admired Nasim Wali Khan as a very soft spoken and caring leader. He stated that Nasim Wali Khan often visited Nowshera for the promotion of the party. Her meetings with female political supporters were very encouraging. Khaksar argues that unity among party supporters was made possible because of her close social connection with them (Khaksar,

152 interview, 2018). I argue that this social networking facilitated Nasim Wali Khan which enabled her to earn support, encouragement and acceptability among the party followers. Nasim Wali Khan through her social astuteness earned her the name-recognition Mor Bibi (mother). Her positive image was carved in the minds of public which amassed her successes in the political field as well. Though being member of the traditional society, social interaction of female is hard as compared to males of the family or society. It is easy for male to create a good social capital. However, it is very difficult for female politicians to interact socially because of the patriarchal notions, socio-cultural taboos and religious barriers. Thus, in many parts of the Pukhtun society, female are still barred from using their electoral rights during elections. It is, therefore, a great achievement on part of Nasim Wali Khan to navigate through these barriers successfully. Driedger (2013:13) states that women face hardships and challenges as compared to male members for the public office. But Hussain argues that the skills of Nasim Wali Khan enabled her to overcome all sorts of hurdles in her political struggle. She never behaved like an ordinary oppressed woman. She acted extraordinarily, interacted with the public socially in hujras as well and capably united them under the leadership of NDP. Public were supportive and paid their regard to a female who resisted a suppressive government. May be one of the causes of such non- resistance was that her physical presence in politics was not exceptional. There were females from Pukhtun society who participated actively in the KK movement of Bacha Khan. After independence of Pakistan, there were names of few notable Pukhtun women political leaders who were active both socially and politically. They have achieved remarkable places in the politics of Pakistan. So, the presence of Nasim Wali Khan in the political arena was not surprising to the general public as well (Hussain, interview, 2017). Nasim Wali Khan through her social skills earned the title of „Moor Bibi‟ (mother). She was respected like a mother. My respondent and ANP activist Qaisar states that social capital enhanced political reputation of Nasim Wali Khan. (Qaisar, interview, 2016). Nevertheless, what were the factors of bestowing title of “Moor Bibi” on Nasim Wali Khan? How much she manoeuvred the title “Moor Bibi” in dealing with the public as a woman? Motherhood is a sacred duty, having a value in religious laws and religion Islam as well. Wejikoon states that motherhood is considered to be “a good mother, mate, manager, maid and mediator”. Motherhood also increases women status in the society.

153 Female political leaders sometimes exploit the sanctity of motherhood for the purpose to achieve top political leadership positions (Wejikoon, 2005:61-62). Similarly, in Pukhtun society, mother has a great reverence at home as well as in the community as a whole. Further, Jamal posits that age is also an important factor for enhancing status of women in Pukhtun society (Jamal, 2015:19). Ahmad (1980) argues that Pukhtuns strongly believe in the saying of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) when He said ―Moor da khpu lande Jannat de‖; (Heaven lies at the feet of mother). My respondent Ihsan argues that the title Moor Bibi was granted to Nasim Wali Khan by her supporters to show their (supporters) regards towards her as a mother (Ihsan. interview, 2017). Sultana states in her interview that being mother of her followers, Nasim Wali was able to gather their support and obedience. Her ability of expressing herself maturely and in an expressing way gave her more success in the field of politics (Sultana, interview, 2017). Jensen posits that for a woman who tries to seek public office, it is important to establish her image as a good housekeeper, sincerely fulfils all her responsibilities and capable of gaining support of the family in her political efforts. Female candidates as compared to male candidates struggle hard to persuade the voters about their credibility as being home settlers and for the creation of a conducive environment. It is crucial for women candidates to portray themselves as good home makers and assure their voters about their credibility (Jensen, 2008). While analysing Nasim Wali Khan‘s credibility as a home settler, my respondent Nazo Bibi, (daughter- in- law of Nasim Wali Khan and wife of Sangeen Wali Khan) appreciates Nasim Wali Khan‘s multifaceted role she played throughout her life. Bibi argues that Nasim Wali Khan is an ideal mother, sister, wife, mother- in- law and grandmother as well. She fulfils her responsibilities in a better way. Being a devoted mother, she never left her children alone whenever they needed her. Similarly, as a wife she accompanied Abdul Wali Khan throughout his life and stood beside him even at a time of distress (Bibi. N, interview, 2016). Similar views were shared by her sister and relatives in their interviews. They admired her active role in both public and private spheres. Zubaida Bibi (NasimWali Khan‘s sister) states that she was politically ambitious person, but she started her active political role when her children were in a position to take care of themselves. They were in hostels for continuation of their studies (Zubaida, interview, 2017). Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan stood against the opponents of Abdul Wali Khan. Being a responsible wife,

154 she postponed her political activities during the last days of Abdul Wali Khan when he was very ill. She took care of Abdul Wali Khan till his death. However, Salim Safi (senior journalist) in one of his interviews with Nasim Wali Khan asked that Asfandyar Wali Khan (Nasim Wali Khan‘s step-son and current president of ANP) blamed Nasim WalI Khan for always being biased towards him. Asfandyar Wali Khan even refused to call her mother. That is why Asfandyar Wali Khan immediately expelled her from the party leadership after the demise of Abdul Wali Khan. But Nasim Wali Khan refused the allegations against her. She stated that she always supported him during his political career. She posited that because of her efforts, Asfandyar Wali got central seat and presidency of ANP (Wali. N, interview, 2015). Nasim Wali Khan revealed in her interview that she always struggled hard in her political career to serve the public honestly. She claimed that she always considered Pukhtuns as her own children and never thought of misguiding or deceiving them (Wali. N, interview, 2017). In her interview with Bondrey (1977:14), Nasim Wali Khan states, ―I received positive response from the public. This is because I have always said, whatever I have felt. Sometimes people have not liked it, but I have always been sincere, never tried to deceive people. Why should we make promises we can‘t keep‖?

Similarly she shared one of the instance happened in Lahore meeting, when Malik Qasim (PNA member) said that ―PNA would bring prices down to the 1970 level within six months‖. Nasim Wali says, ―I got up and contradicted him by saying that it is impossible, it couldn‟t be done in six years‖. Such statements further increased her credibility among the public. However, Anoosh Khan, an academician from University of Peshawar had different views on the issue. She insisted in her interview that titles are bestowed on women political leaders in the traditional male dominated societies. She posits that this act of bestowing is a way of stereotyping the women. Women as leaders are not acceptable to males of our society (Pukhtun). Further, they never respect the ‗gender‘ women, but respect their relationship with her as a mother, sister and daughter. So, bestowing of these titles is a strategy to protect these women leaders and enforce others how to look at the women enjoying specific positions. They never accept women on the top leadership positions. However, when a woman occupies a leadership position, then they have no option but to accept her position. These titles, therefore, serve the purpose of

155 giving them social acceptability (Khan. A, interview, 2017). Nonetheless, followers of ANP who were my respondents argued that the title Moor Bibi was granted to Nasim Wali Khan not for the purpose of stereotyping, but out of the respect and gratitude that she had earned (Sultana, interview,2017; Khaksar, interview,2018). Moreover, Yousafzai adds that this title was granted to her in her old age. She was not called as Moor Bibi in the commencement of her political career (Yousafzai, interview, 2017). I argue that titles of mother, daughter and sister further enhance status of women in their political career, which is possible only by having social connections and awareness regarding requirements and demands of the public. Reverence towards public gave legitimate position to the female political leaders in their political career. However, confidence is also a very important skill needed by political leaders to achieve the goals and pursue a successful political career.

5.5 EXCEPTIONAL CONFIDENCE OF NASIM WALI KHAN Confidence means trust in oneself. Confident leaders take right decisions at the right time for purposeful political outcomes. They are able to face challenges, confront the hindrances and overcome them appropriately. Skard argues that despite the disparities in socio-economic, cultural and religious barriers for women in their political life, women on many occasions lead non-violent opposition to resist dictatorial powers of the time (Skard, 2015:156). As discussed in the early chapters‘ women political leaders of the traditional societies are even determined to take risks in turbulent political situations. In this section, I argue that Nasim Wali Khan was a confident and determined lady who participated actively in the political sphere. People appreciated her for the fact,that being a female she fought well against all odds. Nasim Wali Khan took the lead and struggled for the rights of Pukhtuns. However, she worked and struggled within the law in a very systematic way. Though, she was challenging the actions of the government by replacing the banned party (NAP) with new name i-e NDP having same party and colleagues, nonetheless, she did not rebel against the law and worked within the system. She established a political party through which she raised awareness among the public by talking to them regarding injustices made against her family and party. She was doing sensible politics in hard times. She led the party, arranged public gatherings, rallies and made speeches without any fear. She confronted atrocities of the government courageously.

156 Similarly, Kaushik (1984:45) in his doctoral dissertation argues that Nasim Wali struggled under the banner of newly formed party. Her struggle was for the regional autonomy of the province, self-determination of the Pukhtun people and the release of their leaders as well. Nevertheless, how was it possible for her to perform political functions actively? Did she possess exceptional attributes as compared to the women of the general population? I argue that she was bold and stern. She faced large crowds very confidently and exhibited courage which are considered to be masculine features. She was bold to stand against odds and also against those who violated principles. Very few can be courageous enough to challenge corrupt practices. Life of Nasim Wali Khan is an embodiment of such struggles. These skills enabled her to achieve top political leadership position. The available literature shows that women having masculine strategies are able to make their way to the top (Wegner-Wright, 2012:1). By developing specific individual leadership style and exhibiting their alienation from prevailing cultural-political context further facilitated them towards top leadership positions (Wagner-Wright, 2012:1). Moreover, various studies (Neely, 2012; Mansbach & Taylor, 2012) show that leaders having capabilities to use their personal experiences and persuade voters of their masculine features in addition to utilization of the traditional role of women further enhance chances of success in their political careers. Discontentment of masses caused by regimes or previous party leaders granted success to women with possession of gender typed feminine leadership skills. A unique relationship exists between gender and perception of political leadership with amalgamation of women both exhibiting the traditional gender role along with the possession of masculine leadership skills (Neely, 2012:18). Therefore, females with masculine traits succeeded as public leaders and gained power as compared to those with feminine traits only (Mansbach& Taylor, 2012:30). Khan argues that though people acknowledge those courageous women who skilfully overcome the hurdles and establish a reputable place in the political sphere, however, they express their gratitude and recognition in such a manner which exhibit their biased attitudes. Khan further argues that public use words of nara khaza (brave woman) instead of zabardasta khaza (outstanding woman, brilliant woman). She adds that these are just stereotyping of the women either intentionally or unintentionally (Khan. A, interview, 2017). After analysing the interview data, I argue that Nasim Wali Khan‘s political life

157 was the amalgamation of both the masculine (courage, competitive, authoritative) and feminine (sensitive, caring, empathetic, dealing interpersonal relations effectively) characteristics. Her leadership style was appropriate to the situation. She used emotional speeches and expressed her hardship in front of the general public to gain sympathies and support, but on the other side we see strict leader in Nasim Wali Khan who held dictatorial powers in the party and took tough stance against the regimes. The confidence which she exhibited in her actions further grooms her leadership. Nasim Wali Khan‘s courage and confidence can be rightly illustrated from her statement in one of her interviews to Herald in 1977. She stated, ―Her presence in active politics and the disclosure of her hardship before the public is not to be called as „mazloom‟. God forbid, I am not a mazloom. Those people who can raise a voice for their rights are never mazloom. It is an insult to call them mazloom. I have never considered nor call myself a mazloom” (Wali. N, interview, 1977).

Nasim Wali in her speech in Punjab procession of NDP on 4th December 1975 asserted, ―It is our cultural norm that we don‘t bow before others and are not saleable‖ (Wali. N speech, 1975:16). Likewise, Malik (1976) states that in another speech in 1976 she claimed, ―those who are afraid of the situation have left the field, or either bow in front of the oppressions or are sold but still there is presence of those courageous people who stood against the odds….‖, She motivated the public by stating, ‖ there is no need to be distressed from these situations. Vivacious nations are the ones who faced and resist the tribulations. There is no need to be afraid of the darkness as every night has to be followed by the day. Such nations are favourable to Allah who faced the troubles with patience and endurance. Only need of the time is unity. We should move forward unitedly to get rid of the darkness (Malik, 1976:22).

The above speech demonstrate her confidence. The morale and spirit of the people was lifted by the personal demonstration of courage by Nasim Wali Khan. They joined Nasim Wali in her efforts primarily because they were inspired by her determination. Similarly, her colleague Mazari praised her courageous attitude in his biography. He stated that she never hesitated by playing an active role in opposition. He narrated an

158 account that once Nasim Wali helped her daughter to design and stitch the flag of the newly formed party (NDP). Despite the tough stance of the government against the opposition parties, she was the one who hoisted party‘s flag on roof of Mazari‘s house in Karachi on 9th May 1976 at a meeting for the party workers. Mazari further adds that she always accompanied them in the rallies, processions besides attending the conspiracy trial against Abdul Wali Khan in Hyderabad Central jail (Mazari, 1999:401). Mazari elaborates her courage and determination by stating that Nasim Wali Khan faced house arrest several times during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Zia ul Haq‘s regimes, however, nothing could refrain her from achieving her goals. Mazari argues that she was also a leading member of the PNA campaign of the public protest against rigging in 1977 elections. She was arrested from Karachi on 17th March 1977 among other PNA members, and was sent to Peshawar (Mazari, 1999:448). Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan among other PNA members was also imprisoned in Sihala Rest house which was converted into a jail (Mazari, 1999: 454&502). Nevertheless, she was enthusiastic to continue her struggle against the oppressive regime. Afterwards, when Zia imposed martial law and tried to form an interim government which would remain until the elections were held, Mazari recalls that NDP was the first party to be invited to join the new government. However, Nasim Wali Khan and Sherbaz Mazari rejected the offer which they deemed to be against their early commitment about abstaining from joining the undemocratic government (Mazari, 1999:510). Mazari praised Nasim Wali Khan‘s courage by stating that when division occurred in the party in 1979 among the moderate and extremist part of the party, Nasim Wali Khan joined the moderate side who were in favour of mass organization where party is open to all sections of the society (Mazari, 1999: 518). Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan made no compromise on rules and regulations and adopted a harsh attitude towards all those who broke the party rules and regulations. Mazari argues that she was very courageous that she even defended the party colleagues whenever they faced intrigues carried out by their own party colleagues. Mazari posits that on one such occasion when Attaullah Mengal (one of the party members) accused him (Mazari) and called him the pawn of military regime, she stood in his defence and stated that NDP never believed in bargaining. She stated that if Mazari wanted such a deal, he would have done it at the time of his imprisonment during the Bhutto regime. So we are united as one party and all those who wanted to harm the united NDP would have no place in the party (Mazari,

159 1999:520). My assessment from the above elaboration regarding the courageous attitude of Nasim Wali Khan is that her cooperative, courageous and tenacious attitude were sources of unification among the party members. She always stood beside the loyal colleagues and confronted all those who tried to harm the party and its unity. Nasim Wali Khan in her interview with the author posits that public were familiar with Bacha Khan‘s trial and tribulations. The decision to join politics was hard, nonetheless, once she took such step, she received appreciation and support. While answering a question about her qualities she stated smilingly “I do not know which particular qualities public saw in me, however, they were attracted towards me. Maybe I was the first female in my family who came and joined active politics”. She further adds that majority were of the view that she became disappointed and bowed in front of the suppressive regime leaving the politics forever (Wali.N, interview, 2017). Bondrey argues that in male-dominated field, being a woman has helped her. Being the wife of a proclaimed ―traitor‖ has undoubtedly helped her too. There must have been many in the crowd, who came to see what the wife of a ―traitor‖ looked and talked like (1977:13). However, Nasim Wali Khan stated that her determination encouraged her which was helpful in the accomplishment of the task. She further praised herself by stating that ―I am a very determined person and think that I should always do whatever I can. If a person doesn‟t possess an ability to do certain work that person should avoid doing it (Wali.N, interview, 2017). Thus, self-confident and determined leaders gain acceptance and success in the political arena. I argue that leadership of Nasim Wali Khan cannot be entirely attributed to her political lineage alone, but can be the result of leadership qualities too that she possessed. As a political leader, she strived to find and maintain a balance between confrontation and non-violence. She courageously took the struggle against the government. Her visit to various parts of the country, motivating the masses to join her movement, is evince of her confidence. Similarly, Mazari argues that she represented her party (NDP) among her two other partners in a meeting held at Lahore on 30th October 1976 for the purpose to make a united front (PNA) with six other opposition parties against the Bhutto regime. These were the courageous steps (Mazari, 1999: 411). Nasim Wali Khan‘s confidence and hard work paid her well during 1977 elections when she won from the two constituencies NA-8 (Mardan-III) and NA-4 (Peshawar-IV) of NWFP on general seats and became the 6th National Assembly member. However, she didn‘t take an oath because of the opposition parties‘ boycott against rigging in elections

160 (Mittra & Kumar, 2004:56). Wolpert argues that circumstances after 1977 elections went from bad to worse. The PNA called it rigged elections and stated that the popular votes were stolen by the PPP ―election thieves‖ (1993:283). PNA issued a call for strikes against the rigged government. They started demanding Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s resignation and to reschedule fair and free elections. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto tried to convince PNA to call off all its demands. Wolpert states that Nasim Wali Khan issued ―an ultimatum to the chairman of the ruling party PPP to accept the demands of the PNA by April 20th or face the consequences‖ (Wolpert, 1993.288). Wadaan Khaksar in his interview dedicates a Pukhtu proverb to Nasim Wali Khan. He praised Nasim Wali Khan‘s courage and confidence and states „Che do shah zalmo na pora na shwa; fakhri Afghana jenake be de gateena‟. If the young could not defend you, O my motherland, your maidens will come forward for your defence (Khaksar, interview, 2018). My interview respondent Zubaida Bibi states that confidence was visible in the personality of Nasim Wali Khan. She was confident since her teenage. She never felt hesitation while accomplishing her tasks and confronting the adversaries. Her confidence is proven from the fact, that she got an education till matric even against the wishes of her maternal uncle. Later, she completed her education till B.A after marriage with the support of Abdul Wali Khan (Bibi, interview, 2017). I argue that she joined politics against the wishes of her relatives. She is an unyielding woman with uncompromising attitude regarding the adversaries. She confidently fought for the revival of democracy and confronted corrupt practices of the time. Nasim Wali Khan is also of the opinion that those who never face troubles in their lives could never be able to know about importance of the resources they have. The troubles we face in our lives acquaint us with the preciousness of the skills/resources we possess. Difficulties in our lives give us strength and confidence (Wali.N, interview, 2016). Mazari stated in his biography that she was once told by PNA leader Mufti Mahmood in Pashto that she should stop demanding the release of her husband from Hyderabad jail, otherwise, Abdul Wali Khan would suffer the same fate as Bangladesh leader Sheikh Mujebur Rehman, who along with his family members was slaughtered by the angry army officers in 1975. Mazari argues that for a time being, she became upset and left the place but she never refrained from her demands and stood by it until her demands were fulfilled by the government (Mazari, 1999: 472). Thus her persistence,

161 courage and determination enabled her to create a conducive place for herself in the politics which couldn‘t be ignored by anyone. My evaluation is that even in her old age, Nasim Wali Khan continues to demonstrate her confidence, when her stepson side-lined her from party affairs and took charge of ANP leadership in his own hands. She formed her own political party (ANP- Wali) with the help and support of old colleagues of Abdul Wali Khan. She has a tough stance regarding opponents. Ali states that she is enthusiastic and confident to follow and complete the mission of Bacha Khan and Abdul Wali Khan. She strongly condemned the current ANP leadership whom Nasim Wali Khan blamed for electoral defeat in 2013 elections. She demanded resignation from current party leaders by providing a chance to honest, trustworthy and sincere people. She would be very critical of her party colleagues, even her family members (such as Asfandyar Wali Khan) if she sees them failing and not meeting the expectations. She publically criticizes the wrong policies of ANP leaders for their poor governance (Ali, 2013). Khan praises her courage by stating that Nasim Wali Khan is self-reliant who openly condemned Taliban oppressive actions against innocent people of the World in the name of Islam which she believed were defaming Islam and Muslims in the world. She called it a brutal and tyrannical rule in Afghanistan. She offered her complete cooperation to all organizations who are endeavouring for the rights of Afghan people against cruel Taliban policies. Nasim Wali Khan also blamed Taliban for destruction of Pukhtun especially Afghan heritage, pride and culture (Khan, 2001). Nasim Wali Khan raised her voice against the corrupt politicians and wrong policies of the government because of which terrorism flourished and spread throughout the country. She urges that it is need of the time that all the smaller provinces and democratic forces come together and join their hands against the oppressive forces and pressurize the government to accept their legal rights (Ghori, 2016).

5.6 CONCLUSION Women in a patriarchal Pukhtun society found it difficult to come into public and start a political career. However, few women political leaders were successful to show their presence in the political field with their remarkable skills. Similarly, Nasim Wali Khan through her political apprenticeship successfully occupied the political sphere and accomplished her objectives. She exhibited such political skills which enabled her to earn a reputable stature. Her commitment and motivation for seeking political office through

162 public service further increased her chances of success. It is because of her abilities that she proved herself as the most influential lady of ANP. Abiding by her traditions, she was respected by her followers, who offered full support to her. They stood by her side at the time of distress and accompanied her in her political efforts. Nasim Wali Khan skilfully gains support and encouragement of the public and colleagues even those who considered her as challenging the cultural codes. Throughout her political career courage, confidence and good communication skills enhanced her prestige. Through her political skills, she was able to take ardent challenges and successfully accomplished her task. She is remembered as the first ever Pukhtun lady to win the election on the general seats, which is a great achievement in itself. Nasim Wali Khan during her struggle disclosed her abilities and skills and were welcomed by followers. She was therefore honoured with the title of Mor Bibi, it is indeed an achievement. One can conclude from the above discussion that females are not deficient in self-confidence nor are they unenthusiastic but whenever they get the opportunities they are capable to perform in the same way as their male counterparts.

163 CONCLUSION Asia is heterogeneous region with diverse religions, cultures and nationalities. These societies have coherence in the form of religious affinities, culture proximities, social and economic affiliation. Besides these affinities Asian societies have to a greater extent similar in their attitude towards women. These societies are predominantly male dominated where females have subordinate positions in almost every field of life. Thus, patriarchy and women subordination are common characteristics shared by these societies (Tarar & Pulla, 2014:56). In the field of politics, despite the generally biased attitude of these societies towards their women, some women from South Asian region acquired leadership positions. In defiance of various norms and beliefs, women of this region courageously fought to acquire top leadership positions in Politics. Nevertheless, the case is not the same with majority of the Asian countries. They still lag behind in women empowerment especially through political representation. However, this does not preclude the incremental improvement in the lives of the female of this region. This study investigated one very significant case study to understand how Asian women political leaders acquire top positions in the wake of socio-cultural and political hurdles erected by their societies. The case study is that of Nasim Wali Khan, a prominent woman political leader of Pakistan. In order to clearly explicate the case study, this thesis explored the career path of Nasim Wali Khan. By doing so, the researcher delved into the family background of Nasim Wali Khan, her situations in 1970s when she acquired leadership impromptu and most importantly her political skills which she mastered and used adroitly in order to keep the leadership position. There is an interesting debate in theoretical literature on how leaders, particularly women political leaders, attain and retain leadership. These diverse and contesting theoretical debates enrich our understanding about the general patterns of leadership attainment and retention. One among these approaches is ―great man theory‖. The proponents (Itoh, 2003:10; Levine, 2004:163) of this theory argue that leaders are great men having the abilities different from the followers. The qualities possessed by great man are not developed but are inborn. Likewise, another theoretical approach explains ―charismatic leadership‖. This approach states that leaders should be charismatic (Bass, 1985; Conger & Kanungo, 1987; Tichy & Devanna, 1986; Shamir, et al., 1993). Charismatic leaders as someone with exceptional and heroic qualities, which differentiate

164 leader from the followers. Such divinely bestowed supernatural qualities are obeyed as leader (Weber, 1978:241 & 249). Later, the scholars put emphasis on intellectual, physical and interpersonal features in order to study the emergence of leaders. These leadership traits were main focus of research on leadership during 1920‘s and 1930‘s (Maslanka, 2004:07). Later, scholars (Bass & Stogdill, 1990) started paying attention towards the particular situations during which individuals emerge as leaders. These scholars (Ryan & Haslam, 2005) argue that mostly in crisis situation, women rise to leadership positions because they are more appropriate for these times. Women have the ability to accept challenge and take a lead during crisis situation (Haslam, 2004). Later, scholars put emphasis on leadership skills. The attitude and behaviour of a leader is shaped by the required skills, which are not inborn but, learnt by leaders for the purpose to be more efficient (Katz, 2009). Likewise, experience and guidance further develop the required skills of individuals which enable them to rise and sustain leadership positions (Northouse, 2007). Among all these theoretical approaches towards the rise of leadership, the last two approaches are more appropriate and therefore guide this research study. The elaborate profiles of Asian women political leaders show that Asian women struggled against socio-cultural and political norms to attain leadership positions in their respective societies. The available literature proposes that prominent Asian women political leaders achieved top leadership positions in the absence of their male counterparts (Fleschenberg, 2009:103; Thompson and Derich, 2013:11; O‘Connor, 2010:324; Skard, 2015:154; Jensen, 2008). Early researches deemed women political leaders (more specifically in Traditional Asian societies) as the extension of their male family members. They posit that women political leaders acquired leadership positons because of their privileged family status. Women leaders are assumed to have no political ambitions, but leadership position is imposed on them by the male party members in times of crisis. In fact, they laid the foundation of ―Dynastic Politics‖ (Fleschenberg, 2009:103; Thompson and Derich, 2013:11; O‘Connor, 2010: 324). Likewise, some scholars posit that their grooming in a familial political environment prepare them for leadership positions. Such ‗political apprenticeship‘ (Cornwall and Goetz, 2005; O‘Neil & Domingo, 2016: 22) enable them to attain leadership position. Initially, I discussed different theories required for the acquisition of leadership positions. The emphasis of the study was on the attainment of leadership position by the women political figures in the traditional Asian societies. The theoretical framework developed for this study borrowed extensively from the theoretical positions such as

165 leaders emerge in particular situations and that political leaders acquire and demonstrate various skills to attain and retain political leadership. This theoretical framework helped me to reflect more critically on the rise of Nasim Wali Khan as a political leader in the traditional, male- dominated Asian society. Situational theory of leadership demonstrates that turbulent situation acts as a facilitating factor for the women of these societies to attain leadership positions. However, my argument is that though such situations provide opportunities for women leaders but these situations also carry a risk of leadership failure. Those women who attain leadership positions in the crisis situations require more extensive skills and grooming in order to prevail. The acquisition of specific skills are required by women leaders in order to prove themselves as leaders otherwise they would be blamed for failure of the respective organization which they lead. But this study argues that in the later stages of their leadership these women political leaders require more extensive skills and grooming which are acquired through their involvement in active politics. By looking into diverse case studies of Asian women political leaders, I explored that the turbulent situation and elite familial ties expedited the attainment of leadership positions by certain women leaders. However, the political apprenticeship and exhibition of skills by women political leaders during crisis situations is instructive. I argue that such skills and capabilities enable them to deal with the situation in a manner to create a space for themselves in the political sphere. Their political apprenticeship made them distinguished from the general women population. Courage, intelligence, patience, ethics and moral character assigned them prominent leadership positions within the party as well as in the national politics. Their prominent skills enabled them to earn the confidence and support of the followers. Such support was evident from the respectable titles granted to them by their followers. Thus, Asian women political leaders achieved top political leadership positions through their continuous endeavours and remarkable skills. Such capabilities empowered them to retain the same positions for an extended period of time. The primary data collected for this study reveals identical trends and patterns in the case under investigation i.e. Begum Nasim Wali Khan. This study has elaborated the rise of a woman political leader Nasim Wali Khan in a traditional Pukhtun society of Pakistan. Women of Pukhtun ethnicity still face various hindrances in their lives in the form of religious, economic, cultural and social norms and practices. They still revere and follow their cultural norms embedded in the code of Pukhtunwali, which they believe is centuries old. This code along with religious (Islamic) believes have been

166 instrumentalized to construct obstacles for women to attain leadership. Nonetheless, this study found that despite these challenges women of the Pukhtun society have struggled hard to put up resistance and counter regressive norms and believes. This study found out that despite belonging to privileged political families, Pukhtun women like Nasim Wali Khan had to struggle hard against the established social and political norms. Nasim Wali Khan took the responsibility to lead a political party at a time when the situation was very unfavourable due to government‘s political suppression. She skilfully united the old party colleagues and followers under her leadership and confronted the atrocities of the government courageously. She learnt such abilities with her long familial relationship with Bacha Khan (her father-in-law) and Abdul Wali Khan (her husband). Political apprenticeship enabled her to manoeuvre the situation in her favour. It was part of her political training that she ably confronted various hurdles (socio-religious and political). Although political exigency provided her an opportunity to be a political leader, Nasim Wali had to fight her own way and gain public approval. Likewise, familial political legacies, cultural values and norms, local traditions are some of the factors which may hinder or facilitate a woman political leader to attain leadership positions. However, Nasim Wali Khan skilfully used these factors to her advantage and won popular recognition. There is vast literature on women political leadership which recognizes regressive cultural norms as the main hindrances in their way to progress. However, it has shown negligence towards the strategies the women political leaders adopt in order to manoeuvre these norms in their favour. I illustrated these strategies in a manner to disclose their abilities which accredit them to proceed. I have also illustrated how these strategies were utilized in a way that they achieved the recognition of the society. The measures Nasim Wali Khan adopted within her respective cultural norms, for example, the way she made her public appearance (within their traditional attire) not only facilitated her public mobility but also improved her public image. She was not seen by her follower as a destroyer of cultural heritage, but as a person who prudently worked it out in her favour. Nasim Wali Khan exhibited her skills in the political sphere. Her political apprenticeship did not allow her to stay silent in the turbulent political situation and to fearlessly pursue her political ideals. Nasim Wali Khan‘s courage, confidence, good decision making and communication skills increased her prestige during her political career. The possession of these skills made her able to confront the hurdles and successfully achieve her objectives. She became the first Pukhtun and Pakistani woman

167 who won the elections on the general seats, which is a significant achievement in itself. Consequently, the appropriate utilization of her political skills won her the support and acknowledgement from her followers and a respectable position among her peers and adversaries. This research work investigated that women do not lack the skills and abilities but the opportunities required by them to exhibit their skills in a way their male counterparts. Women political leaders such as Nasim Wali Khan inspire more women to join politics and acquire leadership positions in their respective communities. This study claims to have identified an important and pertinent issue of women political leadership in Pukhtun society. By focusing on the political credentials, struggle and strategies of the protagonist Nasim Wali Khan, this study showcase the potential and capabilities of women in traditional Asian societies to carve out political space for themselves. The study also endorses the earlier claims that in Asian societies‘ familial legacy and apprenticeship coupled with political exigency provide leadership opportunities to women. However, the study explicitly shows that we need to look deeper into the career path of women political leaders. Only then we will be able to understand how women political leaders struggled through their skills to counter patriarchal norms and structures. The rigorous analysis done in this study shows that Nasim Wali Khan, being a woman, ingeniously overcome most of the hurdles she encountered during her leadership and firmly established herself as a popular woman leader.

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206 APPENDIX

LIST OF INFORMANTS AND THEIR DETAILS

Interviewee Details Place Dates

Amir Haider Khan Ex-Chief Minister of KP Mardan 24th April 2017 Hoti (2008-2013); Provincial President of ANP (2014)

Begum Nasim Wali Ex-vice president of ANP Wali Bagh, 4th April 2014 Khan Charsadda. 10th March 2016 23rd Oct 2016 19th May 2017

Dr. Adil Zareef Doctor/Writer/Social Peshawar 16th January 2016. Activist

Dr. Anoosh Khan Chairperson, Department Peshawar 2nd February 2017 of Gender Studies. University of Peshawar

Farid Tofan General Secretary of Peshawar 2nd Nov 2016 ANP (W)

Fayaz Khan Lawyer and relative of Mardan 2nd June 2017 Nasim Wali

Hameed Khan Lawyer and ex-district Mardan 2nd June 2017 (Mardan) president of ANP

Himayat Mayar Ex-Mardan district Mardan 24th April 2017 Nazim and district (Mardan) president of ANP

Khadim Hussain Pukhtun intellectual Peshawar 10th May 2017 Former ANP Provincial Latif Afridi President (1986–1989), Peshawar 16th February, 2017 General Secretary (2005– 2007)of ANP; former 9th December 2018 president of the Peshawar High Court Bar Association and currently vice- Chairman of the Pakistan

Lawangeen Khan Grandson and political Wali Bagh, 19th May 2017

207 advisor of Nasim Wali Charsadda Khan

Munawar Sultana City (Peshawar) Vice- Peshawar 27th April, 2017 president of ANP

Naeema Bibi Relative of Abdul Wali Peshawar 6th September 2016 Khan

Nazo Bibi Daughter-in-law of Charsadda 10th, March, 2016 Nasim Wali

Rahimullah Journalist Peshawar 10th May 2016 Yousafzai 6th July 2017

Shagufta Malik Ex-MPA (KP Assembly) Peshawar 10th May 2017 from ANP ticket

Shahida Wahid Nasim Wali cousin and Mardan 24th April 2017 current MPA (KP Assembly) from ANP ticket.

Shamim Qaisar Dedicated ANP worker Peshawar 21st June 2016

Shamim Shahid Journalist Peshawar 29th November, 2018

Uzma Khan Ex-MPA (KP Assembly) Peshawar 2nd May, 2017 from JUI ticket.

Wadan -ud -din Ex-Gen-secretary of ANP Peshawar 10th, July 2018 Khaksar from district Nowshera

Yasmeen Pir Abdul Wali Khan cousin, Peshawar 5th May 2017 Mohammad Ex-MPA (KP Assembly) from ANP ticket.

Zubaida Bibi Sister of Nasim Wali Wali Bagh, 19th May 2017 Khan Charsadda

Zubaida Ihsan Ex-MPA (KP) from ANP Peshawar 2nd March 2017 ticket

208