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Was the Cold War Necessary? the Revisionist Challenge to Consensus History Norman M
was the cold war necessary? the revisionist challenge to consensus history norman m. wilensky Nearly ten years ago, seventy-five distinguished students of American history participated in a poll measuring the performance of thirty-one presidents from George Washington to Dwight Eisenhower. Each par ticipant in the poll helped to place the presidents into five general categories: "Great/' "Near Great," "Average," "Below Average," and "Failure." One of the surprise rankings was the "Near Great" mark accorded to Harry Truman, ninth on the list. Only the five "Great" presidents—Lincoln, Washington, Franklin Roosevelt, Wilson and Jeffer son—and three "Near Great" executives—Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt and Polk—preceded Truman. John Adams and Grover Cleveland, who immediately followed Truman, completed the "Near Great" group. What qualities and achievements elevated Truman above many other presidents? He was, according to these historians, a strong executive who acted masterfully and farsightedly in foreign affairs. Summarizing the poll for his fellow historians, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr. noted that Tru man "discharged impressively the awesome obligations devolving on the United States as the leader of the free world in the cold war with Soviet Imperialism." The Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, the Berlin airlift, the Point Four program and the intervention in Korea "all con stituted landmarks in an assumption of global responsibilities undreamed of only a few years before." Yet, less than a decade after the poll, this estimate is being dramatically challenged by historians of the cold war.1 A recent book sharply critical of cold war policies as well as Truman's role is Rexford G. -
The Wars of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries and America’S Rise to Power
The Wars of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries and America’s Rise to Power VOLKER DEPKAT Explanations for the United States’ rise to power in the eighteenth and nine- teenth centuries are manifold.1 Some draw on the unique geographical circum- stances that endowed the country with abundant natural resources and pro- tected it from foreign threats by two oceans serving as effective natural barriers. Complementing this favorable geographical situation was the fact that the United States did not have a powerful neighbor. The combination of geography and geostrategy allowed the United States to expand over the continent and gradually develop into a great power.2 A second grand narrative of American foreign policy sees the liberal and democratic values of the »American Creed«3 as the ideological driving force behind America’s rise to power. According to this interpretation, America’s foreign policy was thoroughly idealistic from its inception. The United States was an essentially peaceful country with strong anti-colonial and anti-imperi- alist traditions and became involved in foreign affairs only to promote demo- cratic and liberal values on behalf of mankind. A sense of mission designed to build the »Empire of Liberty« merged with a notion of the United States as a »Beacon of Liberty.« In its pursuit of foreign policy, the United States aimed at reforming the world by creating an international environment supportive of natural rights, liberalism, and democracy.4 1 Michael J. Hogan and Thomas G. Paterson, eds., Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations (2nd ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Walter LaFeber, The Amer- ican Age: United States Foreign Policy at Home and Abroad since 1750 (2nd ed., New York: Norton, 1994); Michael J. -
On Nixon, 25 on Kissinger, and More Than 600 on Mao
Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Powers Nixon and Mao: The Week that Changed the World Roundtable Review Reviewed Works: Robert Dallek. Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power. New York: Harper Collins, 2007. 740 pp. $32.50. ISBN-13: 978-0060722302 (hardcover). Margaret MacMillan. Nixon and Mao: The Week that Changed the World. New York: Random House, 2007. 404 pp. $27.95. ISBN-13: 978-1-4000- 6127-3 (hardcover). [Previously published in Canada as Nixon in China: The Week that Changed the World and in the UK as Seize the Hour: When Nixon Met Mao.]. Roundtable Editor: David A. Welch Reviewers: Jussi M. Hanhimäki, Jeffrey Kimball, Lorenz Lüthi, Yafeng Xia Stable URL: http://www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables/PDF/NixonKissingerMao-Roundtable.pdf Your use of this H-Diplo roundtable review indicates your acceptance of the H-Net copyright policies, and terms of condition and use. The following is a plain language summary of these policies: You may redistribute and reprint this work under the following conditions: Attribution: You must include full and accurate attribution to the author(s), web location, date of publication, H-Diplo, and H-Net: Humanities and Social Sciences Online. Nonprofit and education purposes only. You may not use this work for commercial purposes. For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Enquiries about any other uses of this material should be directed tothe H-Diplo editorial staff at h- [email protected]. H-Net’s copyright policy is available at http://www.h-net.org/about/intellectualproperty.php . -
PS 471/571 American Foreign Policy I Prof. Frank Wayman
P.S. 471/571 American Foreign Policy I Prof. Frank Wayman Fall Term 2010, TTh 11:30-12:45 PM Office: 2164 SSB 1195 SSB Bldg. 593-5226, or 593-5096 for messages e-mail: [email protected] Office Hrs: TTh 12:50-1:45, 5:50-6:10 URL: http://www-personal.umich.edu/~fwayman [100810] COURSE CONTENT: This course is the first semester of a survey of American foreign policy. The first semester provides a general overview, with some brief attention on events even up to the present, but with primary attention on the earlier period, i.e., pre-1990. This means a concern with (1) the Western Hemisphere, and (2) the relationship among the major powers, especially the Western major powers, such as France and Britain, and the two major powers in the communist and post-communist world, namely China and Russia. This syllabus represents a full description of PS 471, but those taking graduate credit (PS 571) will need to meet with me personally about the further requirements for taking the course for graduate credit. Basically, graduate students will be responsible for the work in this syllabus, plus a substantial research paper focusing on U.S. interventions, wars, and militarized inter-state disputes. For graduate credit, 25% of the course grade will be based on each exam, and 25% will be based on the paper. Term papers are due Dec. 5th. The Content of Our Course : Topics in PS 471/571 include the emergence of the U.S. as a great power (including the role of Teddy Roosevelt in the era of the Spanish American war); U.S. -
John F. Kennedy We Are All Mortal EPISODE TRANSCRIPT
John F. Kennedy We are all mortal EPISODE TRANSCRIPT Listen to Presidential at http://wapo.st/presidential This transcript was run through an automated transcription service and then lightly edited for clarity. There may be typos or small discrepancies from the podcast audio. LILLIAN CUNNINGHAM: America. 1963. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR CLIP: I'm happy to talk with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. JOHN F. KENNEDY CLIP: I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war. And frequently, the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR CLIP: Five score years ago, a great American in whose symbolic shadow we stand today signed the Emancipation Proclamation. JOHN F. KENNEDY CLIP: It ought to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated -- as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR CLIP: This momentous decree came as a grand beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But 100 years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. -
Printable PDF Executive Summary
Something in the Air: “Isolationism,” Defense Spending, and the US Public Mood Executive Summary By Carl Conetta, Project on Defense Alternatives October 2014 MAIN POINTS # Public opinion polls show a decline in support for U.S. global engagement over the past decade. However, this is not evidence of "neo-isolationism," as some political leaders and commentators have suggested. # Despite the decline, polls continue to show majority public support for U.S. global engagement and for a U.S. global role comparable to that of other major powers. Public dissent has focused narrowly on America's recent wars and on the notion that the United States should assume a uniquely assertive or “top” global role. # Americans favor cooperative, diplomatic approaches to resolving conflict and they tend toward a "last resort" principle on going to war. However, the U.S. public will rally to support a forceful response to violent attacks on perceived vital interests. Americans also support forceful action to stem genocide – at least in prospect. # Americans do not favor involvement in most third-party interstate wars or in any civil wars. They also do not support regime change efforts, armed nation-building, or persisting constabulary roles abroad. On balance, the U.S. public lacks a "crusading spirit" with regard to the use of force abroad – whether the aim is posed in moral, humanitarian, political, or geopolitical terms. # To gain public support, military goals must be seen as realistic, pragmatic, and cost-effective. Ongoing support requires that the perceived costs of war match the perceived benefits. Domestic economic conditions are key in shaping the perceived "opportunity cost" of war. -
Interpreting COLD WAR Origins
1. What is the Baruch Plan? 2. What was the Bolshoi Speech (1946)? 3. When was the Berlin Wall started? 4. When is the first ICBM? 5. First Nuclear (fission) bomb? Source: http://www.usachcs.army.mil/history/brief/ColdWarCompos.jpg Lee W. Eysturlid, Ph.D., NBCT “The Cold War was “Our students are the greatest single already beginning force affecting to raise the American society question of what during the decade the Cold War was and a half after all about in the World War II” first place. Gary Nash John L Gaddis What happened? Why were there sides? Why were certain states on certain sides? A “Cold War” clear by 1950? “Growth of Tensions” (US – USSR) Iranian Crisis of 1946 Baruch Plan for the IAEA Berlin Airlift Formation of North Atlantic Treaty (NATO) What do you use? How Historians get there… SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT • Orthodox/Traditional • Revisionism • Post-Revisionism Significance? Soviet expansionism Stalin broke Yalta and Potsdam promises Imposed Soviet- dominated regimes in Eastern Europe Stalin’s “Two World” speech at Bolshoi Others? Source: http://clapso.wordpress.com/ Harry S. Truman U.S. Reaction: • Long Telegram • Truman Doctrine • Containment Policy • Marshall Plan Source: http://www.tomroeser.com/blog/img/f23854/harry-truman-picture.jpg/ William Appleman Williams U. of W - Madison Late 1960s-70s Reaction to Vietnam Economic factors as drivers. Walter LaFeber, US emphasis on economic expansion and capitalism AND search for foreign markets. Corporatism Gar Alperovitz, American revisionist Soviets hopelessly unable to wage Source: http:// www.motherjones.com war with U.S. after WW II. U.S. -
Housing Policy in the Great Society, Part Two
Joint Center for Housing Studies Harvard University Into the Wild Blue Yonder: The Urban Crisis, Rocket Science, and the Pursuit of Transformation Housing Policy in the Great Society, Part Two Alexander von Hoffman March 2011 W11-3 The research for this working paper was conducted with the support of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, The Ford Foundation, and the Fannie Mae Foundation. © by Alexander von Hoffman. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Off we go into the wild blue yonder, Climbing high into the sun Introduction Of the several large and important domestic housing and urban programs produced by Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society administration, the best-known is Model Cities. Although it lasted only from 1966 to 1974, its advocates believed Model Cities had promised a better tomorrow for America’s cities and bitterly lamented its termination—blaming Richard Nixon’s policies, diversion of funds for the Vietnam war, and the nation’s lack of commitment to social progress. Yet the legislation that created Model Cities was ambitious, contradictory, and vague. As such, it vividly expressed the idealistic impulses, currents of thought, and reactions to events that converged, however incoherently, in national urban policy of the 1960s. At the center of the fervor for domestic policy was the president of the United States, Lyndon Johnson, who hungered for dramatic new programs that would transform the country the way New Deal policies had reshaped America in his youth. -
The Evolving Interpretations of the Origins of the Cold War
Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Rússneska The Evolving Interpretations of the Origins of the Cold War Have Historians Reached a Consensus on the Origins of the Cold War? Ritgerð til B.A. prófs Saga Helgason Morris Kt.: 011097-3329 Leiðbeinandi: Jón Ólafsson 1 Abstract The Cold War and its origins have been a constant source of debate among historians and quite rightly so. With no access to Soviet archives until 1991 and the outcome of the hostilities unknown, historians were left to draw their own conclusions from official documents and published propaganda. Hence, as with any historical event, interpretations have changed over time. In this paper, I set out to explore whether assessments have shifted to a degree whereby historians today have come together in their understanding of the origins of the Cold War. In order to answer this question, an investigation is required to explore how and why these historical perspectives have changed. First, the two traditional viewpoints of the Cold War are discussed, namely the orthodox and revisionist interpretations. The orthodox view places responsibility on the USSR for the development of the Cold War whereas the revisionist view argues that the hostilities developed as a result of reacting to one another’s actions. Subsequently, the viewpoints of a selected group of post-Cold War historians are explored. Gaddis argues that hostilities between the United States and Soviet Union had their roots in the nations’ different perceptions of security. Zubok and Pleshakov maintain that Stalin’s character and diplomatic actions were of particular importance in the onset of the Cold War. -
Constitutional Crisis
Goodman, Ryan 3/30/2017 For Educational Use Only LBJ AND THE GREAT SOCIETY: PRELUDES TO THE..., 62 Drake L. Rev. 919 62 Drake L. Rev. 919 Drake Law Review Fourth Quarter 2014 Symposium Remark LBJ AND THE GREAT SOCIETY: PRELUDES TO THE OBAMA PRESIDENCY AND OBAMACARE Robert Dallek a1 Copyright (c) 2014 Drake University; Robert Dallek Drake Law School Constitutional Law Symposium April 12, 2014 Thank you very much for that nice introduction, Mark. I should say first off I like it a lot more than the introduction I got a number of years back when I was lecturing in the Soviet Union. My host on that occasion--who I would like to think had an imperfect command of English--introduced me by saying, “Professor Dallek is the author of several distinguished works; they are the kinds of books that once you put them down, you can't pick them up again.” Not music to the author's ears. I also like to begin these talks with an anecdote I love about my son, who when he was four years old said to me one day, “Daddy,” he said, “you're a doctor, aren't you?” I said, “Well, yeah but not like your doctor, not like your pediatrician.” He said, “Oh I know that because you're also a historian.” Well I was delighted he could make this distinction at so tender an age, but then he wanted to know, “Does that mean that you make people in the past feel better?” So let's see what I can do for Lyndon Johnson today. -
Presidential Health Secrets: Reclaiming History's
PRESIDENTIAL HEALTH SECRETS: RECLAIMING HISTORY’S MEDICAL UNKNOWNS by Joyce E. Latham A thesis Presented to the faculty of Towson University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Humanities Towson University Towson, Maryland 21252 December 2016 © 2016 by Joyce E. Latham All Rights Reserved ii iii Acknowledgments Parts of this document appeared in the Journal of Historical Studies, Spring 2014, vol. 11, pp. 7-31, published by Towson University’s honorary history society (Theta Beta Chapter, Phi Theta Alpha). That article “White House Health Secrets: How Historians View the Hidden Maladies of FDR and JFK,” by Joyce Latham, focused only on those two presidents. Personal Acknowledgments Many thanks to Thesis Committee members for reviews, contributions, and/or oversight: Dr. Marlana Portolano, Committee Chair; Dr. Karl Larew, Dr. Allaire Stallsmith, and Dr. Paul Miers, all of Towson University, and to Mr. Max Rose for help with fact checking. Special thanks to Dr. Portolano for giving her sabbatical time to coordinating this effort. iv Abstract Presidential Health Secrets: Reclaiming History’s Medical Unknowns Joyce E. Latham This thesis analyzes the role of illness in the administrations of three twentieth-century presidents—Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR), and John F. Kennedy (JFK)—who had serious health problems unknown to the mass media and the public in their respective eras. Some of that hidden information has been uncovered by historians and others. Wilson, for example, had a devastating stroke in October 1919, after which his wife and physician hid him in the White House, with the former functioning as an unofficial acting or co-president for many months. -
The Soviet and American Wars in Afghanistan: Applying Clausewitzian Concepts to Modern Military Failure
Bowdoin College Bowdoin Digital Commons Honors Projects Student Scholarship and Creative Work 2020 The Soviet and American Wars in Afghanistan: Applying Clausewitzian Concepts to Modern Military Failure Artur Kalandarov Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects Part of the American Politics Commons, American Studies Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Eastern European Studies Commons, International Relations Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Military History Commons, Models and Methods Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, Political Theory Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Kalandarov, Artur, "The Soviet and American Wars in Afghanistan: Applying Clausewitzian Concepts to Modern Military Failure" (2020). Honors Projects. 164. https://digitalcommons.bowdoin.edu/honorsprojects/164 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship and Creative Work at Bowdoin Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Bowdoin Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Soviet and American Wars in Afghanistan Applying Clausewitzian Concepts to Modern Military Failure An Honors Paper for the Department of Government and Legal Studies By Artur Kalandarov Bowdoin College, 2020 ©2020 Artur Kalandarov Table of Contents ACknowledgments………………………………………………………………………………..iii Introduction…………………………..…………………………..…………………………..…..1