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G. Benjamin Temiar Personal Names In: Bijdragen Tot De Taal G. Benjamin Temiar personal names In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 124 (1968), no: 1, Leiden, 99-134 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 03:13:42PM via free access TEMIAR PERSONAL NAMES he immediate purpose of this paper is to serve as a response to Needham's suggestion (1964:124) that the confused topic of TTemiar names would be "worth investigation by a government anthro- pologist or a local resident". A copy of Needham's note reached me whüe I was actively engaged in fieldwork among the Temiar,1 providing a much-needed framework of ideas within which to integrate the in- vestigation of names and naming that I had already begun. It had soon become evident that if my general anthropological enquiries were to get anywhere at all I would have to sort out all the complexities of the Temiar naming system. Otherwise it would seem as if names were changed almost daily — with capricious disregard for the ethnographer's difficulties. The apparently cavalier fashion in which Aborigines treat their names and the consequent difficulty in attempting to keep per- manent records is a problem that most investigators and administrators come up against. As Williams-Hunt warned members of the Security Forces (1952:66): One may ask the name of the headman in the next ladang and be met by blank stares there on asking for him by that name or one may employ an Aborigine and suspect him of giving a false name upon hearing him called something else or Aborigines will not answer to names on their identity cards — all difficult points for the Security Forces in the Emergency. More recently Carey, in an account of the Temiar written primarily for Administrative officers, acknowledged the confusion and set out to simplify matters by showing that Temiar names fall into several different 1 Fieldwork in Malaya from February 1964 to August 1965 was made possible by the award of a Homiman Anthropological Scholarship of the Royal Anthro- pological Institute, and latterly by a Studentship of the Ministry of Education and Science. A full set of acknowledgements appears in Benjamin 1966. While I agree that "Temer" is closer to the native tribal name (Tomlr), I use the form "Temiar" here as being more in accord with Standard usage. There is as yet no detailed account of the Temiar, but a fairly accurate picture of their social structure may be gained from Dentan 1964 and Benjamin 1966. Noone, H.D. 1936 and Carey 1961 are useful sources on other aspects of Temiar life. Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 03:13:42PM via free access 100 GEOFFREY BENJAMIN. categories (with the implication that these categories are by no means mutually exclusive — hence the confusion) (1961:181). Since this paper is intended to add both to the ethnography of the Temiar and to the wider theoretical debate on the nature of naming systems, it will be as well to start by giving some examples of personal naming-histories. The examples come from the village of Hdtnij,2 otherwise known as Kuala Humid, the furthest downstream of the settlements on the Perlob river, which H. D. Noone (1936:19) charac- terises as the largest and most populous tributary of the Betis valley system. His map marks Hdmij as the S. Meik, a small stream arising from the western face of Gunong Ayam. More recently Hdmij has appeared in the literature as the village above Kuala Perolak (the Malay for Perlob) visited by Slimming (1958:151 ff.) on an Ad- ministrative survey. The "Senior Chief called Dalam" who was Slimming's host was one of the major sources of the information dis- cussed in the present papers. Citation of verse and chapter should not lead the reader to imagine that I am describing a purely local state of affairs. Quite the contrary: the details may vary from place to place, but there is good reason to believe that the structural principles involved are valid not only for the Temiar as a whole but also for the other Senoi and Negrito (Semang) groups in northern Malaya. Let us now look at a few case-histories. 1. A married man of about thirty years with three children, of whom one was bom and another died during my stay. His "real name" is ?odêh, given him by his "grandfather". Later in his childhood he was named Paldêw by his father and was generally so called until he went to Kuala Lumpur to train as a worker in simple first-aid. He claims that since those who enrolled him at the hospital could neither pronounce nor write Paldêw they urged him to take a more manage- able name! This he did, and chose the name — Malam (Malay, "night") — by which he is now known in the Perlöb area. Although he is still known as PaldEw in other valleys, Malam is what he prefers to be called. In direct address, how- ever, he has been called Baleh since the birth of his first child, a girl. 2. A woman of about forty years, married for the second time but with no surviving children. For most of her life she was called fapjat), but her name changed to 9 a-was when her son died. 3. A man of about forty years, husband of the above. Originally he was known as fataah, ?abajl, or conjointly as fatyih ?abaji. In 1963 he was appointed to be village Wakil (headman's deputy) during the headman's long absence in hospital, and he became known simply as Wakil. His contemporaries, though, still address him as ?ab&ji. To confuse matters further, in earlier Government reports (Slim- ming's?) he is referred to as Angah Rako' (fatyih Rakoi). 2 Citations in the Temiar language are in phonemic script and the characters have approximately their usual phonetic values. Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 03:13:42PM via free access TEMIAR PERSONAL NAMES. 101 4. A boy of about six years. He was first called ?alat$, but his father started calling him ?abur "because there were too many ?alat}s". When the time came for him to be entered in official records the (Malay) field officer decided to call him Jabal (i.e. the Malay (Arabic) name Jafar). This is the name he now much prefers and by which I was at first taught to call him. Nevertheless everyone still calls him ?abur. 5. A woman of about twenty-five years, mother of the above. Her "real name" is fatah, given by her father. But she is "ashamed" (seqeji) of this name and prefers to be called either fabon, or ?abur, the name of her son and only sur- viving child. 6. A man of about forty years, a widower with two young children being brought up by other women of the community. His father named him ïayaw ("for no particular reason; he just named me that!"). After the death of his wife people began calling him by the name of his son and first-born, Jidat, in the variant form ?adat. Recently the Aborigines Department put him in charge of cutting a good quality track to Hmnij from the Administrative post at Betis and he became generally known as Mandöh (Malay: mandor, "foreman"). His own view is that Mandöh is his "wage-receiving name", and that people will now be ashamed (saqep.) to call him fayaw. At the same time, he expects them to continue calling him ïadat as a "spare" or "play" name. 7. The fore-mentioned "Senior Chief", a man of about fifty-five with one wife but no surviving children. For most of his life he has been called faluj, but when some years ago he was appointed to the Government Senior Chiefship of the Betis valley it was thought (by whom is a point they still argue about) that he should take the title Panglima Dalam (Malay, "Chief of the Interior"). This was one of the traditional titles awarded, until the Japanese war, by the mixed Temiar-Malay headman (the so-called mikong; Noone, H.D. 1936:23) who resided at Kuala Betis. Nowadays he claims Dalam as his name, although most people in the village refer to him as Pahulüt (Malay: penghulu, "headman") or Tawat (Malay: (ke)tua, "village elder"). The former is used very much as a personal name, as when the children refer to him as Yak Pahulüt (Grandfather P.), just as they refer to Wakil (case 3) as Yak Baji (Grandfather fabap). It is obvious even from these brief sketches that to gain a full under- standing of Temiar naming one must first appreciate how the various names f all into different classes. To my knowledge the first published reference to differentiated classes of names among the Temiar is by Williams-Hunt (1952: 65). He described how they "name their children in order of birth in Roman fashion often irrespective of sex", and how the resulting confusion is obviated by the use of additional nicknames. Carey also recorded a set of birth-order names and remarked on the "casual" use of nicknames (1961: 181-2). He distinguished two further classes: "names denoting marital status", and "personal names", which latter he regarded as "not widely used". Slimming (1958: 58-9) reported a set of "status or label names — used by communities on both sides of the mountains — which indicate the person's family status", and it was the possibility that these might represent examples of "death-names" Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 03:13:42PM via free access 102 GEOFFREY BENJAMIN.
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