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Protests in Hong Kong: Roots in Old and New Social Movements
www.rsis.edu.sg No. 194 – 7 October 2014 RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical issues and contemporary developments. The views of the authors are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced electronically or in print with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email: [email protected] for feedback to the Editor RSIS Commentary, Yang Razali Kassim. Protests in Hong Kong: Roots in Old and New Social Movements By Fengshi Wu Synopsis The eleven-day standoff in Hong Kong city central is not a single-issue triggered mass event. It is a result of two strands of social mobilisation: the pro-democracy movement with a history of over three decades, and the recent and increasingly radicalised youth activism. Commentary HEADLINES IN the mainstream media such as “Hong Kong’s gone crazy”, “Umbrella Revolution” and “Communist China’s worst nightmare” have attracted widespread attention. They depicted recent events in Hong Kong with spectacular images of riot police firing tear gas, protesters chanting and raising fists, and students camping on streets between Transformer-style skyscrapers and in the midst of sub-tropical thunder storms. The crux of this mass social unrest in one of the world’s popular cosmopolitan cities is the exact procedures of the first general election of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong scheduled to take place in 2017. On the one side, the central authority in Beijing, accepting the principle of universal suffrage, is steadfast on maintaining a 1200-member Nomination Committee that will be in charge of the selection and approval of 2-3 candidates. -
Protest Geographies and Cross-Modal Icons in Hong Kong's
ASIEN 148 (Juli 2018), S. 5–25 Refereed article Protest Geographies and Cross-Modal Icons in Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement Sandra Kurfürst Summary In September 2014, thousands of people occupied the heart of Hong Kong’s state and corporate power, the central business district. This paper provides a snapshot of the first days of the events that resulted in what would ultimately become a 79-day- long occupation, which eventually came to be known as the “Umbrella Movement.” The paper first maps the protest geographies, focusing on the symbolism of place. It then proceeds to decipher the symbols employed by the protestors both in urban public and in digital space. The paper argues that the transformation of tangible everyday items like the umbrella into intangible digital icons demonstrates resilience in the face of state coercion in physical space. Acknowledging the symbolism of place and its inherent contestation, the paper, moreover, shows that the symbols that became cross-modal icons were those that were non-place-specific ones, and thus those shared by a wider collective. Finally, the article suggests it is important to reflect on the distribution of leadership across a wider collective and via different media forms. The data is drawn from participant observation on Hong Kong Island and Kowloon during the week of university class boycotts, from September 21–26, 2014, before the official start of Occupy Central — as well as from internet ethnography, newspaper analysis, and secondary literature research too. Keywords: Public space, social media, social movements, symbols, Hong Kong, Occupy Central Sandra Kurfürst is Juniorprofessor of “Cross-cultural and urban communication” at the Global South Studies Centre, University of Cologne. -
Joshua: Teenager Vs. Superpower
JUNE PICTURES Presents JOSHUA: TEENAGER VS. SUPERPOWER A Film by Joe Piscatella WORLD PREMIERE WORLD CINEMA DOCUMENTARY COMPETITION SUNDANCE FILM FESTIVAL 2017 Public Screenings Friday, January 20th, 3:00pm // Temple Theatre, Park City Saturday, January 21st, 7:00pm // Redstone Cinema 2, Park City Sunday, January 22nd, 12 noon // Salt Lake City Library Theatre, Salt Lake City Wednesday, January 25th, 8:30am // Egyptian Theatre, Park City Friday, January 27th, 4:00pm // Holiday Village Cinema 4, Park City Press & Industry Screening Saturday, January 21st, 10:00am // Holiday Village Cinema 4, Park City Running Time: 78 minutes Press Contact: Sales Contacts: Acme PR WME Global Nancy Willen Liesl Copland [email protected] Chris Slager 310.963.3433 [email protected] 310.285.9000 SHORT SYNOPSIS When the Chinese Communist Party backtracks on its promise of autonomy to Hong Kong, teenager Joshua Wong decides to save his city. Rallying thousands of kids to skip school and occupy the streets, Joshua becomes an unlikely leader in Hong Kong and one of China’s most notorious dissidents. LONG SYNOPSIS When Hong Kong was handed back to China in 1997 after more than 150 years of British rule, citizens were fearful of losing many of their personal freedoms. When Beijing announces in 2012 plans to impose a pro-China “National Education” program in schools, Hong Kongers are resigned to China’s encroaching reach until bespectacled 13-year-old Joshua Wong takes action. Refusing to accept Communist Party teachings, Joshua founds the Scholarism movement and shows up at a press conference to confront Hong Kong’s leader, CY Leung, with some hardball questions. -
Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students: Comparative Analysis of Their Developments After the Umbrella Movement
Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations: An International Journal Vol. 2, No. 2, Aug./Sept. 2016, pp. 865-884 __________________________________________________________ Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students: Comparative Analysis of Their Developments after the Umbrella Movement Benson Wai-Kwok Wong* Hong Kong Baptist University Sanho Chung** Australian National University Abstract This article aims to examine the features of, and difficulties in, the development of Scholarism and Hong Kong Federation of Students after the Umbrella Movement (2014). This article first introduces the emergence of both organizations, aiming to provide the necessary background to their features, notably student activism, politicization, and issue-based reasons in launching campaigns. This is followed by an analysis of the difficulties faced by both organizations with reference to leadership, orientation, organizational capacity and networking, as reflected in the disappointment and disillusionment of a significant number of participants during the movement. The article then moves on to investigate the possible methods adopted by both organizations to consolidate their strengths in light of the above weaknesses, focusing on 865 866 Benson WaiKwok Wong and Sanho Chung the buttressing of accountability and reform. In conclusion, the reorganization of student power is of key concern during the process in face of the increasing political intervention of the Beijing authorities and political decay of the Hong Kong government. Keywords: -
Overseas Sharing
JOSHUA WONG HONG KONG UMBRELLA MOVEMENT& YOUTH POLITICAL PARTICIPATION PART 1 INTRODUCTION PART 2 YOUTH POLITICAL PARTICIPATION PART 3 REVIEW UMBRELLA MOVEMENT INTRODUCTION • Background of myself • Background of Scholarsism • Experience from 2012-2015 • Anti-brainwashing Education Movement • Umbrella Movement YOUTH POLITICAL PARTICIPATION • Challenge: Family, School, Education system, defame • Advantage: Social Network Mobilization, Liberal Studies • Key factor: • Persistence • Self-realization REVIEW UMBRELLA MOVEMENT • Decision group (strategies, method and value) • Regain the Civic square • Massive action: tear gas • Economic, welfare and labour demands • China government JOSHUA WONG(1) • 18 Years old • Study in Open University of Hong Kong • Major in Politics and Public Administration • Participate social movement for 4 years JOSHUA • Successful student: WONG(2) • Band 1 secondary school • Highest ranking university (HKU) • Study in BBA/GLOBAL BUSINESS/ECONOMICS • Contribute to the society? • Enter multinational cooperation • Donate to help the poor • Government Officials • work inside the institution JOSHUA WONG(3) • Collective Action • Demonstration, Protest, Assembly • Everyone is qualify to join • Change the institution rather into the movement on street than following the mainstream BACKGROUND OF SCHOLARSISM(1) • start from 10 members and gradually increase to 300 members • Only students can join • 13 years old to 20 years old • core value「學⺠」 • student could also own their civil right even they are under 18 years old BACKGROUND -
Street Occupations, Neglected Democracy, and Contested Neoliberalism in Hong Kong
Street Occupations in Hong Kong 101 Street Occupations, Neglected Democracy, and Contested Neoliberalism in Hong Kong Miguel A. Martínez* he Umbrella Movement (UM) is the conventional label applied to the street occupations that took place in Hong Kong (HK) between September 28 and December 15, 2014. Many participants Talso called it the Umbrella Revolution (Veg 2016, 680). UM activists strove for HK citizens’ right to universal suffrage applicable to the election of the chief executive and the whole legislature. The HK miniconstitution, or Ba- sic Law, in force since the return of the former British colony to People’s Republic of China (PRC) sovereignty in 1997, expressed the same goal as an “ultimate aim” to be implemented “in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress” (J. Ng 2016, 56).1 However, despite the continu- ous pressure exerted by the pan-democratic camp, the HK government has postponed the regulation and implementation of universal suffrage to date. With these promises and pressures in sight, a process of electoral reform was launched by the HK Special Administrative Region (SAR) govern- ment in 2013. To the disappointment of the pan-democrats’ aspirations, the electoral reform was substantially constrained by two documents issued by the Chinese central government in June and August 2014. In a white paper issued in June, the central authorities asserted their absolute power to interpret the Basic Law. In August, the same authorities delivered their interpretation of the electoral reform and set up a nomination committee following the model of the already existing Election Committee.2 The only novelty introduced consisted of the public voting on the two to three candidates standing for the chief executive role previously nominated. -
Protests in Hong Kong: the Umbrella Movement
October 24, 2014 Protests in Hong Kong: The Umbrella Movement an estimated 100,000 people gathered in Admiralty, and A Brief History of the Protests hundreds rallied in Causeway Bay and Mong Kok, protesting the use of tear gas and supporting the protests. Hong Kong’s protests, dubbed the “Umbrella Movement” by its organizers, began on September 23, 2014, when a Over the following week, the number of demonstrators at group of university students organized by the Hong Kong the three main locations—Admiralty, Causeway Bay, and Federation of Students (HKFS) and another student Mong Kok—declined, but the Hong Kong government organization called Scholarism, marched through central appeared to make no overt effort to stop the demonstrations. Hong Kong to protest against the China’s National People’s In addition, anti-protest groups appeared, complaining Congress Standing Committee’s (NPCSC) August 31, about the economic impact and inconvenience caused by 2014, decision, which would restrict the number of and the protests, especially in Mong Kok. manner in which candidates for the city’s next Chief Executive may be selected. The NPCSC decision could lead On October 8, the Hong Kong government and HKFS to the election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage, agreed to hold talks on October 10. Following the as provided for in Hong Kong’s Basic Law (which grants announcement of the scheduled talks, the demonstration Hong Kong’s “high degree of autonomy” under China’s leaders announced a rally on the afternoon of October 10. “one country, two systems” policy) and the NPCSC’s On October 9, Chief Secretary Lam told the press that she December 2007 decision. -
Nanoutopian Moments of Activist Self Organisation
Chaos and hope: nano-utopian moments of activist self- organisation Article (Published Version) McKnight, Heather (2020) Chaos and hope: nano-utopian moments of activist self-organisation. Excursions, 10 (1). pp. 33-60. This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/95592/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Excursions Volume 10, Issue 1 (2020) | Chaos Cover photo: Unbennant #3 by Felix Spiske | Photo by Markus Spiske on Unsplash Heather McKnight Chaos and Hope: Nano-Utopian Moments of Activist Self-Organisation www.excursions-journal.org.uk Chaos and Hope: Nano-Utopian Moments of Activist Self-Organisation Heather McKnight University of Sussex Arguably, chaos and entropy are adaptive to activism and utopian theory; they trouble normative approaches to temporal progress, applying a non-linear and emergent approach to thinking about “ activism and possibility. -
2014 Hong Kong Protests 香港抗議 the Obedience of Disobedience
2014 Hong Kong Protests 香港抗議 The obedience of disobedience 抗命之不可抗 2014 Hong Kong Protests 香港抗議 The obedience of disobedience 抗命之不可抗 Introduction In the fall of 2014 Hong Kong was the site of large scale civil disobedience and revolt. A process that is ongoing at the moment of researching this ‘guide towards an understanding of the civil unrest in Hong Kong’. On September 22 Hong Kong students started “Protest is not protesting against decisions made earlier by China’s Standing Committee of the National People’s our culture” Congress (NPCSC). See page 21 A few days later, September 26, a large group of demonstrators led by Joshua Wong occupied the A guide towards square in front of the Central Government Complex — popularly called ‘Civic Square’. Since this once open an understanding area was barred from public access earlier that year, the protesters had to breach security barriers to reclaim the of the civil unrest site. The police mobilised on Civic Square, surrounded protesters at the centre and prepared to physically in Hong Kong remove the protesters overnight. Continuing on September 28 the Occupy Central with Love and Peace started their campaign by blocking high-traffic routes near Admiralty. The amount of protesters took flight, peaking at more than 100,000 participants, reacting on the events when police forces used agressive tactics and tear gas to disperse the gatherings. From this point on, not only Admiralty, but also Mong Kok and Causeway Bay were areas subject to occupation. Index Facts & figures 9 Chapter 1: A very short -
Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement in Search of Self- Determination
No.3 2015 PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS. WWW.UI.SE Hong Kong’s umbrella movement in search of self- determination Tim Rühlig Executive summary In the latter half of 2014, the world watched the peaceful 2.5 months long pro-democratic occupation of Hong Kong by hundreds of thousands of young people. One year later, this paper summarizes the core demands of the “Umbrella Movement” and examines its successes and failures: While the world press focused on the Umbrella Movement’s core demand for electoral reform of Hong Kong’s Chief Executive selection, the demonstrations have to be seen in the broader context of the protesters’ desire for the city’s self-determination. Hence, the Umbrella Movement was not only a pro-democratic one but also one that aimed at more autonomy for Hong Kong from mainland China. While self-determination and democracy are closely intertwined, the protesters called not only for electoral reform but for (more) social and economic independence and autonomous political institutions holding a distinct Hong Kong identity. Evaluating the results and predicting the foreseeable future, this paper argues that the movement was partly successful in terms of electoral democracy and social issues. It failed with regards to institutional self-determination while questions of identity remain completely open to this day. About the author Tim Rühlig is a research associate and PhD Candidate at the Goethe University of Frankfurt, Germany. In 2015, he is a visiting research fellow at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs (UI) and the Department of Sinology at the University of Stockholm. -
Hong Kong Identity on the Rise: Understanding the Role of Subnational Identity in the 2019-2020 Hong Kong Protests
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2020 Hong Kong Identity on the Rise: Understanding the Role of Subnational Identity in the 2019-2020 Hong Kong Protests Gemma Sykes Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Sykes, Gemma, "Hong Kong Identity on the Rise: Understanding the Role of Subnational Identity in the 2019-2020 Hong Kong Protests" (2020). CMC Senior Theses. 2501. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2501 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont McKenna College Hong Kong Identity on the Rise: Understanding the Role of Subnational Identity in the 2019-2020 Hong Kong Protests submitted to Professor Aseema Sinha by Gemma Sykes for Senior Thesis Spring 2020 May 11, 2020 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my reader, Professor Aseema Sinha, for the countless hours she has devoted to guiding me through this process and acting as a mentor throughout my time at Claremont McKenna College. Your mentorship has impacted me more than you could imagine and has inspired me to pursue academic projects and passions that have defined my undergraduate experience. I would also like to thank my parents for providing me unconditional support. Your reminder that “the best things in life do not come without hard work” has pushed me to constantly better myself and be motivated to achieve my goals. -
An Overview of the Public Order Events Arising from the Fugitive Offenders Bill Since June 2019
Volume 1 CHAPTER 4 • AN OVERVIEW OF THE PUBLIC ORDER EVENTS ARISING FROM THE FUGITIVE OFFENDERS BILL SINCE JUNE 2019 CHAPTER 4 AN OVERVIEW OF THE PUBLIC ORDER EVENTS ARISING FROM THE FUGITIVE OFFENDERS BILL SINCE JUNE 2019 Introduction 4.1 Since June 2019, Hong Kong has faced its most challenging public order situation in a generation. This Study aims to enable the IPCC to understand this situation, so that it may better perform its statutory duties under section 8 of the IPCC Ordinance. 4.2 A good starting point is the description of the situation from June to October 2019, made by the Court of Appeal (CA) in its Judgment handed down on 9 April 2020 on the Judicial Review brought by 26 current Members of the Legislative Council (LegCo) and one former Member.1 The description, based on evidence placed before the CA and unchallenged by the Applicants in the Judicial Review, is as follows: “1. Since June 2019, Hong Kong has experienced serious social unrests and public disorders marked by protests, escalating violence, vandalisms and arsons across the territory. It is a dire situation that has not been seen in the last 50 years. 2. The increasing violence has resulted in widespread property damage, assaults on persons, serious damage and interruptions to major public transport facilities and highways. The violence and damage are mostly caused by protestors wearing masks and dressed in black outfits. At the same time, it is a common phenomenon that many other protestors participating in public assemblies and processions who are not involved in violence are also wearing masks and dressed in black outfits.