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Activities on the 2017 Elections Commune Sangkat
Committee For Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (COMFREL) #138, Str 122 Teuk Laak 1, Toulkork, Phnom Penh xumE®hVl Box: 1145 COMFREL Tel: 023 884 150 Fax:023 885 745 Email [email protected], [email protected] Website www.comfrel.org Final Assessment and Report on the 2017 Commune Council Elections Contents Acronyms ................................................................................................................................................ 4 Foreword ................................................................................................................................................. 7 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 8 2. Executive Summary .............................................................................................................................. 9 2.1. Principal Findings .......................................................................................................................... 9 2.2 What Others Say ........................................................................................................................... 17 2.3 Overall Assessment ...................................................................................................................... 19 3. Political Environment ......................................................................................................................... 19 3.1 Unilateral legislative changes contrary -
"The Collapse of Cambodian Democracy and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal"
TRANSCRIPT "The Collapse of Cambodian Democracy and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal" A conversation with Putsata Reang, Heather Ryan, and David Tolbert Moderator: Jim Goldston Recorded October 24, 2017 ANNOUNCER: You are listening to a recording of the Open Society Foundations, working to build vibrant and tolerant democracies worldwide. Visit us at OpenSocietyFoundations.org. JIM GOLDSTON: I'm Jim Goldston with the Open Society Justice Initiative, and we're very pleased to welcome you to this evening's-- (MIC NOISE) discussion on the collapse of Cambodian democracy and the Khmer Rouge tribunal. We have with us three great-- panelists who are gonna be looking at-- what has been happening in Cambodia and-- what has been the impact of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia-- in operation now for a decade. To my-- immediate right is David Tolbert, the president of the International Center for Transitional Justice, the former special expert to the U.N. secretary general on the E-triple-C, if I can call the Extraordinary Chambers that. And David brings, of course, a diverse range of experiences dealing with mass crimes in lots of places around the world. To his right is-- Putsata Reang, who is an author and journalist who's followed closely the work of the E-triple-C, and also broader developments-- in Cambodia. And to Putsata's right is Heather Ryan, a consultant with the Open Society Justice Initiative who has-- was based in Phnom Penh for quite some time, and has also monitored the court very, very closely. So we really have people who know what they're talking about, which is a good start for a great panel. -
07 Raimund Weiß 3교OK.Indd
Asian Journal of Peacebuilding Vol. 8 No. 1 (2020): 113-131 doi: 10.18588/202005.00a069 Research Article Peacebuilding, Democratization, and Political Reconciliation in Cambodia Raimund Weiß This research article explains why Cambodia’s dual transition of peacebuilding and democratization after the civil war led to peace but not democracy. The research finds that democratization often threatened peacebuilding in Cambodia. Particularly elections led to political instability, mass protests, and renewed violence, and thus also blocked reforms to democratize Cambodia’s government institutions. By applying the war-to-democracy transition theory and theories of political reconciliation to Cambodia’s dual transition, the following research article finds that a lack of political reconciliation between Cambodia’s former civil war parties is the main reason why the dual transition failed. This article argues that peace-building and democratization are only complementary processes in post-civil war states when preceded by political reconciliation between the former civil war parties. Keywords Cambodia, dual transition, peacebuilding, democratization, war-to-democracy transition theory Introduction The year 2020 marks almost thirty years of peacebuilding in Cambodia. The country appears to have overcome the violence and destruction of two civil wars and the totalitarian Pol Pot regime. Cambodia experiences the longest-lasting peace since gaining independence from France in 1953. But despite this progress, peacebuilding in Cambodia did not lead to the consolidation of liberal multiparty democracy as foreseen in the Paris Peace Accords. In July 2018, Cambodia held the sixth national election since the end of the civil war. The incumbent Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) under Prime Minister Hun Sen won for the first time all 125 seats of Cambodia’s National Assembly. -
Cambodian Crackdown on „Culprits‟ Targets Hun Sen‟S Opponents RFA, 2017-01-31
Cambodian Crackdown on „Culprits‟ Targets Hun Sen‟s Opponents RFA, 2017-01-31 Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen addresses at the National Assembly, Jan. 31, 2017. Photo courtesy of the National Assembly Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is stepping up the pressure on his chief political rival as he pushes the National Assembly to approve legislation preventing so-called ―culprits‖ from heading a political party. ―It is necessary that we amend the Law on Political Parties by stipulating clearly that any individual with culprit status shall not be entitled to serve as president or vice-president of any political party,‖ he said in a floor speech at the National Assembly on Tuesday. ―I request that the National Assembly add this [clause] to strip them off their rights,‖ he added. The change would remove Sam Rainsy from the top post of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) because he has been convicted in several court cases brought by members of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) led by Hun Sen. Cambodian courts are notorious for their lack of independence and are often used by the ruling party to punish dissidents and opposition party officials. Hun Sen is likely to prevail in the legislature as the ruling party has enough votes to amend the Law on Political Parties because it requires only a bare majority to succeed. This means Hun Sen has to get the votes of 63 lawmakers, and the ruling party holds 68 seats. Hun Sen is also targeting property held by the CNRP lawmaker. Opposition party headquarters targeted Hun Sen told the National Assembly that he wants to confiscate the CNRP’s headquarters as a way of enforcing a judgement against Sam Rainsy in a lawsuit he has yet to win. -
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy
China, Cambodia, and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: Principles and Foreign Policy Sophie Diamant Richardson Old Chatham, New York Bachelor of Arts, Oberlin College, 1992 Master of Arts, University of Virginia, 2001 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Politics University of Virginia May, 2005 !, 11 !K::;=::: .' P I / j ;/"'" G 2 © Copyright by Sophie Diamant Richardson All Rights Reserved May 2005 3 ABSTRACT Most international relations scholarship concentrates exclusively on cooperation or aggression and dismisses non-conforming behavior as anomalous. Consequently, Chinese foreign policy towards small states is deemed either irrelevant or deviant. Yet an inquiry into the full range of choices available to policymakers shows that a particular set of beliefs – the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence – determined options, thus demonstrating the validity of an alternative rationality that standard approaches cannot apprehend. In theoretical terms, a belief-based explanation suggests that international relations and individual states’ foreign policies are not necessarily determined by a uniformly offensive or defensive posture, and that states can pursue more peaceful security strategies than an “anarchic” system has previously allowed. “Security” is not the one-dimensional, militarized state of being most international relations theory implies. Rather, it is a highly subjective, experience-based construct, such that those with different experiences will pursue different means of trying to create their own security. By examining one detailed longitudinal case, which draws on extensive archival research in China, and three shorter cases, it is shown that Chinese foreign policy makers rarely pursued options outside the Five Principles. -
Hun Sen, the UN, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Not Worth the Wait: Hun Sen, the UN, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4rh6566v Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 24(1) Author Bowman, Herbert D. Publication Date 2006 DOI 10.5070/P8241022188 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California NOT WORTH THE WAIT: HUN SEN, THE UN, AND THE KHMER ROUGE TRIBUNAL Herbert D. Bowman* I. INTRODUCTION Between 1975 and 1979, the Khmer Rouge killed between one and three million Cambodians.1 Twenty-four years later, on March 17, 2003, the United Nations and the Cambodian govern- ment reached an agreement to establish a criminal tribunal de- signed to try those most responsible for the massive human rights violations which took place during the Khmer Rouge reign of terror. 2 Another three years later, on July 4, 2006, international and Cambodian judges and prosecutors were sworn in to begin work at the Extraordinary Chamber in the Courts of Cambodia ("ECCC"). 3 To quickly grasp the Cambodia court's prospects for success, one only need know a few basic facts. First, the jurisdiction of the court will be limited to crimes 4 that took place between April 17, 1975 and January 6, 1979. * Fellow of Indiana University School of Law, Indianapolis Center for Inter- national & Comparative Law. Former International Prosecutor for the United Na- tions Mission to East Timor. The author is currently working and living in Cambodia. 1. Craig Etcheson, The Politics of Genocide Justice in Cambodia, in INTERNA- TIONALIZED CRIMINAL COURTS: SIERRA LEONE, EAST TIMOR, Kosovo AND CAM- BODIA 181-82 (Cesare P.R. -
Caring for the Dead Ritually in Cambodia
Caring for the Dead Ritually in Cambodia John Cliff ord Holt* Buddhist conceptions of the after-life, and prescribed rites in relation to the dead, were modified adaptations of brahmanical patterns of religious culture in ancient India. In this article, I demonstrate how Buddhist conceptions, rites and dispositions have been sustained and transformed in a contemporary annual ritual of rising importance in Cambodia, pchum ben. I analyze phcum ben to determine its funda- mental importance to the sustenance and coherence of the Khmer family and national identity. Pchum ben is a 15-day ritual celebrated toward the end of the three-month monastic rain retreat season each year. During these 15 days, Bud- dhist laity attend ritually to the dead, providing special care for their immediately departed kin and other more recently deceased ancestors. The basic aim of pchum ben involves making a successful transaction of karma transfer to one’s dead kin, in order to help assuage their experiences of suffering. The proximate catalyst for pchum ben’s current popularity is recent social and political history in Southeast Asia, especially the traumatic events that occurred nationally in Cambodia during the early 1970s through the 1980s when the country experienced a series of convul- sions. Transformations in religious culture often stand in reflexive relationship to social and political change. Keywords: Cambodia, buddhism, Khmer Rouge, death, ritual, pchum ben, family, national identity Death is an inevitable fact of life. For the religious, its occurrence does not necessarily signal life’s end, but rather the beginning of a rite de passage, a transitional experience in which the newly dead leave behind the familiarity of human life for yet another mode of being beyond. -
Cambodia and Major Powers 173 CHAPTER 10 – Conclusion 199
Table of Content EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 CHAPTER 1 – Civil and Political Rights 5 PART 1: Repression of Political Opposition 6 PART 2: Persecution of the Memorialization of Kem Ley 24 PART 3: LANGO and CSO Freedom 28 CHAPTER 2 – Media and Press Freedoms 40 PART 1: The Media Landscape 44 PART 2: Laws and Policies 48 PART 3: Criminalization of Press and Journalism 58 CHAPTER 3 – Labor Rights and Politics 71 PART 1: Key Policy Issues for Labor 72 PART 2: Trade Union Law 75 PART 3: The Tripartite National Council on Minimum Wage 80 PART 4: Right to Strike 84 PART 5: Status of Legal Prosecution of Unionists 97 PART 6: International Brands and Labor Associations 103 PART 7: Remedying Violence Against Unionists – Remembering Chea Vichea 106 CHAPTER 4 – The Legislative Branch 108 CHAPTER 5 – The Judicial Branch 118 PART 1: Lack of Justice 120 PART 2: Legal Reform 124 PART 3: Legal Aid 130 CHAPTER 6 – The Executive Branch 135 CHAPTER 7 – Democratic Elections 148 PART 1: 2019 Sub-national Elections 148 PART 2: 2019 Voter Registration 155 CHAPTER 8 – The EU and EBA Status 158 CHAPTER 9 – Cambodia and Major Powers 173 CHAPTER 10 – Conclusion 199 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Democracy in Cambodia was assessed on how to decline in 2019. The ruling party consolidated its hegemony over the political system, and there were no significant improvements in liberal pluralism. As outlined in this report, important reforms occurred in different areas; however, reforms were not sufficient in any areas to meet the standards of an established democratic system. Improvements were made to laws, but there are still significant problems with existing legislation. -
Cambodian Election
INSIGHTi Cambodian Election Updated August 1, 2018 The Cambodian National Assembly election, held on July 29, 2018, resulted in a victory for the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). Critics viewed the election, in which the CPP likely won all 125 parliamentary seats, as neither free nor fair and the victory as “hollow” given that the CPP banned the largest opposition party in 2017. The Trump Administration stated that the poll “failed to represent the will of the Cambodian people” and represented “the most significant setback yet to the democratic system enshrined in Cambodia’s constitution…” Nearly 600,000 ballots, or roughly 9% of votes cast, reportedly were invalid, most of which the opposition believes were purposely spoiled to protest the illegitimacy of the election. Political History Between 1975 and 1991, Cambodia endured the four-year reign of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, also known as the Khmer Rouge, during which an estimated 2 million Cambodians died, as well as Vietnamese invasion and occupation, and civil war. The Paris Peace Agreement, signed by Cambodia and 18 other nations pledging to support the country’s sovereignty and reconstruction on October 23, 1991, ended the conflict. It also established a “liberal democracy” with “periodic and genuine elections.” Since the United Nations administered the first postwar national elections in 1993, the Kingdom of Cambodia has made fitful progress in its political and social development, including the conduct of elections and growth of civil society. According to Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) data, official development assistance (ODA) from major OECD aid donors, including the United States, totaled more than $10 billion between 1995 and 2016. -
Cambodia's Dirty Dozen
HUMAN RIGHTS CAMBODIA’S DIRTY DOZEN A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals WATCH Cambodia’s Dirty Dozen A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals Copyright © 2018 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36222 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JUNE 2018 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36222 Cambodia’s Dirty Dozen A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals Map of Cambodia ............................................................................................................... 7 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Khmer Rouge-era Abuses ......................................................................................................... -
“Labor and Human Rights in Cambodia”
Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission “Labor and Human Rights in Cambodia” Testimony of John Sifton, Asia Advocacy Director, Human Rights Watch September 11, 2019 Thank you for inviting me to testify today. The Lantos Commission is right to focus on the human rights situation in Cambodia. For decades, Cambodia’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) has attempted to present itself behind a thin veneer of democratic legitimacy – the product of several deeply flawed electoral processes that have taken place every five years since 1993, all of which have been marked by violence, corruption, vote fraud, and other abuses. Now in power since 1985, Prime Minister Hun Sen and his CPP continue to maintain power using politically motivated prosecutions, repressive laws, and a pliant judiciary. While in previous years Hun Sen allowed a small measure of freedom to media outlets and opposition parties—almost certainly to convey an image of Cambodia as an open society – today he oversees a de facto one-party state, in which the CPP maintains complete control over all ministries, the security forces, the courts, and the National Assembly. In recent years, the government has intensified its crackdown on independent media, local human rights defenders, and labor rights activists. Fundamental rights to free expression and peaceful assembly are sharply curtailed, and there is no accountability for serious abuses. In 2018, the government-controlled Supreme Court dissolved the main opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party, detained opposition leader Kem Sokha, and banned more than 100 opposition members from politics in the lead-up to sham elections in July 2018. -
Cambodia Asia Pacific Regional Outlook, August 2018
Cambodia Asia Pacific Regional Outlook, August 2018 Cambodia- Low Risk -Situation to watch The deteriorating political situation surrounding the July 2018 in Cambodia increased the risk of violence, including atrocity crimes, from low to moderate. Although the election was neither free nor fair, it was largely peaceful and the country has remained calm, reducing the risk of atrocity crimes back to low. Concerned about its loss of public support, the government adopted a host of measures to ensure its victory in an election that was neither free nor fair – storing up potential trouble for the future. It particular, the government: (1) banned the principal opposition party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), and the imprisoned opposition leader, Kem Sokha; (2) intimidated and sometimes closed independent media outlets, both news agencies and radio stations, and civil society groups; (3) restricted freedom of speech by passing a ‘lèse Majesteté law’1 and changing Cambodia’s constitution; making it illegal and punishable, with up to five years imprisonment, to insult the king or the government. These were a direct challenge to the country’s democratic process and to uphold Human Rights. Moreover, Cambodia can become indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC), as they have signed the Rome Statute. The Cambodian government can, therefore, be prosecuted in the case of any atrocity crimes committed within the nation. Particularly concerning has been the increase in the use of hate speech and threats by the government and directed