Women and Political Violence During the Years of Lead in Morocco Women and Political Violence During the Years of Lead in Morocco

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Women and Political Violence During the Years of Lead in Morocco Women and Political Violence During the Years of Lead in Morocco The Consultative Council on Human Rights National Institution for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco By Nadia Guessous Nadia Guessous is a Moroccan anthropologist living in New York City. She works on feminist thought and leftist feminists in Morocco, and has extensive experience dealing with questions of gender, women’s rights and violence against women. This document is printed with the financial support of the Embassy of Netherlands in Morocco This document is printed with the financial support of the Embassy of Netherlands in Morocco Summary Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco Summary Foreword ............................................................10 Introduction.........................................................14 Methodology and objectives .......................... .......20 Who are the female victims of political violence? ........ .30 Life prior to the experience of political violence...........38 Experiencing political violence..................................46 • Surprise and Shock...........................................46 • Detention, Violence, and Torture..........................52 • Gendered and Sexualized Violence........................54 • Rape and Sexual Assault ....................................58 • The Use of Children and Maternal Love ..................63 • Surveillance and Harassment ...............................68 Women’s activism and their positive contributions .......74 Life after political violence .....................................84 • Lives Turned Upside Down ..................................85 • Marginalization and Social Stigmatization ...............85 • Economic Hardship and Poverty ...........................87 • Debilitating Fear and Emotional Scars ....................89 • Grief and Mourning ..........................................90 • Feelings of Guilt as Mothers ................................90 • Effects of Sexual Violence .....................................93 • Divorce and Polygamy ........................................94 • Deprived of Husbands ........................................96 Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco • Feelings of Guilt as Daughters ..............................97 • Unspeakable Pain, Un-Representable Violence and Lack of Recognition ...........................................97 • Work Discrimination and Disadvantage ...................99 Some conclusions ................................................102 Foreword Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco Foreword It should be admitted that women’s role in their societies, whether in activism or in suffering is often ignored and remains unrecognized. More particularly, this may be the case in societies where the Arab and Islamic culture is predominant. As for the suffering of Moroccan women during a particular period of our modern history, which is seen, probably unilaterally, as “years of lead”, it has been dealt with for a long time, with some exceptions, as collateral damages only. In the collective psyche, the victim is undoubtedly the male gender par excellence. However, many women were detained; some of whom didn’t go back from the prison, be it regular or irregular. There is also another group of women who are not less heroic than those who were put in prison. They are the women who were subjected to various forms of ill-treatment during events of oppression or before the gates of prisons where their husbands, sons and brothers were detained. They are also the women who, in the absence of their male relatives, took charge of their families in dire straits. The Equity and Reconciliation Commission who adopted a comprehensive approach to compensations due to victims of the years of lead was aware enough to pay tribute to those women by giving them a hearing and organizing activities on gender, including the investigation leading to this analysis study. This approach included individual financial compensation, medical care, social reintegration, if need be, disclosure of truth about cases of enforced disappearance and introduction of legal and institutional reforms. Of course, this study does not tackle the subject in detail. The Advisory Council on Human Rights, who is proud of publishing Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco it and of addressing a significant legacy of the Equity and Reconciliation Commission, is committed to continue encouraging and supporting any action aiming to rehabilitate the victims of the years of lead, mainly those unknown, within the scope of national reconciliation. Nevertheless, this study is of paramount importance. The readership will notice that it was written with great sensitivity and empathy, worth of the experiences which true heroines endured, who are women from Aith Hdiddou and elsewhere. I would like to extend my thanks to Ms. Nadia Guessous for her competence and dedication, to the team of women researchers who bravely collected data to conduct this study and to the team of the United Nations Development Fund for Women, our partner in the tremendous effort to mainstream the gender approach in all the activities of the Advisory Council on Human Rights. Rabat, on February 16, 2009 Ahmed Herzenni CCDH President INTRODUCTION Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco INTRODUCTION n times of war and political repression, women suffer in Iunique and multiple ways from the effects of violence. Often targeted as a means to punish male relatives and to terrorize communities, women are as likely as men to be subjected to violence, torture, illegal detention, displacement and forced labor in times of conflict and repression. In addition, the effects of violence on women’s lives are often made worse because of existing gender roles and discrimination in society, and because women are more likely to be illiterate, poor, and marginalized. Women in times of conflict and political repression are also more vulnerable to sexual violence and unwanted pregnancies, which often lead to stigmatization within their own families and communities. Further, women are more likely to have to bear the burden of taking care of children and of the elderly during times of conflict especially after the arrest or death of male providers. And women are more likely to be divorced or abandoned by their husbands or to become “unmarriageable” as a result of the stigma associated with political and sexual violence. The gendered effects of political violence and repression are too numerous to list here. Yet the suffering of women in times of political conflict often remains invisible and unacknowledged. In large measure, this is because the public arenas within which politics and conflicts unfold are usually associated Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco with men; while the suffering of women often takes place in isolation and in private. But it is also because the patriarchy of the state intersects with the patriarchies of the family and the community; and because political violence against women is reinforced by societal violence and discrimination against women. As a result, women’s experiences of political violence are less likely to be recognized. Since the 1980s, the establishment of truth commissions in countries emerging out of violent conflict and political repression has increased our awareness of the multiple effects of political violence on the lives of individuals, families and communities. The findings of these truth commissions have highlighted the fact that women’s experiences of political violence tend to be overlooked or minimized unless a systematic effort is made to incorporate a gender perspective and to inquire into women’s experiences. It is only recently that truth commissions have begun taking gender into consideration by documenting and analyzing the particularities of women’s victimization in times of conflict and repression1. In Morocco, which experienced political repression and state sponsored violence between 1956 and 1999, women suffered in large numbers2. 1 - For an excellent comparative analysis of how gender was and was not taken into consideration in the work of various truth commissions (South Africa, Guatemala, Peru, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste), see Ruth Rubio-Marin (editor), 2006. What Happened to the Women? Gender and Reparations for Human Rights Violations. The International Center for Transitional Justice. New York, NY: The Social Science Research Council. 2- hile we may never know the exact number of women who were affected by political violence in Morocco between 1956 and 1999, it is nevertheless noteworthy that women constitute 15% of the dossiers received by the IER from "direct victims" and 46% of those filed by "inderect victims" . Women and Political Violence during the Years of Lead in Morocco Whether as political activists who were punished by the state for their role in oppositional movements; as relatives (mothers, wives, daughters, and sisters but also aunts, nieces and grand-daughters) of political activists and prisoners and thus considered guilty by association; or as members of communities that were collectively punished by the state; women from all backgrounds and regions of Morocco were victims of state sponsored violence. During this period known as the years of lead, it was not uncommon for the state to target
Recommended publications
  • Never-Ending Reformism from Above and Dissatisfaction from Below
    Discussion Paper 16/2020 Never-Ending Reformism from Above and Dissatisfaction from Below The Paradox of Moroccan Post-Spring Politics Francesco Cavatorta Fabio Merone Never-ending reformism from above and dissatisfaction from below The paradox of Moroccan post-Spring politics Francesco Cavatorta Fabio Merone Bonn 2020 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN (Print) 1860-0441 ISSN (Online) 2512-8698 Except as otherwise noted this publication is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0). You are free to copy, communicate and adapt this work, as long as you attribute the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) and the authors. Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ISBN 978-3-96021-127-3 (printed edition) DOI:10.23661/dp16.2020 Printed on eco-friendly, certified paper Francesco Cavatorta is professor of political science and director of the Centre Interdisciplinaire de Recherche sur l’Afrique et le Moyen Orient (CIRAM) at Laval University, Quebec, Canada. His research focuses on the dynamics of authoritarianism and democratisation in the Middle East and North Africa. His current research projects deal with party politics and the role of political parties in the region. E-Mail: [email protected] Fabio Merone is a political scientist currently working as an independent consultant. His focus is on the Middle East and North Africa, with a specific interest in Political Islam, Salafism, Jihadism, and contentious politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Reform in Morocco:Layout 1.Qxd
    WWW.IPPR.ORG ReforminMorocco TheroleofpoliticalIslamists ByAlexGlennieandDavidMepham September2007 ©ippr2007 InstituteforPublicPolicyResearch Challengingideas– Changingpolicy 2 ippr|ReforminMorocco:TheroleofpoliticalIslamists Contents Aboutippr.................................................................................................................................................................................. 3 Aboutippr’sinternationalprogramme ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Acknowledgements.................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Abouttheauthors ..................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Abbreviationsanddefinitions.................................................................................................................................................... 4 1.Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................................ 5 2.RecentpoliticalhistoryofMorocco....................................................................................................................................... 6 3.IslamistpartiesandmovementsinMorocco ........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • JGI V. 14, N. 2
    Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective Volume 14 Number 2 Multicultural Morocco Article 1 11-15-2019 Full Issue - JGI v. 14, n. 2 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/jgi Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation (2019) "Full Issue - JGI v. 14, n. 2," Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective: Vol. 14 : No. 2 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/jgi/vol14/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Global Initiatives: Policy, Pedagogy, Perspective by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Multicultural Morocco JOURNAL of GLOBAL INITIATIVES POLICY, PEDAGOGY, PERSPECTIVE 2019 VOLUME 14 NUMBER 2 Journal of global Initiatives Vol. 14, No. 2, 2019, pp.1-28. The Year of Morocco: An Introduction Dan Paracka Marking the 35th anniversary of Kennesaw State University’s award-winning Annual Country Study Program, the 2018-19 academic year focused on Morocco and consisted of 22 distinct educational events, with over 1,700 people in attendance. It also featured an interdisciplinary team-taught Year of Morocco (YoM) course that included a study abroad experience to Morocco (March 28-April 7, 2019), an academic conference on “Gender, Identity, and Youth Empowerment in Morocco” (March 15-16, 2019), and this dedicated special issue of the Journal of Global Initiatives. Most events were organized through six different College Spotlights titled: The Taste of Morocco; Experiencing Moroccan Visual Arts; Multiple Literacies in Morocco; Conflict Management, Peacebuilding, and Development Challenges in Morocco, Moroccan Cultural Festival; and Moroccan Solar Tree.
    [Show full text]
  • Demobilization in Morocco: the Case of the February 20 Movement by © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran
    Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement By © 2018 Sammy Zeyad Badran Submitted to the graduate degree program in Political Science and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Dr. Gary M. Reich Dr. Nazli Avdan Dr. Alesha E. Doan Date Defended: 31 May 2018 ii The dissertation committee for Sammy Zeyad Badran certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Demobilization in Morocco: The Case of The February 20 Movement Chairperson: Dr. Hannah E. Britton Co-Chairperson: Dr. Gail Buttorff Date Approved: 31 May 2018 iii Abstract This dissertation aims to understand why protests lessen when they do by investigating how and why social movements demobilize. I do this by questioning the causal link between consistent state polices (concessions or repression) and social movement demobilization. My interviews with the February 20 Movement, the main organizer of mass protests in Morocco during the Arab Spring, reveals how ideological differences between leftist and Islamist participants led to the group’s eventual halt of protests. During my fieldwork, I conducted 46 semi-structured elite interviews with civil society activists, political party leaders, MPs, and independent activists throughout Morocco. My interviews demonstrate that the February 20 Movement was initially united, but that this incrementally changed following the King’s mixed-policy of concessions and repression. The King’s concessionary policies convinced society that demands were being met and therefore led to the perception that the February 20 Movement was no longer needed, while repression highlighted internal divides.
    [Show full text]
  • Missing Youth: the Absence of the Young Moroccan Voice in the Nation Reid Leiter SIT Study Abroad
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Fall 2018 Missing Youth: The Absence of the Young Moroccan Voice in the Nation Reid Leiter SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the African Languages and Societies Commons, African Studies Commons, Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Political Science Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, and the Public Affairs Commons Recommended Citation Leiter, Reid, "Missing Youth: The Absence of the Young Moroccan Voice in the Nation" (2018). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 3004. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/3004 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Leiter 1 Missing Youth: The Absence of the Young Moroccan Voice in the Nation Leiter, Reid Dr. Belghazi, Taieb University of Denver International Studies Africa, Morocco, Rabat Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for MOR, SIT Abroad, Fall 2018 Leiter 2 Abstract Morocco has long maintained stability in a region historically known for fluctuating sociopolitical climates, considerably in part to a robust constitutional monarchy. However, the 20 February movement that coincided with the 2011 Arab Spring showed that the government is vulnerable to an energetic, organized, and a vocal youth population. Now, seven years after a constitutional referendum aimed at installing more democratic processes was passed, the growing youth populous feel more detached from their nation than ever, ignored by the government and monarchy, and ultimately lacking a voice in Moroccan politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamist and Islamised Memories in Moroccan Testimonial Prison Literature
    Brahim El Guabli Islamist and Islamised Memories in Moroccan Testimonial Prison Literature Abstract: The Moroccan ‘Years of Lead’ were a period of rampant state violence between the country’s independence in 1956 and the passing of King Hassan II in 1999. Although a robust scholarship has probed its multifaceted aspects, the impact of state violence on specific groups, such as Bahais, Jews, and Islamists, has yet to be included in discussions about the collective memory of post- independence Moroccan. Most importantly, however, in the midst of a relentless glocal war on terror, Moroccan Islamists continue to be marginalised or exclude themselves from the cultural and social memory of state violence. Drawing on al-Mufaḍḍal al-Maghūtī’s memoir Wa ya‘lū ṣawt al-ādhān min jaḥīm Tazmamart (2009) and Muṣṭafā al-Ḥasnāwī’s memoir Sujūn wa ashjān (2018), this article provides a conceptualisation of Islamist and Islamised memory of state vio- lence. The distinction between Islamist and Islamised memory demonstrates their different, and even oppositional, stakes in terms of politicisation, religiosi- ty, and partisanship. The article also shows how the publishing media resigni- fies memories and inscribes them in frameworks of meaning that may not even be relevant to the survivors’ experience or concerns. Introduction Moroccan Islamists have been given short shrift in discussions of the ‘Years of Lead’. The Years of Lead, a period of authoritarianism and rampant state vio- lence which lasted between Morocco’s independence in 1956 and the advent of King Mohammed VI’s reign in 1999, gave rise to an abundance of testimonial prison literature between 1998 and 2018.
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Authoritarian Control Strategies During Civilian Uprisings
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Confronting the Square: Explaining Authoritarian Control Strategies During Civilian Uprisings A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Sean Douglas Brown June 2019 Dissertation Committee: Dr. David Pion-Berlin, Chairperson Dr. Bronwyn Leebaw Dr. Marissa Brookes Copyright by Sean Douglas Brown 2019 The Dissertation of Sean Douglas Brown is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgments Throughout the writing of this dissertation I have received an incalculable amount of support and assistance from my fantastic committee at UC Riverside. First and foremost, I would like to extend my immense gratitude to my chairperson, Dr. David Pion-Berlin, for the innumerable hours, days, months, and years that you poured over the text of this dissertation. Your assistance formulating the topic, providing feedback, organizing fieldwork, and editing was decisive in helping me complete this project. I would also like to thank my committee members, Dr. Bronwyn Leebaw and Dr. Marissa Brookes, for your assistance in editing and providing feedback throughout this process. Your thoughts were invaluable contributions to this dissertation. I would like to acknowledge the members of my prospectus committee, including Dr. Indridi Indridason and Dr. Christopher Chase-Dunn for their contributions to the formulation of my research question and methodology. I would like to thank the Department of Political Science for assisting in funding the fieldwork for this project by awarding me the Dissertation Research Grant. Finally, thank you to the administrative staff and all of the professors in the Department of Political Science at UC Riverside that supported me with teaching assistantships, feedback, mental support, and a place to call home for nearly nine years.
    [Show full text]
  • Secret Politics of the Sufi: the Sultan And
    THE SECRET POLITICS OF THE SUFI: THE SULTAN AND THE SAINT IN MODERN MOROCCO By Abdelilah Bouasria Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Public Affairs of American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Political Science Chair: Mark Sedgwick Dean of the School of Public Affairs Date 2010 American University Washington D.C. 20016 AMERICAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 95^ UMI Number: 3415750 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMT Dissertation Publishing UMI 3415750 Copyright 2010 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 © COPYRIGHT by Abdelilah Bouasria 2010 All RIGHTS RESERVED DEDICATION To my parents whose unconditional love and financing made me believe that I could do To my wife Paula whose greatness, sweetness and love are so huge that no word could fit, To my sister Leila whose chit chats and debates came to my blurring confusions as a split, To Sidi Hamza, my Sufi master, who taught me that dreams are a school of olives without a pit, To Michel Foucault, the archeologist, who befriended me in times of despair witch such abnormal wit.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Writing Letters And
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Writing Letters and Reading against the Grain of Anthropology’s Past A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Anthropology by Jessie Serene Stoolman 2020 © Copyright by Jessie Serene Stoolman 2020 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS Writing Letters and Reading against the Grain of Anthropology’s Past by Jessie Serene Stoolman Master of Arts in Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles, 2020 Professor Aomar Boum, Chair As a window into what happens when anthropology’s published and unpublished writing forms are measured together, this thesis will review the personal correspondence of a mid-twentieth century American anthropologist, David Montgomery Hart, whose letters, totaling over 10,000 pages, were recently entrusted to the National Archives in Morocco. In particular, I highlight what the discussions that occurred in his letters reflect about racialized logics in academic research at the time, collaborations between anthropologists and colonial officials, as well as the dangers Indigenous field assistants could face as a result of their work. Throughout my thesis, I will suggest how conceptualizations of race, particularly notions of whiteness as articulated in Euro-American writing from the nineteenth century forward, have shaped the field of Amazigh studies, as other scholars have noted. In combining analysis of Hart’s publications, personal correspondences, and my own interviews with his colleagues, I have two goals: first, to outline the processes by which twentieth-century anthropological research contributed to marking difference on a black-and-white ii color line in the region; and second, to suggest that ongoing discussions on the role of reflexivity in anthropology consider the importance of the discipline’s inward- as well as outward-facing writing.
    [Show full text]
  • The Paradox of Moroccan Post-Spring Politics
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Cavatorta, Francesco; Merone, Fabio Working Paper Never-ending reformism from above and dissatisfaction from below: The paradox of Moroccan post-spring politics Discussion Paper, No. 16/2020 Provided in Cooperation with: German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn Suggested Citation: Cavatorta, Francesco; Merone, Fabio (2020) : Never-ending reformism from above and dissatisfaction from below: The paradox of Moroccan post-spring politics, Discussion Paper, No. 16/2020, ISBN 978-3-96021-127-3, Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn, http://dx.doi.org/10.23661/dp16.2020 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/222300 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Profile of Morocco
    Save the Children Sweden Regional Office for the Middle East and North Africa P.O. Box 113-7167, Beirut, Lebanon Phone: + 961 1 738 654/5 Fax: + 961 1 739 023 http://mena.savethechildren.se [email protected] Manara Network: A Civil Society for Child Rights in the MENA Region www.manaracrc.org Morocco Country Profile Country Profile of Morocco A Review of the Implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child August 2011 This project is funded by Country Profile of Morocco A Review of the Implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child August 2011 This publication is fully funded by SIDA (Swedish International Development Coop- eration Agency). SIDA has not taken part in its production and does not assume any responsibility for its content. The Child Rights Governance Programme in Save the Children Sweden’s Regional Office for the Mid- dle East and North Africa implemented the activities of the Manara Network: A Civil Society for Child’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa Region. Work on Child Rights Governance aims to build societies that fulfil children rights by establishing and strengthen- ing the infrastructure necessary for states to effectively implement the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and other child rights obligations. It seeks to support a vibrant civil society pushing children up the po- litical agenda and holding states to account for what they have or haven’t done to realise children’s rights. It is an ef- fective strategy for impacting at scale the lives of millions of children, resulting in structural and lasting change.
    [Show full text]
  • Reshaping Civil Society in Morocco Boundary Setting, Integration and Consolidation
    Reshaping Civil Society in Morocco Boundary Setting, Integration and Consolidation CEPS Working Document No. 323/December 2009 Bohdana Dimitrovova Abstract This paper looks at the dynamics affecting the development of civil society in Morocco within the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy. It explores cooperation mechanisms in three domains of civil society endeavour – women’s rights, human rights and socio-economic rights. In each area, the paper examines the kinds of mechanisms and opportunities emerging for the promotion of civil society, and which forms of action and stances taken by civil society have been encouraged (or otherwise). The paper contends that the development of civil society has triggered different responses by the state and international community. While civil and political rights have preoccupied domestic and international actors, socio-economic rights have long been absent from their agendas. Yet it is argued here that shifting responsibility for issues in the socio-economic domain to civil society is highly problematic under the current circumstances of state building, and poses risks of further ruptures in Moroccan society. CEPS Working Documents are intended to give an indication of work being conducted within CEPS research programmes and to stimulate reactions from other experts in the field. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which she are associated. ISBN 978-92-9079-957-3 Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (http://www.ceps.eu) © Centre for European Policy Studies, 2009 Contents Introduction................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Conceptualising civil society.................................................................................................. 4 1.1 A question of women’s rights: Internationalisation and integration............................
    [Show full text]