James Connolly in the Bureau of Military History

James Connolly in The Bureau of Military History

Conor Kostick

The Bureau of Military History was established by the Irish government in 1947 with the remit of interviewing activists from the period 1913 to 1921. The Bu- reau approached people through the orig- inal IRA brigade structures, from there word of mouth led them to members at all levels of the Volunteer movement. The result is an archive collection with over 1,700 contributions, including witness statements from rank and file members whose testimony is otherwise lost to history. First released in 2003, in 2012 this archive was put online at http://www. bureauofmilitaryhistory.ie/. The Bureau collection was drawn upon by Lorcan Collins in his splendid new bi- ography of James Connolly (OBrien Press, James Connolly 2012), but examining the archive materi- als also allows for a renewal of the discu- sion among socialists of the role of James The testimony in the Military Bureau Connolly in the Easter Rising. A num- archives concerning James Connolly is not ber of Irish Citizen Army members were of the sort of evidence that can deliver a interviewed by the Bureau and it is from definitive resolution to the debate over his them most of all that we can cast a light on political activity - after all, those still alive the ideas and practice of James Connolly in 1947 had their own political coloura- in 1915 and 1916. Historically, the ap- tion to affect their memories - but it does praisal of James Connolly’s deeds in these deepen our understanding of what he was years has followed party lines. Those, like attempting to do and of his personal char- Desmond Greaves, who believed that revo- acter. lutionaries should support republicans un- Following the outbreak of war, Con- critically as a first stage towards socialism nolly was convinced that the internation- were very enthusiastic about Connolly’s alism of the working class, as embodied by role in the Easter Rising, while others such his colleagues in the trade union and so- as Peter Hadden of the Militant (now So- cialist movement, had not been destroyed. cialist Party) who saw only reactionary It was temporarily submerged under a politics in the national movement, consid- wave of jingoism, but he wrote, echoing ered Connolly to have been deeply mis- Voltaire on the American Revolution - the taken in dragging unwilling trade unionists right spark could ‘set the torch to a Euro- and ICA members into battle.1 pean conflagration that will not burn out 1For example, C.D Greaves, ‘James Connolly (1868 1916) Marxist’, Marxism Today, June 1968, p. 177. Peter Hadden, Divide and Rule (Second Edition: London and Dublin 1986), pp. 61 66.

15 until the last throne and the last capital- tion. We were to be cautious. We must not ist bond and debenture will be shrivelled play the enemys game, we must have no on the funeral pyre of the last war lord.’2 more forlorn hopes, ‘our children’s children And ‘even an unsuccessful attempt at so- would vindicate Ireland’s right to freedom’, cial revolution by force of arms... would be etc. less disastrous to the Socialist cause than ‘We in the Citizen Army felt very proud the act of Socialists in allowing themselves and confident in our leadership. We, in to be used in the slaughter of their brothers common with the Volunteers, had orders 3 in the causes.’ to resist any arrest or disarmament and to So Connolly wanted a military fight resist with force any raid on our premises. while favourable conditions prevailed and We knew that in our case there would be he hoped that this fight would be made no backing down on the part of our leaders, easier by the desire of many Irish Volun- but we were not so sure about the leader- 5 teers for a rising. But late in 1915, Con- ship of the Volunteers.’ nolly was growing increasingly concerned When a commemoration was held of that the Irish Volunteers were - like pre- the centenary of the birth of John Mitchell, vious generations of radical nationalists - in November 1915, Padraig Pearse spoke going to miss a chance to defeat the Em- about how previous insurrections had al- pire. Britain was massively stretched by ways been just too late. Frank Robbins, the war and the Irish garrison was down then a young ITGWU and ICA member, to some 8,000 troops. was present in the audience with Connolly, who stood up and said: ‘will this one also While the ICA was preparing to strike be too late?’6 and a greater and greater tension was growing among its members, the leaders Robbins also drew attention to the im- of the Irish Volunteers were shying away portance of the incident concerning Robert from action. Maeve Cavanagh, an ICA Monteith. Monteith was an Irish Vol- member and poet, remembers Connolly at unteer against whom the British author- this time saying of Eoin MacNeill’s news- ities issued a deportation order. This cre- paper, The Irish Volunteer, that it was like ated a flashpoint, which was defused when a ‘great wet blanket spread over Ireland ev- the leaders of the Irish Volunteers allowed ery week.’4 Helena Moloney, also ICA, and Monteith to be deported. Connolly, by an actress at the Abbey, said that as a re- contrast, declared that any such order ap- sult, it was the Workers Republic that was plied to a member of the ICA would be eagerly awaited each week. ‘It was rightly resisted in arms and this position made an regarded as the real voice of the ‘extremist’ impression on the more resolute of the Irish 7 side of the Volunteer movement. The offi- Volunteers. cial organ of the Irish Volunteers, The Irish Interpreting these events as meaning Volunteer, edited by John MacNeill and the leadership of the Irish Volunteers were controlled by Bulmer Hobson, had taken pulling away from the idea of insurrection, on a curious and intangible tone of cau- Connolly tested his own organisation to see 2James Connolly, Irish Worker, 8 August, 1914. 3James Connolly, Forward, 15 August 1914. 4WS0248 5WS0391 6WS0585 7Ibid.

16 if the ICA were willing to fight alone. In tan, a leading IRB member, recalled Tom autumn 1915, reported Robbins, ‘Connolly Clarke saying ‘the Volunteers would not ordered a complete mobilisation, which he and should not be forced to strike by any regarded as being of great importance. He action like this.’ McCartan himself, how- addressed the members present and con- ever, disagreed, believing that ‘if the ICA veyed to them his opinion that the situa- went out, we must go out too, as otherwise tion was now becoming dangerous and it the whole movement would fizzle out like might mean that the Citizen Army would the Rising of ‘98. It was at the Supreme have to fight alone without the aid of the Council meeting that I put forward these Irish Volunteers. From this time onwards, views.’12 members were told to fight rather than lose Stated in the abstract, without insight arms.’ Every ICA member was asked three into the internal divisions among the Irish questions, one of which was ‘are you pre- Volunteers, the idea of the tiny ICA start- pared to fight without the aid of the Irish ing an insurrection can seem reckless, to 8 Volunteers or any other allies.’ say the least. But if Connolly was counting By January 1916, those of the Irish Vol- on a section of the Irish Volunteers joining unteers who intended to fight were wor- in, his calculations were not unrealistic, in ried that some incident involving the ICA that his insurrectionist militancy was cre- would trigger an insurrection prematurely ating massive tensions inside the IRB and and they kept a close eye on Liberty Hall. the Irish Volunteer leadership. Already, according to P.S. O’Hegarty, a The best testimony to Connolly’s member of the Supreme Council of the thinking at this point comes from Eamon IRB, Sean MacDermott had said in May O’Duibhir of the Tipperary IRB. Speaking 1915 that ‘well have to do something about to Connolly on a fact finding mission for this bloody fellow Connolly. Hes going the IRB, O’Duibhir reported Connolly’s about shouting out his mouth all over the views as being that ‘he feared the national place and we’re afraid he’ll bring the Ris- leaders, if they intended a rising at all, ing down on us before we are ready.’9 might put it off until it would be too late. Christopher Brady, the printer of the The time to act was whilst England was Workers Republic and of the proclama- engaged in this war, and the war cannot tion, remembered that ‘Sean McDermott last forever. He further said that he was was a weekly visitor to Liberty Hall. He determined to strike and that before long, would drop in on Thursday night usu- unless he had some assurance that the Irish 13 ally, for an advance copy of the Workers Volunteers would strike soon.’ Republic. Other occasional visitors were The IRB resolved this tension by Tom Clarke, Joseph Plunkett and Padraig preparing to kidnap Connolly with the in- Pearse.’10 Pearse could not sleep for a tention of showing him that his fears were week after the first 1916 edition of the misplaced. Eamonn T Dore, an IRB mem- Workers Republic made it clear that the ber, was one of those told off on 19 January ICA intended action.11 Patrick McCar- 1916 by Commandant Ned Daly to stand 8Ibid. 9WS 0026 10WS0705 11 Desmond Ryan, WS0725 12WS0766 13WS1403

17 by to arrest Connolly if he did not come they were very appreciative of the clear voluntarily. ‘We met, but sometime later and lucid manner in which he spoke.’17 were disbanded as Connolly went of his From this agreement onwards a new own accord.’ Connolly’s friends were pan- mood swept through both ICA and Vol- icked by his disappearance, ‘they thought unteers, a real sense that the Rising was the police had him and that he would going to happen. Again, Helena Moloney be found drowned in a drain or some- is a useful witness. ‘At that time the tem- thing.’14 When, after three days, Connolly per of the Citizen Army and of certain Vol- returned to Liberty Hall, Helena Moloney unteers was such that you could not hold was present to witness his conversation them back. All this time while we were with Countess Markiewicz. waiting for something to happen the at- mosphere was like a simmering pot.’18 Madame said, ‘where have you One crisis that nearly precipitated been in the name of Heaven?’ fighting occurred when, on Friday 24 He smiled and said, ‘I have March, 1916, the police raided Liberty Hall been though hell!’. ‘But what with a warrant to intercept The Gael. The happened?’ said we. ‘I don’t police picked up bundles of The Workers like to talk about it. I have Republic and Helena Moloney drew her pis- been through hell, but I have tol on them. James Connolly rushed in converted my enemies.’ 15 to the room, revolver drawn. ‘The officer said, “we have come to seize the paper.” Having been sworn to secrecy, Connolly Connolly said, “you cant.” “But I have my felt honour bound not to speak of his meet- orders,” said the officer. “You drop that,” ing with the leaders of the IRB, even to his said Connolly, “or Ill drop you.” If the offi- closest comrades. In his Bureau statement, cer persisted,’ testified Moloney, ‘Connolly Patrick McCartan stated that in fact, once would have fired and I would have fired on agreement was reached, Connolly was im- the other man. However, they walked out mediately put on the Military Council of saying they would report back.’19 the IRB, ready for the Rising, with Tom Frank Robbins remembered that day, Clarke saying ‘he was very good at this sort because the ICA were mobilised with such of thing.’16 effectiveness that Connolly and his fellow Connolly now gave a series of lectures leader of the ICA, Michael Mallin, were ex- on street fighting to the Volunteer Offi- ultant. ‘Men left their employment under cers, which several Bureau statements refer the strangest conditions on that day. Some to. Frank Robbins heard about these from who were carters and had horses to look Volunteer member Michael Smith, ‘and he after turned them into the stables; oth- made it clear that the lectures were of very ers brought them to Liberty Hall. Many great assistance to the Volunteer officers. black-faced men cut a peculiar figure rush- He also said that each lecture by Connolly ing through the streets of Dublin on bicy- was looked forward to by them and that cles or on foot with full equipment rifle or 14WS0153 15WS0391 16WS0766 17WS0585 18WS0391 19Ibid. 20WS0585

18 shotgun, bandolier and haversack.’20 that we are not going out?’ Sixteen-year-old William Oman, bugler There were thousands like us. for the ICA, provided evidence of the spirit It was foolish of MacNeill and of that organisation at the time and that those to think they could call its members were not being ‘dragged’ by it off. They could not. Many Connolly into action. Oman had been in- of us thought we would go out formed he had appendicitis and was wor- single-handed, if necessary.22 ried about missing the Rising. ‘I approached Commandant James Connolly Connolly recovered quickly to rally ev- and asked could I speak to him for a few eryone at Liberty Hall and announce the moments. He said, “certainly”, and asked Rising would begin on Easter Monday, what my trouble was. I asked him could he rather than during the confusion of the postpone the scrap for a few weeks. He re- Sunday. Maeve Cavanagh described the marked that it was a very modest request scene. ‘I went early to Liberty Hall. I and inquired why I made it. I informed found all the Citizen Army girls assem- him of my consultation ’ Oman recovered bled around Connolly in subdued excite- from his operation in time to sound the ment. He had already told them of the muster for the Easter Rising.21 hitch in the arrangements for the Rising. While the small but ideologically co- The girls kept saying, “Ah, theyll never do herent ICA were ready to fight as one, anything.” He was trying to sooth them the Irish Volunteers, potentially capable of saying, “it will be all right.” That night bringing over 10,000 members to battle, he said to me with a grim and determined split in the face of the Rising. Although air, “we fight at noon and they can do as a realist, the prospect of obtaining 20,000 they like.” I asked Connolly, “what time rifles from Germany along with a million will I come down in the morning?” “Come rounds of ammunition (and ten machine down at 8 oclock,” said he. “As early as guns), as well as having the numbers to that?” said I. He turned and looked at me and said, “do you think that too early for outgun the British troops in Ireland must 23 have raised Connolly’s hopes. For when a revolution?” ’ the Aud failed to land her cargo of weapons The idea that the ICA could be de- and when Eoin MacNeill published a coun- pended upon, while the Irish Volunteers termanding order in the Sunday Indepen- could not, was not confined to ICA mem- dent, the leaders of the ICA were in tears, bers. Over at the Plunkett farm in Kim- said Moloney. mage a group of about sixty Volunteers had been lying low, preparing for action. I saw Eoin MacNeill’s coun- One of them was Joe Good. ‘We had termanding order in the pa- learned that the mobilisation for Sunday per and heard the discussion was cancelled; as a result some of the gar- in Liberty Hall. Connolly was rison were inclined to be insubordinate. there. They were all heartbro- Normally we rose early in Kimmage, but ken and when they were not on Easter Monday most of us were dila- crying they were cursing. I tory and were lounging about. There was kept thinking ‘does this mean some talk of going to Liberty Hall where, 21WS0421 22WS0391 23WS0248 24WS0388

19 apparently, they meant business.’24 Although military commander of the Could the leaders of the IRB who Dublin forces and therefore effective leader wanted a Rising call it off in the light of of the Rising, Connolly did not adopt any the collapse of their plans? Apart from new airs or graces. In fact, he was almost the problem that the ICA might still go embarassed by the necessity to wear a uni- ahead, they were also trapped by their form that reflected his rank. Maeve Ca- line of argument over the previous months. vanagh recalled that earlier, ‘the men were As Desmond Ryan, Pearse’s secretary ob- anxious for him to have a uniform. He served, ‘consider how would we look,’said rather reluctantly got one and appeared in Pearse, ‘and what would the people think it one Sunday not very long before the Ris- of us after all our talk and promises if ing. We started to admire him, and, grow- 27 we said, well, after all the British are too ing shy, he shooed us all away.’ And from strong and we don’t feel like fighting them. Joe Good on the day of the Rising. ‘I re- The people would just laugh at us and our member seeing Joe Plunkett standing with movements would collapse in laughter.’25 plans in his hands outside Liberty Hall. He Until the events of Easter Sunday un- was beautifully dressed, having high tan dermined it, the Rising was shaping up leather boots, spurs, pince-nez and looked to be a close fight. But the combination like any British brass hat staff officer. Con- of the failure of the German arms to be nolly looked drab beside him in a bottle distributed around the country and the green thin serge uniform. The form of dress of the two men impressed me as rep- countermanding order meant that Dublin 28 was isolated and the IRB leaders, includ- resenting two different ideas of freedom.’ ing Connolly, now had to face a difficult Once the fighting began, Connolly was choice. The decision to fight against very anxious, to the point of recklessness, to long odds seemed the lesser evil to suffer- show that he was not asking of others deeds ing a defeat without a Rising and so after that he was unwilling to perform himself. a flurry of meetings, the insurrection was Often he would venture out of the rebel launched. Once they were under way, the HQ at the GPO and ignore the bullets fly- main task was to make as good a job of the ing around. One of the less well known effort as was possible. But it is clear Con- incidents of this sort was one of friendly nolly considered his days were numbered. fire. Volunteer Oscar Traynor was among William Oman saw Connolly walk past those volunteers who were coming into the Sean Connolly (no relation). ‘As we were GPO from the northside, accompanied by about to march off, Commandant Con- captured British soldiers whose uniforms nolly approached Captain Sean Connolly, confused the rebels on O’Connell St. ‘As shook his hand and said: “Good luck Sean! the single file of volunteers and British sol- We wont meet again”.’26 Fate was listen- diers were doubling across the road, fire ing and gave James Connolly’s words a bit- was opened on them from the Imperial Ho- ter twist. Although Connolly was refering tel, which was occupied by our own men. to himself, Sean Connolly was one of the In the course of this firing, James Connolly first rebel casualties of the Rising, shot in rushed out into the street with his hands the head while on the roof of City Hall. over his head, shouting towards the Impe- 25WS0725 26WS0421 27WS0248 28WS0388

20 rial Hotel. Immediately following his ap- son. ‘There was a side door into Abbey pearance the firing ceased, but not before Street [at Mansfield Corner] and there a couple of our men had been wounded.’29 were two young Volunteers on guard at it. Oscar Traynor was given orders by There was heavy cannonading, machine- Connolly to create communication lines gun, and rifle fire. Abbey Street was being through the Metropole Hotel. ‘I reported swept by fire. Suddenly there was a clatter in person to James Connolly in the GPO of feet running outside the street, followed and informed him of what we had done. by very heavy knocking on the outside of He then accompanied me to the Metropole the door. The young Volunteers, fearing, Hotel, went through the building, exam- I presume, a British attack through the ined all the positions, examined the holes door, retreated. I called on Martin and which we had dug, made an effort to get Joe Gleeson to stand by me and I jumped through one of these holes and got through across the sand-bags barricading the inside with some difficulty. I followed Connolly of the doors and challenged the person who through the hole in the wall, and he said to was knocking on the door. He replied, “a me: ‘I wouldn’t like to be getting through Volunteer, let me in.” I opened the door that hole if the enemy were following me and found that it was James Connolly. I with bayonets.’ I then reminded him that cannot explain why he was there and he 31 these holes were built according to instruc- did not appear to be injured.’ tions issued by him in the course of his And from Commandant Thomas lectures. We reached Easons in Abbey St., Byrne, ‘we retreated to the Post Office. and, although at this time heavy firing was At the Henry Street entrance, which we taking place, Connolly insisted on walking never entered, we met Connolly at the out into Abbey St. and giving me instruc- door. “Come on”, he said. He told me tions as to where I should place a barri- we were to occupy a house at the cor- cade. While he was giving these instruc- ner of Liffey Street and the quays which tions, he was standing at the edge of the would cover along the quays facing west. I path and the bullets were actually striking and my party followed Connolly. We went the pavements around us. I pointed this down Liffey Street. The most useful corner out to him and said that I thought it was on Liffey Street was derelict. He told me a grave risk to be taking and that these in- to take the one house that was standing structions could be given inside. He came there. Connolly went off. He went around back, absolutely unpeturbed, to Easons the corner and into the Independent offices with me, and while we were standing in the I think in evacuating that building he got portico of Easons a shell struck a building wounded.’32 opposite - I think it was the Catholic Boys Connolly paid the price for his active Home - and caused a gaping hole to appear leadership in the form of two wounds. The in the front of that house. Connolly jok- first, a bullet through his shoulder, was ingly remarked: ‘they dont appear to be not too bad, but the second, a ricochet satisfied with firing bullets at us, they are that shattered his lower leg, might well 30 firing shells at us now.’ have proved fatal had the British not ex- Again, from Volunteer Seumas Robin- ecuted him before he sucuumbed to gan- 29WS0340 30Ibid. 31WS0340 32WS0564

21 green. That Connolly’s willingness to ex- strong men lifted him horizontally at ex- pose himself to enemy fire was not just tended arms length over the banister rail. bravado is evident from the statement of While this was being done the stretcher Frank Henderson, Captain of IV Brigade, was stometimes at an accute angle, but who was generally hostile to the socialist James Connolly made no attempt to clutch leader and therefore whose positive report the sides or pass a remark. He made a re- carries all the more weight. ‘During the af- mark to one of his carriers, “heavy load, ternoon James Connolly came to my posi- mate”, recognising an English accent.’35 tion through the passage we had made via So, what can we conclude from these the walls, and ordered me to have ready eyewitness observations? Firstly, it is per- for him in about five minutes’ time eight haps worth making a point about James or ten of the best men that I had. He said Connolly’s character. He emerges from that he was going to lead them down to these accounts as a very determined, but Liffey Street to try to dislodge a British not dour, character. He matched his ac- party who were reported to have occupied tions to the political perspectives he for- some buildings there, and to have cut off mulated, was conscientious about playing some men whom Connolly had sent down a full part in the fighting, and apart from via Abbey Street... With this party Con- the necessary secrecy in regard to the date nolly went out into Henry Street, while it of the Rising and his role on the IRB’s was still under fire. He led the party in Military Council - was open about his be- single file down to Liffey Street and seized liefs. As a result he had a group of around some buildings there. He had some skir- two hundred or so persons arround him mishing with the enemy and was out all who were staunch in their support for him, night, returning the following morning via through thick or thin. Whether his politi- Abbey Street. I believe that Connolly suc- cal outlook was an accurate one is a harder ceeded in dislodging some party of the en- question to answer. emy and also in rescusing his own party In two fundamental regards, Connolly 33 who had been cut off.’ read the situation correctly. Internation- Once incapacitated, Connolly did his ally, there was a substantial undercurrent best not to be a burden and to offer a of working class opposition to the war: cheerful disposition. According to Volun- the February Revolution in Russia was less teer Seamus Robinson, Connolly strove to than ten months away. In Ireland, Con- project good humour. ‘I got a large jug nolly was right to perceive that the more and filled it with water and went around cautious leaders of the Irish Volunteers giving drinks to whoever needed them. I were shying away from insurrection. But entered one room and saw James Connolly did a clear understanding of these two is- laying on a stretcher. He appeared to be sues mean it was necessary to embark on very cheerful and waved his hand to me, a project of precipitating the Rising? saying “hello, Townie.” ’34 And during Reading the Bureau testimonies brings the retreat in Moore St, ‘James Connolly home how unstable was the situation in was carried up a narrow staircase. The 1916. This was not a period in which Con- staircase was so narrow that it was impos- nolly could stand still, patiently making sible to take him up the stairs until four socialist arguments and waiting for con- 33WS0249 34WS0821 35WS1721

22 ditions to ripen. There was a white hot cialist movement and partly from his pre- tension between the existence of the Irish vious experience in the labour movement. Volunteers and the Citizen Army and the Here, there is nothing new to add to long- desire of the British Authorities to destroy established assessment, to be found say these armed bodies. Already Dublin Cas- in Kieran Allen’s The Politics of James tle was testing the possibility of deporting Connolly (1990) or more recently in Roddy leading militants and of cracking down on Connolly and the Struggle for Socialism in Liberty Hall. In Scotland, anti-war figures Ireland by Charlie McGuire (2008), that, like John Maclean were jailed and James in common with most of the left of that era, Connolly was undoubtedly in their sights. it had yet to be demonstrated how precious The path chosen by Connolly had this ad- was the the existence of a body of social- vantage, that it avoided a repetition of ists who had sufficient weight to influence 1798, where the United Irishmen only rose events in the working class movement, and after the British had rallied from the shock - of equal importance - who had through of near invasion in 1795 and had decapi- years of working together developed the tated the movement. It meant going down kind of comradely team spirit that allows with a fight instead of without one and for sharp arguments but unity in action. that made a great difference to the years Had Connolly lived long enough to ab- 1919 23. sorb the lessons of the Russian Revolution, The credibility of those who fought he would have factored in the value of the was enhanced enormously among the mid- nascent revolutionary party that was be- dle class and the working class and if by ginning to coalesce around him and sought some accident James Connolly had sur- a means of preserving it along with the vived gangrene and execution, he would immensely valuable resource of his own have been in an extraordinarily influen- brain. How exactly, this could be done in tial position. He didn’t, of course. His late 1915, early 1916 is not a simple mat- old adversary, William Martin Murphy saw ter. Those who write that Connolly should to that, agitating through the Irish In- have called for a general strike and raised dependent for Connolly’s death, even af- a socialist programme are making life easy ter Prime Minister Asquith had announced for themselves through the abstraction of in the Commons that there would be no their approach to this question. Of course more executions and therefore giving Gen- Connolly would have called for a general eral Maxwell the green light to carry out strike against the Empire was that in any Connolly’s murder. Connolly had forseen way an option, but the wider working class his own death and it must have been hard movement had not yet recovered from the as a father of six children,36 to embark on defeat of the 1913 Lockout. this path. But while Connolly was willing Trotsky disagreed with Lenin over the to put personal considerations aside for the timing of the October revolution in a way sake of the cause he believed in, his self- that is suggestive here. For Trotsky it was sacrifice seems to have arisen partly out of vital to act when the All Russian Congress a - characteristic - modesty and underes- of Soviets convened and when action came, timation of his own importance to the so- that the insurrection be explained as a ‘de- 36In 1904, the eldest of James Connolly’s seven children, Mona, had died tragically aged thirteen in a domestic accident while waiting to depart for the ship to join her father in the USA. See Conor Ko- stick, Lorcan Collins, Mac Thomáis,‘Tragedy in the Connolly Family’, History Ireland, Vol. 12. No. 3 (Autumn, 2004), pp. 7 8.

23 fensive’ measure, taking away the danger be willing to form alliances with such rad- of counter-revolution against the soviets by icals. Inevitably though, in such cases the pre-emptively disarming and disbanding national or left-reformist militants want the Provisional Government. Once it was the social revolutionaries to cease their in- clear that the majority of workers favoured dependent existence. But on the occasions Soviet power, Lenin, on the other hand, when that has happened,37 the subordina- was over-anxious at all delays at insurrection of the socialists leaves the direction tion, fearing that the opportunity would be of events in the hands of those who, ulti- lost to a crack-down or a demoralisation mately, will fail the working class and more among workers that yet again their lead- often than not (and as a result) will fail in ers had failed to act. Trotsky was right in their own cause. Socialists entering such this disagreement and was able to bring a alliances can agree to put time and money sizeable body of allies, the Left-SR Party, into the joint effort; can form united organ- into action on his basis as well as neutralise isational structures; can sacrifice their own potentially hostile army garrisons. preferences for the sake of united policies With the advantage of hindsight, we and publicity. But one condition has to be can see that Connolly’s position in 1916 insisted upon, that the revolutionaries be was too urgent. His sense was that it was entitled to maintain their own organisation necessary to ensure a Rising took place at and openly advocate their own policies. all, rather than risk it being sabotaged by Returning to James Connolly, it is repression. But the British Government clear that in principle, there was nothing were preparing to introduce conscription mistaken about seeking an alliance with as well as threatening a crack-down on rad- the Irish Volunteers for the defeat of the ical movements. To have made opposition British Empire. Later, in the period 1919 to conscription the centre of socialist ag- 1921, the working class movement grew itation and to have cast the Rising as a enormously radical, partly in battles over necessary defensive measure against this economic issues, but also in employing dis- (or even against deportation) would have tinctly working class methods such as gen- been to have been to gather considerably eral strikes and soviets for the achievement greater support on the day and in the after- of independence. But in 1916, the alliance math. A fight might still have been forced was an unequal one and once sworn into upon Connolly by the authorities before the IRB, Connolly ceased offering any crit- the Russian Revolution had changed the icism of them, apart from (possibly) warn- political landscape, but perhaps not. ing ICA members to hang on to their guns The question of how, if you are a social- in the event of victory. As a result, he ist, you think Connolly should have acted left no clear address to workers north and in this period, also depends on how you un- south outlining his strategy, nor (and this derstand the relationship between socialist is a question that goes much deeper into revolutionaries and other radicals who are Connolly’s past) a revolutionary socialist based more on the middle class than the party to carry forward his beliefs after his working class. Of course socialists should execution.

37And this scenario has happened dozens of times over the years, beginning with perhaps the most tragic example, the self-sacriﬁce of the Chinese Communist Party 1927.