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Caribbean: the Jamaican Maroons and Creek Nation Compared

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Caribbean: the Jamaican Maroons and Creek Nation Compared Negotiating Freedom in the Circum- Caribbean: The Jamaican Maroons and Creek Nation Compared Helen Mary McKee A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctorate of Philosophy School of History, Classics and Archaeology May 2015 Abstract Built on an investigation of a large number of archival sources in three different countries, this study analyses free, non-white communities in the circum-Caribbean. Using the comparative method, I assess how the Maroons and Creeks negotiated a role for themselves in an inter-war context, exploring their interactions with four main groups. First, I consider the Maroon and Creek relationship with the enslaved population of Jamaica and the United States, respectively. This allows me to demonstrate that the signing of the peace treaties with white society had little impact on interactions with slaves. Maroon and Creek attitudes towards slaves continued in much the same manner as before peace, it was the contexts in which these interactions that took place which changed. Second, I scrutinise how the two communities navigated the potentially inflammatory situation of peace with their former white enemies. I argue that the Maroons enjoyed a more amicable relationship than the Creeks did with the local white settlers. This was largely a result of the fact that the Maroons and local whites shared a mutual usefulness whereas the Creeks and local whites did not. Third, I compare the Maroon alliance with the colonial government of Jamaica with that of the Creek and federal government. I show that, initially, both governments appreciated the usefulness of such an allegiance but, as time passed and the Maroons and Creeks showed no indication of submissiveness, both soon moved to restrict, and ultimately reduce, the independence of the societies. This attitude was exacerbated following the Haitian Revolution when the perceived threat to white stability from the Maroons was at its height and the white desire for Creek lands was increased with the Louisiana Purchase. Finally, I examine the degree of Maroon and Creek interactions outside the borders of Jamaica and the United States. I show that both were fully incorporated into the circum- Caribbean region both before and after the peace treaties. Whilst the Maroons encountered European powers prior to the treaties, this ceased with the coming of peace and their alliance was focused on the British. However, the fears of the colonial government, particularly after the Haitian Revolution, ensured that the Maroons would be plagued by rumours of foreign collusion throughout the eighteenth century. In i contrast, the Creeks continued their numerous communications with European powers after the ending of hostilities. American fears were based on very real events. As a whole, my PhD thesis challenges the current strict hierarchical conception of race in the circum-Caribbean. The similarities between the Maroons and Creeks highlight the fact that non-white experiences were often determined by free status and the cause of many of the differences was the different ‘frontier’ context of the two rather than their divergent racial backgrounds. ii To Nana and Grandad iii iv Acknowledgements My greatest academic debt is to my supervisor, Diana Paton, who has been a constant source of knowledge and constructive criticism, and whose endless support enabled my confidence to grow enough to start, never mind complete, a PhD. I would also like to thank my second supervisor, Ben Houston, for his continual feedback on my writing and his invaluable input during meetings. This thesis would not have been possible without the help of people who care for the records that this thesis is based upon. I have relied heavily on the advice of those who work at the British Library, the U.K. National Archives, the British Library, the U.S. National Archives, the Library of Congress, the Georgia Department of Archives and History, the Georgia Historical Society, the Alabama Department of Archives and History, the National Library of Jamaica and the Jamaican National Archives. I am grateful to the staff of the School of Historical Studies office, in particular to Sandra Fletcher, for assisting me with anything and everything related to the completion of this thesis. I have been privileged enough to have received generous financial support from the Arts and Humanities Research Council in the form of a doctoral award, without which I could not have undertaken this thesis. I have also received kind bursaries to attend conferences and overseas research from the AHRC Overseas Research Fund, the David Nicholls Memorial Trust and the Royal Historical Society. The majority of the Creek sections of this thesis were written during my six month scholarship at the Library of Congress, supported by the AHRC. My thanks go to the many people there who made my visit so memorable: Jon, Chris, Jenny, Jamie, Mike, Alex, Mary-Lou and JoAnn. Without the support of my family, friends and colleagues, the researching and writing of this thesis would have been impossible. Firstly I would like to thank my parents, Bill and Anne, who have supported me unconditionally throughout the entire process. I owe them more than I could ever repay. Thank you to Babsi for the unparalleled encouragement, the inspiring discussions and the unwavering belief in me over the last two years. I would also like to thank the rest of my family and friends who have helped me through some of the most trying of times; in particular, Ben, James and Jeanie, Aunty Judy and Uncle Brian, Suzie, Phil, Zoe, and Jen. Thank you to my friends who have let me stay with them on research trips: Phil for the countless late night travel stories after trips to the British Library and Gylfi for providing the best homemade v mojitos during my research stays. Zaineb and Muneeb in Georgia, and Barbara and Nicoletta in Jamaica, have made my international trips so memorable. I would also like to remember some of those who are not here to see my work finished: Pev, Aunty Fran, Aunty Kath, Aunty Eva, Uncle John and my deeply missed Grandad. vi Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1. Maroons, Creeks and the Enslaved Populations of Jamaica and the United States 39 1.1 Maroons and Slaves: Runaways, Rebels and Allies 40 1.2 Creeks and African-Americans: From Slaves to Spouses 56 1.3 Same Actions, Different Contexts: Maroons, Creeks and Slaves 74 Chapter 2. Maroons, Creeks and White Settlers in Jamaica and the Deep South 85 2.1 Maroons and the White Settlers of Jamaica: An Unexpected Alliance 87 2.2 Violent Land Disputes and Marriage: Creeks and Frontier Whites 103 2.3 Maroon Security, Creek Lands: The Desires of Frontier Whites 121 Chapter 3. Maroons, Creeks and the Governments of Jamaica and the United States 131 3.1 Perceived Threats Yet Faithful Allies: The Colonial Government and the Maroons 132 3.2 Trade, Defence and Land: Federal Motivations for a Creek Alliance 148 3.3 From Accommodation to War: Free Communities and White Governments 165 Chapter 4. Maroons and Creeks in the Wider Circum-Caribbean 174 4.1 Real Allies to Imagined Revolutions: The Maroons, Spanish and French 175 4.2 Vying for an Alliance: The British and Spanish Approach the Creek Nation 187 4.3 Courting a Foreign Alliance: The Maroons and Creeks Compared 201 Conclusion 210 Bibliography 216 vii List of Figures Figure 1: Map of Jamaica showing Parish boundaries and locations of the major Maroon settlements .......................................................................................... 24 Figure 2: Map of Native American territories in the South-eastern United States ......... 26 viii Introduction In March 1736, as the First Maroon War raged in Jamaica, a proposal intending to bring about the defeat of “those rebellious negroes” was put forward to the Jamaican House of Assembly. White Jamaicans had been fighting the Maroons for decades and every attempt to resolve conflict had so far failed. The colonial government of Jamaica knew that it was unable to establish the type of colony that it desired while still at war with the Maroons. Moreover, the vast expense of such warfare was crippling the Jamaican economy. The proposal itself stated that previous efforts had been “ineffectual and attended with very considerable expense.” The colonial government needed a solution or the potential goldmine of Jamaica would be lost to the British Empire. Therefore, it was recommended that two hundred Creek Indians who “inhabit a country as rocky and mountainous as any part of Jamaica” be deployed against the Maroons. The proposal justified the choice of the Creeks by drawing similarities between them and the Maroons, saying, “They are a hardy warlike people, exceedingly good marksmen, nimble and expert in finding out and following tracts, accustomed to mountains, bush fighting, and ambushing. They are also inured to hardships and the extremities of weather.”1 This proposal outlined the physical similarities between the Maroons and Creeks; however, as this thesis shows, parallels between the two communities extended beyond physical characteristics to similarities in political interactions with governments, social relationships with slaves and whites, and participation in the circum-Caribbean. The Act did not end up being passed by the Assembly but it serves to show how, even in 1736, the Maroons and Creeks were considered similar by Jamaican whites. The above quotation raises questions that have yet to be answered about non-white communities who signed peace treaties with white governments. Despite the similarities being so obvious to contemporary whites, no study has brought the Maroons and Creeks together to assess their roles in the societies that surrounded them. This thesis argues that both of these communities contributed to the expansion and consolidation of white domination across the circum-Caribbean region. At the same time, their actions provided examples of both resistance and subordination to the establishment.
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