Some Reflections on the Relation Between Toponymy and Geography

Some reflections on the relation between toponymy and geography

Joan TORT-DONADA

1. Introduction I shall base my reflections here on two basic premises: a) that place names, or toponyms, have by definition a geographical scope and meaning (in the sense that, necessarily, they refer or have referred to a part of the physical space that surrounds us); and b) that if place names are the object of study of toponymy, and the space that surrounds is geography’s essential raison d’être, there must necessarily be a significant relationship between one discipline and the other (and, therefore, an undeniable interest for the scholar). The adoption of these two premises does not imply that place names, or toponyms, cannot be considered from other perspectives of analysis. Yet, what it does imply is that the specific starting point of our study is, explicitly, a willingness to explore our understanding of the geographical dimension of toponymy. Following on from this introduction, I shall organise this study around five main points and a concluding note. I begin with some general considerations about toponymy and geography, and a discussion of the affinities between the two fields. Then, I tackle a theoretical aspect that I believe should be taken into careful consideration in the analysis of place names: the relation between the toponym and place. I then deal with a problem that is very closely linked to this: the difficulty of defining the toponym (or place name). From here, I go on to examine the tools offered by geography, as a field especially concerned with the study of space (and, in particular, with the study of the inhabited space), for undertaking research in toponymy; specifically, I examine three methodological principles which, I believe, allow us to examine in-depth the relation between names and the territory: the principle of transparency, that of exceptionality and finally territorial significance. Finally, in the last section – before the conclusion – I examine another theoretical aspect that offers,

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I believe, interesting possibilities for future research: the idea of the toponym as a “geographical metaphor”.

2. Toponymy and geography. A preliminary idea

2.1. Toponymy – a discipline of convergence Toponymy, the branch of onomastics concerned with the study of toponyms, has been considered by most scholars as a discipline of convergence (or of “synthesis”), i.e., as a discipline concerned with a multiplicity and variety of knowledge and which, therefore, can be approached from many different perspectives. It could, in practice, be said that toponymy involves a considerable number of fields of understanding, but fields that do not stand in juxtaposition but which rather are interrelated. From this perspective, I believe that it genuinely responds to the profile of knowledge that Edgar Morin, in one of his recent works (Morin 2001), identifies as interdisciplinary: i.e., one which overlaps with other fields without becoming blurred; which forms relations on the basis of reciprocity, ruling out a simple hierar- chical relationship. By virtue of its interdisciplinary nature, the relationship that is established between toponymy and the rich diversity of subjects that converge in its study is not so much one of competi- tion but rather of instrumental cooperation. In general, scholars have referred to the interdisciplinary nature of toponymy in a variety of ways. Some have emphasised the subjects that find themselves most closely interrelated in the discipline, while others have stressed the importance for toponymy of adopting a given analytical approach. Jean Poirier, for example, speaks of the three main blocks of “auxiliary sciences of toponymy” which are, according to his criteria, history, geography and linguistics – and, within linguistics, dialectology and phonetics (Poirier 1965). Dauzat, by contrast, stresses above all the psychological and sociological aspects of toponymy; in particular, when pointing out that “this science [toponymy] constitutes from the outset a wonderful chapter in social psychology. By showing us how the towns and villages, land holdings and fields, rivers and mountains have, through the ages and in different contexts, been named, we obtain a better understanding of the popular spirit, its mystical and realistic tendencies, its means of expression” (Dauzat 1971, 9). Elsewhere, using arguments founded in the

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actual nature of the discipline, Querol defends the need for open epistemological attitudes. Because, he argues, “toponymy studies a field that contains so much information that there could well be an infinite number of ways of recovering it; and none of them should rule out the others; in this way, the door is left open to possibilities that from various points of view nobody might ever have thought of proposing” (Querol 1995, 65). I shall complete this initial reflection with the arguments presented by Henri Dorion in support of the interdisciplinary nature of toponymy; arguments that at their heart adopt the need to insert toponymic research within the general coordinates of space and time (Dorion 1984, 103): “Let us first recall that toponymy, in common with many of the human sciences, is inscribed within the dual dimensions of space (the toponymic function) and time (the toponymic memory). Toponymy has, therefore, an essential relation with geography (place names being its basic vocabulary) and with history (to the extent that the names are witnesses over time to a given man-place relationship). The place name is a linguistic sign and, as such, is of interest in semiology; it is the expression of the perception of a behaviour that involves psychology, above all social psychology. Finally, the morphological and semantic analysis of the name, both its origin and subsequent evolution, are the concern of linguistics and psycholinguistics, while the synthetic and synoptic analysis of large sets of names is the job of sociolinguistics and this can lead to actual sociological studies.”

2.2. Geography, the science of the inhabited space If toponymy, as a discipline of convergence, is difficult to character- ize, the problem is exacerbated even further when we turn to geography. Not just because it too can be described as a discipline of convergence, but at the same time because, throughout its long existence – some authors (Vilà 1981) attribute geography with twenty-five centuries of history, it has undergone major changes in the way it has been understood, practised and explained. Monkhouse (1978, 13) expresses this idea very clearly: “The concept and scope of geography have undergone considerable change, and it is highly unlikely that any definition (of geography)

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would satisfy everyone. Most are agreed that it comprises the study of the earth’s surface both in its areal differentiation and as the home of Man.” No one, today, can doubt that the difficulty of integrating the study of “physical phenomena” and “human (or cultural) phenomena” within one discipline has been geography’s greatest struggle throughout its history - a situation which, on the one hand, endows the geographical point of view with its undoubted originality; but which, by contrast, constitutes the basis of its weaknesses and insecurities in the face of other sciences. However, this difficulty, which some see as an insur- mountable obstacle, has been fully taken on board by others, who see it, as an interesting challenge of complexity to be tackled in the future (Morin 2001, 34-35). Within this line of thinking, considering geography as a “science of the inhabited space”, or in the words of Morin (2001, 35) as a “science of the Earth and of Man”, seems to offer a perspective that is rich in possibilities and creative stimuli – among other things, for tackling from this angle a concept such as the place name, which forms part of the physical, or spatial, dimension as well as the human or cultural one. Given that geography is a discipline concerned with the description and study of places on earth, it should surprise no one that historically it has been interpreted as a basic attempt to “giver order” to things: in other words, capable of conceiving clearly, logically and in an organised manner the elements that make up the world, so as to be able to furnish coherent and satisfactory explanations. That is, in short, the sense that has been given to geography both by classical authors, such as Strabo (Roig 1980), as well as by a series of 19th century authors, including Humboldt and Ritter, who were responsible for the conceptual construction of modern geography (Ortega 1987; Capel 1981). Towards the end of the century, another key author, the French scholar Paul Vidal de la Blache, insisted on the same idea: order (in the sense of “essential logic”) as the foundation of the geographical discipline. According to Vidal, this is the only way for geography to overcome the simple state of being an enumerative knowledge to become a science in the full sense of the concept: “It will allow us to consider as indisputable, in principle, that geography has to be treated in education as a science and not as a simple nomenclature (…). If the subject is to be understood as

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a nomenclature (…), the best method will be that of rote learning. But for the person who seeks, on the contrary, to treat geography as a science, the question takes on a different appearance: the facts gain clarity thanks to the order with which they are grouped. When we separate out what has to be grouped together, when we link what is better off separated, we break any natural relations: it then becomes impossible to recognize the thread that links the phenomena with which geography is concerned, and which in fact constitutes its scientific raison d’être.” (Vidal de la Blache 1888-1889, 1; the italics are mine)

This “search for order”, therefore, understood in the way outlined above, can be considered the fundamental task of the geographer. But how is it expressed in practice? Given that geography is an empirical discipline, a science of the inhabited space, it has necessarily to be based on the observation of things and phenomena (be they physical or human). The “observational method” therefore becomes the real key. And, potentially, its interest does not have to be limited to geography: it can prove of great utility to any discipline that, like geography, deals with phenomena related to space and time. The linguist Joan Coromines, for example, recognises having learnt this method (1975, 243) directly from the geographer Pau Vila. Likewise, it is present in some highly significant studies in the social sciences carried out in Catalonia during the second half of the 19th century: including, the Teoría general de la urbanización (1867), written by the engineer and urban planner Ildefons Cerdà (in which a whole chapter, of more than a hundred pages, is dedicated to the nomenclature of the urban geography and urban systems); and in the Orígenes históricos de Cataluña (1899), by Josep Balari, considered the first systematic study in etymology undertaken in Catalonia (and which the author organises around one fundamental section, entitled Geography, comprising 28 chapters, in which he seeks to construct a conceptual classification of toponymy endowed with internal logic and coherence).

3. On the relation between toponyms and places To speak of the “geographical” dimension of place names is, taking into consideration the arguments presented up to this point, almost redundant. We should note that what characterizes these names is the

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fact that they refer to a place; in other words, a sector, part or individual parcel of space – more specifically of the “Earth’s surface”. We can conclude, therefore, that without places there would be no place names. And we might even raise the question as to whether without places it would be possible to speak of geography. That the above reflection is neither gratuitous nor banal is dem- onstrated by the most ancient considerations of the geographical and literary tradition. Strabo, the classical author mentioned earlier, claims that the timeless value of the work of the poet Homer lies, precisely, in the great desire for truth present in his geographical descriptions. A desire for truth that lies, in large measure, in the respect “for places and for their peoples” to which he alludes throughout his work:

“Indeed, wherever there is need of an orderly sequence in the places he mentions, Homer is careful to respect that order, not only in regard to places in Greece but equally in regard to those lying in the remotest regions.” (Strabo 1980, 51)

It has often been stressed that place names, or toponyms, arouse a curiosity and interest that extend beyond what are strictly academic limits. What is it the account for this particular “behaviour”? It is not easy to explain; above all, if we bear in mind that toponyms are a form of “proper name”, and that “proper names”, as such, have not yet been made the subject of a fully accepted general theory. For this reason, from an approximate perspective, it is interesting to see how place names have been characterised by some scholars of onomastics. Joan Coromines’ reflections on the matter, for example, strike me as being both clear and expressive:

“The study of place names is one of the things to have aroused most curiosity among scholars and even among the general popu- lace. And it is only natural that this should be so. These names refer to the land of which we are the owners, and to the mountain that fills our horizon, and the river from which we draw water to irrigate our fields and the village or town in which we have been born and which we love above all others, and the county, country and states in which we live out our communal lives. How would it not be possible for man, who, since he has had the use of reason and has sought the why and wherefore of all that he sees and feels, to seek out the meaning of those names that are constantly on our lips?” (Coromines 1965, 7)

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It is worth analysing what Coromines writes here. The author associ- ates the interest for place names – be it an interest of educated or popular origin – with a generic idea of the curiosity that is inherent to man. A curiosity, however, that acquires in the case of these names a number of unusual characteristics, for the simple reason that we are not speaking of an object of study that is somewhat distant from the orbit of “man”, but just the contrary. We might well be dealing with “the land of which we are the owners”, the mountain filling “our horizon”, the river “from which we draw water to irrigate our fields” or to the village or town “in which we have been born”. Thus, Coromines argues that in the case of toponyms there is a particularly direct and intense relation between names and their users. And in such conditions of “proximity”, it is perfectly natural and logical that the individual asks about the origin of these names. It is after all an onto- logical question, since it is an enquiry about such an essential matter as their raison d’être. Yet note one thing: ontology, in general, is a field that usually lies outside the common interest of the people. Why then this paradox? Dare we conclude that the answer lies in the singular nature of proper names? These names have such a direct and intimate connection with the self, with the person (understood either as the individual or the group), that it arouses an interest that is more visible and probably deeper than many other questions and subjects. The question “why?”, which as a matter of fact is the fundamental epistemological question (that is: both of philosophy and of science in general), presents itself in the case of proper names with a persistence and an intensity that do not go unnoticed by the scholars of this field.

4. The toponym, a concept of difficult definition Coromines’ reflection has enabled us to focus on the “philosophical background” that, in one way or another, is ever present in all that is related to names or communication in general. However, it is perhaps in our best interests to return to a more tangible plain; in other words, to that of the “real world” where each and every place name is listed one by one. It is here, I believe, that we should situate Enric Moreu- Rey’s attempt to characterise place names in one of his best known works (1965), and from which I quote below:

“Place names – or geographical names – in their broadest sense, are understood as all the simple and compound names and expressions

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that designate inhabited places, both today and in the past (the names of countries, of counties, of all kinds of territory, urban and rural agglomerations – cities, towns, villages and hamlets, as well as sub- divisions of these agglomerations – neighbourhoods, suburbs, streets, squares, and isolated buildings of all kinds, etc.); as well as unin- habited places (…); the names of inland and coastal relief features (also known as “oronyms”): of mountains, plains, high plateaus, islands, heads, coves, bays; the place names associated with water (also known as “hydronyms”), be it flowing or still, inland or mar- itime: seas, lakes, rivers and streams, torrents, springs, ponds, marshes; the names given to lines of communication. And, naturally, not only names that are still in use but also those that have fallen into disuse”. (Moreu-Rey 1965, 7-8)

Moreu-Rey’s organisational approach can be considered interesting, I believe, to the extent that it proposes this initial conceptual delimita- tion. And, what’s more, because it makes visible the amplitude that the notion of the place name can attain if considered in extenso. To a certain degree, and following the line developed in the earlier paragraphs of this paper, we might conclude that the toponym points to the univer- sality of meanings because, in fact, its potential referent is the geographical environment understood in its entirety. From here the problem arises when the scholar decides to shift to a specific level of analysis and he encounters the inescapable need to delimit his field of study. Here I believe it is worth turning once more to Moreu-Rey, who identifies (1982, 13) two main groups among geographical place names:

a. Place names whose meaning is clear and readily understood (and which usually comprise the largest group). b. Place names that are apparently without any meaning, “because they do not correspond to any word or expression of the language spoken in the geographic or linguistic area of study”. Moreu-Rey adds that “these toponyms, in reality, would have had a meaning in languages that have disappeared. They are referred to as ‘fossils’ because they are old common names that have become crystallised or petrified, and some have been preserved for millennia.”

In practice, one thing is clear: for those that study toponyms from a linguistic point of view (and, more strictly, in terms of their etymology),

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the names that are of greatest interest are those in this second group. It is these names that pose the greatest problems as regards their evolution or transformation overtime, and those that ultimately give rise to the formulation of hypotheses that specialists seek to confirm or refute. This does not necessarily mean that the names in the first group are devoid of interest; but rather that their interest lies somewhere else (which has little to do with etymological studies, which are based rather on the study of the written forms of historically documented names). By contrast, the names in the first group, those “whose meaning is clear and readily understood” (and which might also be labelled transparent), are, in certain measure, those that interest scholars most when their focus is essentially geographical: that is, analyses concerned with the physical appearance and characteristics of a given place on earth, be it small or of broad extension. Geography, inasmuch as it is a discipline with a considerable descriptive component, finds its main foundation in these “transparent” names, to the extent that they furnish scholars with an extremely valuable “descriptive picture” of the territory to which they are applied (Tort 2000). This does not mean, however, that the geographer should not be interested in the “unintelligible” names. Rather they interest him in another way: on the one hand, because he is aware that these names make up a fairly small subset within the global set of place names; on the other, because in general the geographer does not have the training to enter into the field of etymological disquisition, and can only profit from the full potential of these names when their etymology is well established and is not susceptible to contradictory interpretations.

5. A geographical method for toponymic research. The principles of transparency, exceptionality and territorial significance The discussion so far has been largely theoretical and reflective in nature. In general, my aim has been to stress that a territorial param- eter is essential for a broad understanding of the notion of place names, and that the aptitudes and points of view provided by the geographer can be particularly useful for toponymic research. I shall now under- take a more practical examination. Specifically, I attempt to explain what I believe to be the three main toponymic principles (those of transparency, exceptionality and territorial significance): three principles that, in essence, are closely related to the ideas outlined already

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in this article and which, on the other hand, and as the heading to this section indicates, I believe can constitute the basis of a “geographical method” for toponymic research. These are outlined in general below.

5.1. Principle of transparency Simply put, this principle points to the idea that, generally speaking, the living toponymy of a given territory tends to be in great measure “transparent”. That is, that a large number (albeit the proportion can vary from one place to another) of the toponyms used in a given geographical region can be interpreted in their proper sense (that is, without any need to resort to etymological interpretations) by the everyday speaker (or user) of the language. By way of example, some names that exemplify the principle (as long as a semantic shift has not occurred) may be: Grey House, High Forest, Sacred Mount, Long Street, Broad Street, Old Square, Station District, Market Square, New Cemetery, etc. In practice, underpinning the principle of transparency there is a constant fact alluded to by linguists: that the basic component of the toponymy of any place in the world is the common lexicon of the language used in that territory. This situation leads, as I showed above in section three, to a significant consequence: that the etymological research into the toponymy of a given geographical area tends to be based on a “selection” of that toponymy. In other words, on the “most interesting” place names from the linguistic point of view – which, normally, are those with the most opaque meaning and that are most difficult to decipher by the everyday speakers of the language. Although there is no evidence that this principle has ever been expressly formulated –other than an allusion made to it in Tort (2003), it has been indirectly mentioned by numerous authors. Moreu-Rey, for example, in his aforementioned study (1982, 12), claims: “There are a great number of place names whose meaning is clear and readily understood.” Terrado, also, reminds us (1994, 54), as a methodological principle, that the etymology of a toponym should be sought, ini- tially, within the frame of the language spoken (or which has been spoken) in the territory in which the toponym lies. Coromines, moreover, reflects on these questions in a theoretical article dedicated to Catalan toponymy and reaches a highly significant conclusion (1965, 17): “Often the appearance of a place will guide us to its meaning.”

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This constitutes a form of referring to toponyms of a transparent nature via an indirect mechanism: in other words, setting this quality of “transparency” in relation to the specific geographical physiognomy of the place in question.

5.2. Principle of exceptionality Also known as the “principle of relative negativity”, this principle was first formulated by the Russian toponymist F. P. Savarensky (Dorion 1998). It can be summarised as a particular type of toponymic behaviour in which place names, in given contexts, reflect the exceptional characteristics of a place before its typical characteristics. In reference to this principle, Dorion and Poirier, from the Quebec school, point out (1975, 93) that certain names “bear testimony, by the very fact of their occurrence, to the relative absence or the rarity of the phenomenon to which they refer.” This is the case, they claim, of the high frequency of names alluding to water in the driest regions of North Africa and Central Asia. Dorion expands on this consideration elsewhere: “The exceptional excites the memory more than the typical, and therefore any person will tend, more naturally, to inscribe in their memory – or in a name that conserves that memory – something surprising rather than something more commonplace (…). In no place like the Sahara do we find so many names formed from roots referring to water. That which is strange and vital deserves to be recorded, located, highlighted, signalled – as if marked by beacons.” (Dorion 1989, 4) I myself have had the occasion to verify the application of the principle of exceptionality in the toponymy of the Baix Camp region (in the province of Tarragona, Catalonia); and I have done so in relation with a relief feature, the plains (in catalan, plans), and with a hydrographic feature, the springs (fonts) (Tort 2002). I should point out here that, in general terms, underpinning the idea of exceptionality lies a philosophical problem, which is concerned with our being able to clarify the following fundamental question: confronted by “reality”, where does the “commonplace” end and where does the “exceptional” begin? This is clearly the key epistemological question and one that, moreover, receives different replies

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according to the age in which we situate ourselves and according to the culture to which we turn our attention. It should also be recognised that as scientific knowledge advances in any given society there will logically be a shift in the perception of those phenomena that were previously considered “exceptional”. It is therefore logical that some place names reflect the idea of exceptionality (that is, they refer to the “inexplicable”) in accordance with the perspective of other ages: for example, by means of reference to deities or to certain religious invo- cations, or by means of metaphorical allusions to the sacred.

5.3. Principle of territorial significance The principle named territorial significance, to which I have dedicated a separate article (Tort 2003), is located midway between the two principles described above. In fact, its logic lies halfway between that of the other two: it points specifically to those phenomena that we consider significant in the territorial field; a category that we can situate halfway between the “habitual”, the normal, repeated phenomena that respond to the principle of transparency, and the “singular”, or unique, unusual behaviour, typical of the phenomena that respond to the principle of exceptionality. In this context, “the territorially significant”, I believe, corresponds to an aspect of the geography of a given place that stands out in some way, or is relevant, with respect to the other features of that place (even though, often, that “relevance” is not explicit; and, consequently, requires a prior geographical understanding and interpretation on the part of the observer). A toponymic example discussed by the French geographer Paul Vidal de la Blache can usefully illustrate the idea of territorial “significance”. He explains, in a text that is today considered a classic (1888-1889, 4), that in the extreme west of the Massif Central in France (between Étampes and Orléans) lies an area known by the name of Terres Froides; near this zone, but lying further to the west, there is a very closely related toponym: Terres Chaudes. The two areas are adjoining and are both flat, with few features to distinguish their respective morphologies. A literal interpretation of the toponyms would suggest a significant difference in temperature between one place and the other, but the reality, according to Vidal, is that the difference is not one of climate, but rather of the nature of the land. The name Terres Froides can be explained by the fact that the rock

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substrate here is impermeable; the water does not flow resulting in increased humidity and mist. By contrast, the neighbouring Terres Chaudes lies on limestone soils, so that the water filters through and its external physiognomy is typified by dryness. Little wonder therefore that the different nature of the places leads to them being known as “cold lands” in the first case, and “hot lands” in the second. Yet, the perception of this highly significant difference from the physical perspective is only possible using our knowledge (albeit minimum) of the geography of the place; a knowledge that is closely related with the very important method for studying the territory, namely observation – the importance of which was stressed above in section 2.2.

In Catalonia it is not difficult to find toponyms of comparable meaning (and which illustrate that via the application of the principle of territorial significance we have access to elements of complementary reasoning when interpreting certain toponyms). I have selected three examples which are especially illustrative of this behaviour: Montsec (the name of one of the most important mountain ranges on the south- ern slopes of the Pyrenees), Montseny (the name of the highest massif in the Catalan Pre-Coastal mountain chain) and Flix (the name of a village in the Ribera d’Ebre region, in the interior of the province of Tarragona). I shall examine each briefly in turn:

a. Montsec. Strictly speaking, the etymology of the name refers to the “dry mountain” or the “mountain devoid of water”. Geographically, the allusion to the dry conditions of the land is not surprising if we consider the mountain’s limestone soils and the consequent absence of surface water. b. Montseny. Documented as Montis signi in 848, the name can be interpreted etymologically as the “signal mountain” (Coromines, OnoCat, V, 381). In fact, the name alludes to a particularly significant quality of the massif, which is its visibility. A quality that the observer can confirm when he or she notes its height (the highest in Catalonia after the peaks of the Pyrenees) and, also, the relative position of this massif with respect to the Catalan relief system as a whole. We can therefore confirm, by a variety of means, that the reference to Montseny as the “signal mountain” is well-founded geographically speaking. c. Flix. Documented as Flexio in 1153, the toponym derives etymologically from the Latin FLEXUS, “curve” or “bend” (Coromines, OnoCat, IV,

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229). Here, observation of the land leads to an important conclusion: the fact that the village is strategically located on a meander of the River Ebro. This is a highly significant geographical fact (we might say, historically speaking: of great transparency); and which explains, in short, the origin of this toponym.

By way of conclusion, it might be said that, in the three examples given, the application of the principle of territorial significance adds (via the observation of what are strictly geographical facts) an ingredi- ent of “semantic intensity” to the interpretation of the original toponym. Thus, when seen from this perspective, Montsec is not only a “dry mountain”, but it is so for specific geological reasons; Montseny is a “signal mountain” because its location and geographical context have favoured the fact that the mountain should have historically been perceived in this way; and Flix is not only a “village beside a river meander”, but also a settlement that originally located on this particular meander because of its exceptional qualities as an observation point and as a location for controlling the territory.

6. The toponym as a “geographical metaphor” Do toponyms act as a type of metaphor? This is to say: a metaphor that can take any geographical element as its referent?

If we work from the understanding that a metaphor is “a figure of speech in which a name or descriptive term is transferred to some object to which it is not properly applicable”,1 and that a toponym is a name applied to any element in the geographical space, we can conclude that, a priori, there is no impediment whatsoever as to why the metaphor cannot serve as a typical mechanism for the forming of toponyms. Moreover, to my way of thinking, in some cases, the mechanism provided by the metaphor is so suggestive (in the sense of sug- gesting a given “mental image”) that certain toponyms formed in this way have achieved a degree of acceptance and popularity that is much greater than that of other place names. This point is well illustrated by the case of the toponyms of three well-known Catalan mountains: Canigó, Pedraforca and Montserrat.

1 Definition taken from The Oxford Universal Dictionary Illustrated, 1970, I: 1241.

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a. Canigó. Mountain lying in the extreme east of the Pyrenees, in Rosselló (or Roussillon) in historic Catalonia, and which passed into French hands in 1659, under the Treaty of the Pyrenees. In the mid-19th century it became the symbol of Catalonia’s literary and cultural renais- sance, thanks to the success enjoyed by the poem Canigó, written by Jacint Verdaguer. The etymology of this toponym, presumably of pre- Roman origin, points, according to Coromines, to the form KAN- IKONOS, which this author interprets as “the white giant” (OnoCat, III: 239-242). Thus, using a metaphorical image, the name alludes to the mountain’s altitude (being much higher than the surrounding peaks) and colour (the white of the snow, but also the predominant colour of its craggy slopes), invoking the figure of a “giant” who rises up over the plain of Rosselló and the Empordà. b. Pedraforca. Mountain in the pre-Pyrenees, in the region of Berguedà, to the north of the province of Barcelona. Its popularity is attributable to its unusual shape, with two high peaks separated by a much lower ridge. This shape has been associated metaphorically with a very common and traditional farming tool: the pitchfork (“forca” in Catalan).

A general view, from the north side, of Canigó (2.785 m), the Eastern Pyrenees’ highest peak (Photo: J. T.-D.)

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The eastern side of Pedraforca (2.497 m) suggests to the observer a metaphoric image of a pitchfork (Photo: J. T.-D.)

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Thus, the etymology of this toponym is highly transparent, being the equivalent of “pitchfork mountain”. I should add, however, that the lower ridge (the “fork”) which typifies this mountain is not, in geological terms, anything “exceptional”. Its origin can be attributed to a rock of a different hardness, and so the central part of the summit has been less resistant to erosion than the mountain’s two main peaks (or “fork tines”). c. Montserrat. Considered “the sacred mountain” of the Catalans, Mont- serrat is a relief feature with a highly original shape (which can be explained, as in the example above, by the different effects of erosion on the rocks – some harder than others – from which it is comprised). Here, the metaphorical image that has been used to form the toponym is that of the serrated edge of the saw (“serra”, in Catalan): the “serrated mountain” is, in short, the etymological meaning of its name. And, as in the case of Pedraforca, the name is both transparent and metaphorical). We should recall, in a more general perspective, that the mechanism of the metaphor is not entirely alien to the essence and particularities of the geographical language. Some writers (Berdoulay 1982, Tort 2005)

Montserrat (1.236 m): a name that suggests the idea of the “serrated mountain” (Photo: J. T.-D.)

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have drawn our attention to this fact, in the framework of a specifi c consideration of the relation between language and geography. Specifi cally, Berdoulay has analysed the role of the so-called “organic metaphor” within the process of the creation of analogies of scientifi c value, throughout history. By “organic metaphor” the author understands the practice of referring to the living world, especially to the mechanisms of living beings and their physiology, as an indirect form of explaining given aspects of the physical and social reality of the world. Berdoulay’s conclusions point to the fact that the metaphor, which has been a usual resource in the language of geography, responds to a way of proceeding logically in general science:

“The use of the metaphor gives rise to and expresses, by borrowing descriptive vocabulary from the living world, a new vision of the earth’s surface and its physical and human components. In this way, the metaphor is often recognised for its pedagogical value: it is a resource that allows the student to discover a way of seeing things (…). To the extent that the geographical language is based, largely, on current language usage, it would be absurd to combat such an essential form of discourse as that constituted by the metaphor. It is more appropriate to examine therein its pertinence and to seek out its modalities. Thus, we have found a line of research that tends to consider scientific speculation as being based essentially on the metaphoric process.” (Berdoulay 1982, 584-585) The concern for language manifest by Berdoulay, above all in relation to geographical thinking and practice, is shared today by a significant number of intellectuals. Persons who, from within their respective fields of knowledge, have underlined the need to overcome the pigeon- holing of science, and who propose the need to find a plural and con- vergent way to seek out the basic meaning of things. The philosopher, Fernando Savater, has expressed this with certain lucidity in an essay (Savater 1997) in which he reflects on the essential link between “pedagogy” and “science”. From this essay I extract the following fragment, the sense of which I believe should be assumed by the scientific community as a whole: “Human existence involves living in a world in which things are not only what they are, but also what they mean; but the most human thing of all is to understand that, while reality does not depend on

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us, what that reality means does lie within our competence, that it is our problem and, to a certain extent, our choice. And by ‘meaning’ we need not understand a mysterious quality of the things, but rather the mental shape given to them by man so that we can relate with each other via them.” (Savater 1997, 31-32; the italics are mine)

7. Final note The interactions between toponymy and geography have been both extensive and intense in nature, and have been of great significance over the ages. The place name is in itself a broad, complex concept, and can be approached from many perspectives. To date, and for reasons related to the dynamics of scientific development, most of the importance in the study of toponymy has been given to the analyses undertaken in linguistics. But this does not mean that there is not a broad field of research opportunities in other disciplines. Specifically, questions that can be raised regarding space, as a substantive concept of the toponym, open up new horizons for the future that all the disciplines involved with toponymy (and not just geography) need to know how to take advantage of. We have seen in this article that the interest for place names was evident in geographical works written in ancient times, the obvious example being Strabo. And in geography at the end of the 19th and in the 20th centuries there are many authors –from Vidal de la Blache to Carl Sauer, from H.C. Darby to Pau Vila– who have made remarkable contributions to the “common ground” between geography and toponymy, which we have examined here. The modern development of car- tography, one of the most genuine forms of expression in geography, could not be understood without considering the specific function of toponyms in maps –and, especially, as regards the “identification” and “communication” of given geographical phenomena. It cannot, therefore, be claimed that the call for the recognition of toponymy from within geography, and for geography from within toponymy is casual or circumstantial. I believe that there is a growing awareness to the effect that place names have a ‘geographical dimension’ of potentially extraordinary value. To further our understanding of this ‘geographical dimension’ of toponyms and of their characteri- zation should, in the future, be a broadly shared challenge. Not just in the interests of toponymy and geography but from a global perspective

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of knowledge. Because nobody can doubt that a comprehensive understanding of names (and of the places to which these names are applied) can help make the world we inhabit be more intelligible.

References Balari, J. 1964. Orígenes históricos de Cataluña. [Historical origins of Catalonia.] Sant Cugat del Vallès: Instituto Internacional de Cultura Románica, 3 vol. [1st ed.: 1899] Berdoulay, V. 1988. Des noms et des lieux. La dynamique du discours geógraphique. Paris: Editions CNRS. Berdoulay, V. 1982. La métaphore organiciste. Contribution a l’étude du langage des géographes. Annales de Géographie 507, 573-586. Capel, H. 1981. Filosofía y ciencia en la Geografía contemporánea. [Philosophy and Science in contemporary Geography.] Barce- lona, Barcanova. Cerdà, I. 1867. Teoría general de la urbanización, y aplicación de sus principios y doctrinas a la reforma y ensanche de Barcelona. [General Theory of Urban Planning, and its application to the city of Barcelona] Madrid: Imprenta Española. Reissue by F. Estapé. 1968. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Fiscales (3 vol.) [Facsimile, 1968] Coromines, J. 1989-1999. Onomasticon Cataloniae. [Dictionary of Catalan Toponymy] Barcelona: Curial-Caixa de Pensions. 8 vol. (Abbreviation: OnoCat.) Coromines, J. 1979-1991. Diccionari etimològic i complementari de la llengua catalana. [Etymological Dictionary of Catalan Lan- guage.] Barcelona: Curial-Caixa de Pensions. 9 vol. Coromines, J. 1975. L’origen dels noms de Gistau, d’Odèn i d’altres noms de lloc catalans i aragonesos connexos. [The origin of names Gistau, Odèn and other related catalan and aragonese names.] In: Miscel·lània Pau Vila, Granollers: Editorial Mont- blanc-Societat Catalana de Geografia, p. 243. Coromines, J. 1965. Estudis de toponímia catalana [Studies on Cata- lan Toponymy], I. Barcelona: Barcino. Dauzat, A. 1971. La toponymie française. Paris: Payot. Daveau, S. 1998. A “Terra” dos homens, uma palavra carregada de sentidos. [The Terra dos homens, a word full of meaning.] Ca dernos de Geografia 17, 61-64.

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Dorion, H. 1998. La toponymie, complice involontaire de la poli- tique?. In: W. F. H. Nicolaisen (ed.), Scope, Perspectives and Methods of Onomastics. Proceedings of the XIXth International Congress of Onomastic Sciences (Aberdeen, August 4-11, 1996), I, 5-19. Aberdeen. Dorion, H. 1989. Où. Lecture given at Université Laval, Québec, in December 5th. Manuscript copy, p. 4. Dorion, H. 1984. Les relations entre la toponymie et les autres sciences sociales. 450 ans de noms de lieux français en Amerique du Nord. Québec: Les Publicacions du Québec, 103-108. Dorion, H.; Poirier, J. 1975. Lexique des termes utiles à l’étude des noms de lieux. Québec: Les Presses de l’université Laval. Estrabón [Strabo]. 1980. Geografía. Prolegómenos. [Geography. Prolegomena.] Madrid: Aguilar. Monkhouse, F. J. 1978. Diccionario de términos geográficos. [A Dic- tionary of Geography.] Vilassar de Mar: Oikos-Tau. Moreu-Rey, E. 1982. Els nostres noms de lloc. [Our Place Names.] Palma de Mallorca: Moll. Moreu-Rey, E. 1965. Els noms de lloc. Introducció a la toponímia. [Place Names. An introduction to the Toponymy.] Barcelona: Unió Excursionista de Catalunya. Morin, E. 1981. La mente bien ordenada. [The well-ordered mind.] Barcelona: Seix Barral. Ortega, N. 1987. Geografía y cultura. [Geography and Culture.] Madrid: Alianza. Poirier, J. 1965. Toponymie. Méthode d’enquête. Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval. Querol, E. 1995. La metodologia en els estudis de toponímia. [The methodology in the Toponymy studies.] In: Vicenç M. Rosselló; Emili Casanova (eds.), Materials de toponímia-I, [Materials on Toponymy-I.] 61-74. València: Generalitat Valenciana-Univer- sitat de València. Roig, A. A. 1980. Introducción. In: Estrabón. Geografía. Prolegóme- nos [Geography. Prolegomena], VII-LX. Madrid: Aguilar. Savater, F. 1997. El valor de educar. [The value of Education.] Barcelona: Ariel. Terrado, X. 1994. Fonaments per a l’estudi etimològic de la toponímia catalana. [Foundations for the etymological study of the Catalan names.] In: Albert Turull (ed.), Introducció a l’onomàstica

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[Introduction to Onomastics.], 53-72. Lleida: Institut d’Estudis Ilerdencs. Tort, J. 2005. La toponimia come metafora del territorio. Conside- razioni sulla relazione tra nomi di luogo e l’ambiente geografico. [Toponymy as a “metaphor of place”. Some considerations on the relation between place-names and geography.] Communication sub- mitted to the XXII International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Pisa (Italy). [Forthcoming]. Tort, J. 2003. A propòsit de la relació entre toponímia i geografia: el principi de ‘significativitat territorial’. [On the relationship between Geography and Toponymy. The principle of ‘territorial significance’.] In: Emili Casanova; Lluís R. Valero (eds.), XXIX Col·loqui de la Societat d’Onomàstica, 675-688. Teulada: Denes. Tort, J. 2002. La toponímia del Baix Camp. Una interpretació geogrà- fica. [Place Names of Baix Camp (Catalonia, Spain). A geographical essay.] Reus: Associació d’Estudis Reusencs. Tort, J. 2000. La geografia, els noms de lloc i la descripció del terri- tori. [Geography, Place Names and Geographical Description.] In: Joan F. Mateu; Emili Casanova (eds.), Estudis de toponímia valenciana en honor de Vicenç M. Rosselló i Verger [Place names studies in honor of Dr. V. M. Rosselló.], 491-498. València: Denes. Vidal de la Blache, P. 1888-1889. Des divisions fondamentales du sol français. In: Butlletin Littéraire, II, 1-7 / 49-57.

Acknowledgements Sincere thanks are due to Iain Kenneth Robinson for his linguistic assistance in the text, and to Gerlinde Keplinger and Alexis Sancho. This paper has been prepared as part of the Research Project CSO2009-1225-C05-03.

Joan Tort-Donada Departament de Geografia Física i Anàlisi Regional Universitat de Barcelona. Facultat de Geografia i Història c/ Montalegre, 6. E-08001 Barcelona, Spain [email protected]

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Summary: Some reflections on the relation between toponymy and geography This article seeks to present a synthesis of the relations maintained between toponymy and geography throughout their history. Despite obvious differences in their epistemologies, these two fields of knowledge (where toponymy is considered one of the two main branches of onomastics, along with anthro- ponymy) present a marked degree of affinity in various facets, in their respective approaches and in the diversity of their objects of study. The starting point for this discussion is quite simply stated: toponymy and geography clearly share a common background – namely, the concept of topos. That is, the word of Greek origin that constitutes the classical way of referring to the place (at all scales) where we as humans inhabit and live out our lives. The interactions between toponymy and geography have been both extensive and intense in nature, and have been of great significance throughout the ages. Place names are in themselves complex concepts, and are open to a multiplicity of approaches. On the other hand, geography is a discipline which has an intrinsic interest in space, but also in time (present and past). For this reason, its specific way of seeing things is characterised by what is simultaneously a synchronic and a diachronic approach. However, for motives related to the history and the general development of the research of place names, toponymy is in many cases primarily concerned with analyses conducted from a linguistic and philologic perspective. Yet geography and history should also play a key role in attaining a multidisciplinary approach to onomastics. Facing the future, and from a global conception of science, we need to see this set of circumstances not as a problem but rather as an advantage for our research, as it takes us in different, yet complementary, directions.

Résumé: Quelques réflexions sur la relation entre la toponymie et la géographie Dans cet article nous essayons de présenter une réflexion synthétique sur la relation que, dans un sens historique, la toponymie et la géographie ont sou- tenue. Ces deux champs de la connaissance (à condition que la toponymie est l’une des deux principales branches de l’onomastique, étant l’anthroponymie l’autre), en dépit de leurs différences dans le sens épistémologique, montrent un degré important d’affinité dans certains de leurs aspects, dans les respectifs approches et dans leur diversité d’objets d’étude. Le point de départ que nous adoptons pour notre réflexion est très simple: entre la toponymie et la géogra- phie il y a un clair fond commun, le concept et l’idée de topos. C’est-à-dire: le mot d’origine grecque qui constitue la forme classique de se référer aux lieux (à différentes échelles) où nous vivons ou que nous prenons comme référence à notre relation. Les interactions entre la toponymie et la géographie sont nombreuses et intenses, et ont eu une grande importance à travers le temps. Le nom de lieu est en soi un concept complexe, et accepte une multitude d’approches. Par

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l’autre côté, la géographie est en soi une discipline spécialement préoccupée par l’espace, mais aussi par le temps (présent et passé), et pour cette raison sa manière spécifique de regarder le monde a à la fois un sens synchronique et diachronique. En revanche, pour des raisons liées à l’histoire et l’évolution générale de la recherche, dans l’étude de la toponymie ont été surtout important des analyses faites à partir du point de vue de la linguistique et la philo- logie. Mais la géographie et l’histoire ont aussi un rôle clé si nous voulons atteindre une véritable approche multidisciplinaire à l’onomastique. Face à l’avenir, et dans une perspective globale de la science, nous devons examiner ce cas pas comme un problème mais comme un atout pour la recherche, dans différentes et complémentaires directions.

Zusammenfassung: Reflektionen über die Beziehung der Geographie zur Toponymie Im folgenden Artikel wird eine synthetische Überlegung über die historische Beziehung der Toponymie zur Geografie präsentiert. Trotz der offensichtli- chen Unterschiede in deren Epistemologie, weisen die beiden Wissenschaften (wobei angenommen wird, dass die Toponymie, neben der Anthroponymie, eine der zwei wichtigsten Zweige der Onomastik einnimmt) einen Grad an Verwandtschaft in einigen Facetten auf, wie in deren Forschungsansatz und deren vielfältigen Zielen. Das Konzept für die Diskussion dieser Thematik ist relativ einfach: Die Toponymie und die Geografie besitzen eine gemeinsame Basis - nämlich das Konzept topos. Sozusagen das Ursprungswort aus dem Griechischen für die klassische Bezeichnung eines Orts (in verschiedenen Maßstäben), an dem wir, die Menschen, wohnen und unser Leben verbringen. Die Wechselwirkungen zwischen der Toponymie und der Geographie waren ursprünglich umfangreich und intensiv und hatten lange Zeit eine große Bedeutung. Ortsnamen repräsentieren komplexe Konzepte und bieten Mög- lichkeit für eine Vielfalt von Untersuchungsansätzen. Die Geographie ist dabei eine Wissenschaft die stark mit dem Raum verbunden ist, aber auch mit der Zeit (sowohl Vergangenheit als auch Zukunft). Aus diesem Grund ist der spe- zielle Betrachtungswinkel der Geografie gekennzeichnet von einem gleichzei- tigen synchronischen und diachronischen Ansatz. Nichts desto trotz wird die Toponymie aus Gründen der historischen und generellen Entwicklung der Ortsnamenforschung hauptsächlich mit der Analyse der linguistischen und philologischen Aspekte in Verbindung gesetzt. Tatsächlich sollte aber die Geografie und die Geschichte ebenso eine Schlüsselrolle für einen multi-dis- ziplinären Forschungsansatz im Bereich der Onomastik inne haben. In Hin- sicht auf die Zukunft, und aus einer globalen Perspektive der Wissenschaft gesehen, ist es notwendig diese Umstände nicht als ein Problem zu sehen, sondern als ein Vorteil für unsere Forschung, da sie uns in verschiedene, sich ergänzende Richtungen führt.

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