DOCSLIB.ORG

University Microfilms

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

INFORMATION TO USERS This dissertation was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper le ft hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. Silver prints of "photographs" may be ordered at additional charge by writing the Order Department, giving the catalog number, title, author and specific pages you wish reproduced. University Microfilms IX Education Company CIANCI, William Howe, 1944- CARL McINTIRE: A STUDY OF HIS PHILOSOPHY AND USE OF THE MASS MEDIA. The Ohio State Ifiiiversity, Ph.D., 1972 Speech ! University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan © 1973 WILLIAM HOWE CIANCI ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. CARL McINTIRE: A STUDY OF HIS PHILOSOPHY AND DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University by William Kowe Cianci, B.A..M.S.J. The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct print. Filmed as received. University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My debt for assistance in this work is great. I am deeply grateful to Dr. James L. Golden for his guidance and criticism throughout the preparation of this study. Appreciation is also extended to Dr. Joseph M. Foley whose helpful criticism of the manuscript facilitated the completion of this study. I also wish to acknowledge the encouragement and helpful suggestions given me by Dr. John J. Clarke, Paul S. Underv;ood, and Dr. Galen R. Rarick. Recognition is also given to the valuable assistance of Charles Baker, Director of tlie Institute for American Democracy, and Wesley McCune, Director of Group Research, My indebtedness also extends to Dr. William E. Hall and Mr. Thomas F. Gaumer without whose financial assistance this study would have been impossible. This gratitude also includes Mrs. Anna Lauritsen, Journalism Librarian, whose kindness and generosity of time has been of great help in my studies. Finally, I should like to thank Dr. Carl Miclntire and Miss Rose Trato for the interview granted me and for their overall cooperation in this venture. August 31, 1944 Born, New Britain, Connecticut 1966 B.A., Providence College, Providence, Rhode Island 1968 M.S.J., Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois 1968-1971 Teaching Associate in Speech, Department of Speech, The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio FIELDS OF STUDY Studies in Rhetoric and Public Address. Professor James L. Golden Studies in Communication. Professor Franklin H. Knower Studies in Radio and Television. Professors Walter B. Emery, Joseph M. Foley, and Richard M. Mall Studies in Journalism. Professors John J. Clarke, Galen R. Rarick, Paul S. Underwood, Loyal Gould Studies in Political Science. Professors C. Richard Hofstetter, Gene E. Rainey Studies in History. Professor Robert H. Bremner TABLE OP CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................... VITA ................................. .. Chapter I. INTRODUCTION ............................ II. THE COMMUNICATOR; CARL McINTIRE — MAKER OF SCHISMS ........................ 17 III. FUNDAMENTALISM — AN OVERVIEW............ 41 A. The Movement Prior to 1945 B. Post-War Emergence of the Far Right C. The Audience 1. Mclntire's Twentieth Century Reformation Movement: Some Characteristics of His Followers 2. The Conspiratorial Mind IV. THE MESSAGE: STRATEGY OF PERSUASION IN CONVEYING THE MESSAGE.................... An Analysis of an Agitator Themes and Techniques of the Agitator Employed by Mclntire Portrait of an Agitator Structure of Mclntire's Broadcasts THE CHANNEL. Two Theories of the Press 1. The Libertarian Theory 2. The Social Responsibility Theory Mclntire's Philosophy of the Media 1. His View of the Media as a Social Force 2. Mclntire"s Conflict with the FCC Chapter Page THE FAIRNESS DOCTRINE AND THE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY THEORY OF THE PRESS . 266 A. Introduction B. Public Interest, Convenience, or Necessity C. The Fairness Doctrine D. Early Legislative History: Its Origin and Development E. Mayflower to 1949 F. The Editorializing Report of 1949 G. After 1949 McINTIRE VS. THE FCC; THE WXUR CASE A. Introduction B. Nature of the Case C. The Issues History of the Case Conclusion CONCLUSION . 493 bibliography 532 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Freedom is everybody's business. Your business, my business, the church's business. And the man who will not use his freedom to defend his freedom... does not deserve his freedom. Amen.^ Ladies and gentlemen, Italy has recognized Red China. The United Nations and the foundations in it are beginning to crumble as far as recognition of Red China is concerned. And Nationalist China ...our friend...is going to lose its position in the United Nations. .’.And the nations of the world are ready to appease the Communists. And the idea seems to be that if they are nice to Red China may­ be Red China will be nice to the world. It's a fallacious and erroneous position and all in the world the Communists are doing are getting their gains and strengthening their position throughout the world so that they can take over and make this a Communist world. I can say to you without any reservations it is in my judgement that the weak­ ness of our own country is this whole matter of standing up to communism which is responsible... for what is happening now with the advancements and recognition now being given to Red China.^ If you listen to this broadcast...you'll get some­ thing of the joy the believer has...you'11 get something of our love for righteousness and truth and honor; you'll get something of our commitment to freedom and the great cause of liberty, freeing broadcast. ^Carl Mclntire, Twentieth Century Reformation Hour Broadcast, May 16, 1967. men from sin, freeing men from superstition, freeing men from delusions, freeing men from darkness, freeing men from slavery, freeing men from tyranny.^ Well, I've got the documentation that she [Bernadette Devlin] is a Marxist, that she is a revolutionary. They're going to win the world for communism and you're sitting out there like a bunch of dummies and ignoramuses and you don't care; you're not going to stand up there and fight. Oh my dear friend, what is wrong with my country. What is wrong with you dear people. We've just had a political campaign in this country and the great issue ought to have been the winning of the war and the bringing of the boys home. No, they were played down...We've got to win! We've got to win! And the Com­ munists said they're going to win and they will unless we stop them.^ This radio broadcaster has his honest suspicions. And I have a right to them. And every last one of you better wake up and realize what's happening. Mow you just wait a little while. A lot of things are going to come out.^ Someone has to go out and command the nation and lift the banner and let's do it for victory. These are samples of the substance and style of the messages of Dr. Carl Mclntire conveyed over his radio program and through his newspaper. They represent many voices : Mclntire the commentator surveying current events— political, social, economic, and religious; •^Ibid. ^ Ibid. ^Carl Mclntire, Twentieth Century Reformation Hour Broadcast, May 16, 1967. Ibid. 3 Mclntire the proselytizer, exhorting, reviling, rebuking his followers to heed his word— which he claims is the in­ fallible word of God— to cleanse America, exalt righteous­ ness, and return the nation to its former role of defender of liberty and freedom; and Mclntire the agitator, the wailing voice of discontent, asking people to follow him in his quest to reform society. But basically they con­ stitute the voice of Mclntire the advocate, seeking to influence public opinion and engineer consent for his social philosophy. Carl Mclntire is a complex figure, a man of many roles. His strident activities over the past forty years have made him a most controversial person in religion, and more recently, in politics. And it is his mixture of these two areas, a practice displeasing to many Americans, that has thrust Mclntire into prominence. Mclntire is a religious Fundamentalist. Briefly, Fundamentalism is a form of Protestant belief that holds the Bible to be the source of all knowledge. It expresses a belief in the literal interpretation of the Bible and its verbal inerrancy, and it calls for a return to what it considers fundamental Christian values.
Recommended publications
  • CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism

    CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism

    CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X.
  • Education and Its Cold War Discontents

    Education and Its Cold War Discontents

    Andrew Hartman. Education and the Cold War: The Battle for the American School. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. x + 251 pp. $74.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-230-60010-2. Reviewed by David Mitch Published on H-Childhood (July, 2009) Commissioned by Patrick J. Ryan (University of Western Ontario) Although world affairs are inherently distant movement started by John Dewey, and long under from the local activity of running a school, inter‐ attack by conservative educational thinkers, was national events can often heighten a sense of dealt a serious if not fatal setback by the further threat from abroad and a related sense of nation‐ mobilization of conservative interests due to the al inferiority, thus spurring domestic debates on impetus of Cold War politics. Hartman suggests the adequacy of education. A perceived poor that the progressive vision spawned by Dewey showing of British industrial exhibitors at the was too passive and insufficiently forward look‐ Crystal Palace International Exhibition of 1851 ing to effectively respond to the conservative chal‐ prompted concerns about the quality of British lenge. education. And perceived British technological de‐ The frst chapter surveys American theorizing ficiencies in the First World War prompted Correl‐ about education in the late nineteenth and early li Barnett’s subsequent examination of British ed‐ twentieth centuries. Dewey’s work is not surpris‐ ucation in his tellingly named The Audit of War: ingly front and center. However, Hartman also The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Na‐ calls attention to the presence of conservative ap‐ tion (1986). proaches as evidenced in such documents as the In the case of the United States, the Sputnik National Education Association's Committee of episode has long been recognized as pointing to Ten Report (1893).
  • To Abolish the Family Has Haunted Proletarian Struggle Since, Offering a Horizon of Gender and Sexual Libera- 1

    To Abolish the Family Has Haunted Proletarian Struggle Since, Offering a Horizon of Gender and Sexual Libera- 1

    ME O’Brien In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels speak of the “abolition of the family”, as the “infamous proposal of the Communists”.1 The call to abolish the family has haunted proletarian struggle since, offering a horizon of gender and sexual libera- 1. Marx and Engels, The tion that has often been deferred or displaced by other Communist Manifesto (MECW 6), 501. strategic and tactical orientations. The phrase evokes the complete, almost inconceivable transformation of day-to-day life. For some, one’s family is a relentless terror from which one must flee to find any semblance of themselves. For others, it is the sole source of support and care against the brutalities of the market and work, racist cops and deportation officials. For many, it is always both at once. No one can make it in this world alone; and one’s personal account of their own families has a direct bearing on how to understand the call to abolish the family. Not knowing what a family is, or what the family is, compounds the problem of what exactly to make of its abolition. For Marx, the task was to abolish the Church, the State, the Family — a striking triad of the parties of order — and ultimately the impersonal rule of the market. Marx and Engels use the word aufhebung for abolishment — a term that is often translated as supersession, for it conveys a simul- taneous preservation and destruction. To abolish is not the same as to destroy. What is superseded, and what is preserved, in the movement to abolish the family? Avoiding parsing distinct definitions of the family like a series of static taxidermic boxes, I argue there is an unfolding historical logic that underlies the transformation of the slogan, one that can be identified with the dynamics of capital itself.
  • Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10

    Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10

    MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism.
  • The New Popular Front in France

    The New Popular Front in France

    THE NEW POPULAR FRONT IN FRANCE by George Ross The 1978 General Elections may well bring the French Left (and the Communist Party) to power in France. The Right Centre coalition which has ruled France for twenty years has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to deal with the present economic crisis-high inflation, unemployment, low growth-which it has played a major role in creating. As a result it has been rapidly losing support while simultaneously splitting into warring factions. The Union de la Gauche (Communists, Socialists and Left Radicals) has, meanwhile, become an electoral majority in the country (a fact demonstrated both in opinion polls and in the results of the March 1977 municipal elections). Its leaders, Fran~oisMitterrand and the PS (Parti Socialiste) and Georges Marchais of the PCF (Parti Communiste Francais) are now seen as genuine statesmen and as plausible Ministers of France, by a majority of Frenchmen. Its 'Common Programme for a Government of Left Union' is received as a credible platform for resolving the economic crisis and bringing needed change to French society. Rumour has it in Paris that high civil servants have already begun preparing for the arrival of new men in power. The stock exchange has begun to vibrate with fear-and with the beginnings of an investment strike against the Left (a strike which, because it has started so far in advance of the actual election date, has had the effect of undermining the existing regime even further). The Gaullist fraction of the ruling majority has already begun a barrage of anti-Left hysteria against the 'socialo- communist enemy' with its 'Marxist programme' to remove France from the 'camp of liberty'.
  • Cold Warrior Abroad: the Foreign Missions of Vice President Richard Nixon

    Cold Warrior Abroad: the Foreign Missions of Vice President Richard Nixon

    Cold Warrior Abroad: The Foreign Missions of Vice President Richard Nixon A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts In the Department of History University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By Brenan R.R. Smith © Copyright Brenan Smith, September 2012. All rights reserved. PERMISSION TO USE In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of the University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. DISCLAIMER Cold Warrior Abroad was exclusively created to meet the thesis and/or exhibition requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of Saskatchewan. Reference in this thesis to any specific commercial products, process, or service by trade name, trademark, manufacturer, or otherwise, does not constitute or imply its endorsement, recommendation, or favouring by the University of Saskatchewan.
  • Q:Ongrcssional Record United States of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 9 I St CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION

    Q:Ongrcssional Record United States of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 9 I St CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION

    Q:ongrcssional Record United States of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 9 I st CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-Monday, February 24, 1969 The House met at 12 o'clock noon. forcible incorporation of these countries attention are not to be found in any law­ The Reverend Rudolf Troost, Estonian into the U.S.S.R. The Soviet assault in book or in any moral code. 1940 against its Baltic neighbors marked The challenge of freedom is in the safe­ Lutheran Church, Silver Spring, Md., of­ guarding of that freedom. Thousands of fered the following prayer: the first step westward in the ruthless young soldiers have met that challenge with Dear Heavenly Father, on this 5lst Es­ march against Europe. t heir death. All the great legislation handed tonian Independence Day we pray for the Mr. Troost, whose presence here today down to us by Congress in the nearly two return of freedom and independence to we acknowledge, has not himself been a hundred yea rs of our n ation's existence, was stranger to this Soviet and Nazi aggres­ formulated by men who wanted to do a little long sut!ering Estonia. Save us and other more than was required of them to promote countries from the evil teachings and sion. He was captive in a Nazi prison camp for some 40 days at which time he freedom. doings of communism. But anyone can tell you that soldiers and Make us thankful nations, knowing was able to make his escape. That he is statesmen alone have not made America.
  • Spartacist No. 41-42 Winter 1987-88

    Spartacist No. 41-42 Winter 1987-88

    · , NUMBER 41-42 ENGLISH EDITION WINTER 1987-88 .ONE DOLLAR/75 PENCE ," \0, 70th Anniversary of Russian Revolution Return to the Road of Lenin and, Trotskyl PAGE 4 e___ __ _. ...,... • :~ Where Is Gorbachev's Russia Going? PAGE 20 TheP.oland,of LU)(,emburgvs.th'e PolalJdof Pilsudski ;... ~ ;- Me.moirs ofaRevoluti0l.1ary Je·wtsl1 Worker A Review .., .. PAGE 53 2 ---"---Ta bI e of Contents -'---"..........' ..::.....-- International Class-Struggle Defense , '. Soviet Play Explodes Stalin's Mo!?cow Trials Free Mordechai Vanunu! .................... 3 'Spectre of, Trotsky Hau'nts '- " , Gorbachev's' Russia ..... : .... : ........ : ..... 35 70th Anniversary of Russian Revolution Reprinted from Workers ,vanguard No, 430, Return'to the Road of 12 June 1987 ' lenin and Trotsky! ..... , ..................... 4 Leni~'s Testament, •.....• : ••••.•.. : ~ •••....•• : .1 •• 37' , Adapted from Workers Vanguard No, 440, The Last Wo~ds of, Adolf Joffe ................... 40 , 13 November 1987' 'j' .•. : Stalinist Reformers Look to the Right Opposition:, ' Advertisement: The Campaign to \ Bound Volumes of the Russian "Rehabilitate" Bukharin ...•.... ~ .... '..... ;. 41 , Bulletin of the'OpP-osition, 1929-1941 .... 19 , Excerpted from Workers Vanguard No. 220, 1 December 1978, with introduction by Spartacist 06'bRBneHMe: nonHoe M3AaHMe pyccKoro «EilOnneTeHR In Defense of Marshal Tukhachevsky ...,..45 , Onn03M4MM» 1929-1941 ................ .' .... ,". 19 Letter and reply reprinted from Workers Vanguard No'. 321, 14 January 1983' Where Is Gorbachev's Russia
  • Politics, Paranoia, and Poly: the Mccarthy-Era Red Scare and Its Impact on California State Polytechnic School, San Luis Obispo

    Politics, Paranoia, and Poly: the Mccarthy-Era Red Scare and Its Impact on California State Polytechnic School, San Luis Obispo

    1 Politics, Paranoia, and Poly: The McCarthy-Era Red Scare and Its Impact on California State Polytechnic School, San Luis Obispo History 303 Research and Writing Seminar: Cal Poly History Project Presented to The course instructor Professor Andrew Morris California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo A Course Taken in Partial Fulfillment of My Bachelor of Science Degree in History by Emily Scates March 2016 2 Introduction Commie, Red, Pinko, Ruskie, bread-line potato-drinker; all of these are slurs made by Americans towards communists or communist sympathizers during the Cold War. Although communism is only a political theory designed by Karl Marx that predicts inevitable class warfare leading to publically owned land and shared labor,1 when this theory was applied in countries like Russia during the Cold War, it proved to be damaging to its citizens. The United States emerged from World War II as a dominating power, economically wealthy from wartime spending,2 and seemed to prosper in comparison to the U.S.S.R; which had suffered heavy losses during the war by serving as the main ground troops against Germany. As a result of these disparities, the U.S. took up a campaign focused on the “American way.” A majority of Americans held anti-communist sentiments due to the perceived immorality of the system. These prejudices influenced the university system. Encouraged by fear of political corruption and suspicion, liberally inclined individuals and organizations were identified as “political undesirables on campus” and either marginalized or sometimes removed from campuses.3 There are studies of the effect McCarthyism had on administration and university curriculum.4 Coming out of World War II, the U.S.
  • The Mccarran Internal Security Act, 1950-2005: Civil Liberties Versus National Security

    The Mccarran Internal Security Act, 1950-2005: Civil Liberties Versus National Security

    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2006 The cM Carran Internal Security Act, 1950-2005: civil liberties versus national security Marc Patenaude Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Patenaude, Marc, "The cM Carran Internal Security Act, 1950-2005: civil liberties versus national security" (2006). LSU Master's Theses. 426. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/426 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE MCCARRAN INTERNAL SECURITY ACT, 1950-2005: CIVIL LIBERTIES VERSUS NATIONAL SECURITY A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In The Department of History by Marc Patenaude B.A., University of Arkansas at Little Rock, 2003 May 2006 Table of Contents ABSTRACT . iii CHAPTER 1 HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS OF ANTI-COMMUNISM. .1 2 THE MCCARRAN INTERNAL SECURITY ACT OF 1950 . .24 3 THE COURTS LIMIT THE MCCARRAN ACT. .55 4 SEPTEMBER 11, 2001, AND THE FUTURE OF INTERNAL SECURITY . 69 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .. .81 VITA . .86 ii Abstract In response to increased tensions over the Cold War and internal security, and in response to increased anti-Communism during the Red Scare, Congress, in 1950, enacted a notorious piece of legislation.
  • A Critical Review of Slovo's “Has Socialism Failed?”

    A Critical Review of Slovo's “Has Socialism Failed?”

    South African Communist Party 1990 Crisis of Conscience in the SACP: A Critical Review of Slovo’s “Has Socialism Failed?” Written: by Z. Pallo Jordan. Lusaka, February 1990. Transcribed: by Dominic Tweedie. “Has Socialism Failed?” is the intriguing title Comrade Joe Slovo has given to a discussion pamphlet published under the imprint of ‘Umsebenzi’, the quarterly newspaper of the SACP. The reader is advised at the outset that these are Slovo’s individual views, and not those of the SACP. While this is helpful it introduces a note of uncertainty regarding the pamphlet’s authority. The pamphlet itself is divided into six parts, the first five being an examination of the experience of the ‘socialist countries’, and the last, a look at the SACP itself. Most refreshing is the candour and honesty with which many of the problems of ‘existing socialism’ are examined. Indeed, a few years ago no one in the SACP would have dared to cast such a critical light on the socialist countries. “Anti-Soviet,” “anti-Communist,” or “anti- Party” were the dismissive epithets reserved for those who did. We can but hope that the publication of this pamphlet spells the end of such practices. It is clear too that much of the heart-searching that persuaded Slovo to put pen to paper was occasioned by the harrowing events of the past twelve months, which culminated in the Romanian masses, in scenes reminiscent of the storming of the Winter Palace, storming the headquarters of the Communist Party of Roumania. It beggars the term “ironic” that scenarios many of us had imagined would be played out at the end of bourgeois rule in historical fact rang down the curtain on a ‘Communist’ dictatorship! We may expect that, just as in 1956 and 1968, there will flow from many pens the essays of disillusionment and despair written by ex- communists who have recently discovered the “sterling” qualities of late capitalism.
  • Egypt's Socialism and Marxist Thought

    Egypt's Socialism and Marxist Thought

    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Faculty Publications Political Science, Department of 4-1975 Egypt's Socialism and Marxist Thought: Some Preliminary Observations on Social Theory and Metaphysics Shahrough Akhavi University of South Carolina - Columbia, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/poli_facpub Part of the Political Science Commons Publication Info Published in Comparative Studies in Society and History, Volume 17, Issue 2, 1975, pages 190-211. http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=css © 1975 by Cambridge University Press This Article is brought to you by the Political Science, Department of at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Egypt'sSocialism and MarxistThought: Some PreliminaryObservations on SocialTheory and Metaphysics SHAHROUGH AKHAVI Universityof South Carolina I. THE PRIOR SIGNIFICANCE OF UNITY Since 1952 the elaboration of Egyptian ideology has constituted a source of conflict between the regime and the left/right opposition. In trying to capture the ideological center, the regime has inevitably drawn itself into the maelstrom of public contention characterized by mass conformity, intimidation, purges, arrests, show trials and incarceration of all who fundamentally question the principles of the leadership. Democratic cooperative socialism ('Arab socialism') is the official ideology, and a spate of books and articles have been published on its significance for Egyptian politics. Despite all these efforts, confusion still tends to reign over this concept, both among Egyptians themselves, and outsiders studying it. It is essential to build toward a definition of Arab socialism in its Egyptian variant.