COLLECTION UPDATE

No. 17,1994

Pat Eaves, Editor

University of Guelph Library

1994 EDITOR’S NOTE

Collection Update is published annually by the University of Guelph Library. Members of the university community write articles about rare books or archives that are of particular interest to them.

This year we have again several articles on items from our Scottish collection, these touch on a would be artist, corruption in a seafarer’s insurance company, and scandal and murder. Other articles include a Canadian book on midwifery, books from the trenches of WWI and a charming autograph book.

We would like to thank George Loney for doing the layout. Thanks also to Jeanette Davidson for transcribing all the articles to disk and, last but not least, to Carol Goodger-Hill for assisting with proof­ reading.

Collection Update was produced by the University of Guelph Library on a personal computer using Microsoft Word 6.0 for Windows. The printing is done on an Abaton LaserScript LX using Times New Roman font.

Times is a registered trademark of Linotype Co. Word and Windows are registered trademarks of Microsoft Corp.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage or retrieval system without permission in writting from the copyright holder.

ISSN 0226-3300

Printed on acid free, recycled paper.

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

A Dishonourable Soldier; William Henry Cranston and His Women by Linda Day...... 1

The Mysteries of Montreal: Being Recollections of a Female Physician by Sharon E. Taylor...... 13

The Prime Gilt Box of Kirkcaldy by W. K. McLean...... 25

The Khaki University by Doug Home...... 41

William Home Lizars - Artist and Engraver by Susan Waterman MacLean...... 55

By Hook or By Crook by Karen Voss Peters...... 69

Contributors...... 80

List of Illustrations...... 81 iv A DISHONOURABLE SOLDIER: WILLIAM HENRY CRANSTON AND HIS WOMEN

William Henry Cranston, a naval officer in the British Army and a younger son of a noble family, was a credit to neither his service nor his family. He is remembered for first deserting and disowning his wife and baby daughter, and then inciting a young woman to murder her father.

William Henry Cranston was bom in 1714, the third surviving son of William, fifth Lord Cranston and his wife Lady Jean Ker, eldest daughter of William, second Marquess of Lothian. He was a lieutenant in a marine regiment. In 1744 he became involved with Ann Murray, daughter of David Murray, a merchant of Leith.

The University of Guelph Library recently acquired an unusual document regarding this relationship. The document is the court Decreet of declarator of marriage, issued by the Commisary Court of Edinburgh at the instance of Ann Murray and her daughter Jean Cranston. The document is remarkable in itself - inside the handsomely bound volume are over 400 pages if neat handwriting by Alexander Nairne, joint commissary clerk of Edinburgh (who

1 signed each page). The remains of a seal can still be found on the last page. All the evidence in the case, including many letters and the testimony of witnesses, is written in the decreet.

The account of the relationship between Cranston and Ann is recorded as follows in the decreet:

Some year before May one thousand Seven hundred and fourty four, After the said Lieutenant William Henry Cranstoune Defender had made his Addresses to the said pursuer Anne Murray for marriage he deferred proceeding in the said Courtship by reason of the Lowness of their fortunes untile he should attain to a post and Commission in the army whereby to be enabled to make them live in a way more suitable to their Birth. But afterwards he the Defender coming to be Informed that a Gentleman of Considerable fibrtune, was in suit of the said pursuer and had obtained or was likely to obtain her Mothers consent he the Defender interposed and Renewed his Courtship of the pursuer for marriage and at length prevailed with her to consent to it under consert that they should be married privately and keep their marriage a Secret for some time. Least its coming to be too soon known should be a mean to prevent or Retard the promotion he was then in quest and hopes of in the army and accordingly about the midle of the moneth of May one thousand seven hundred and fourty four they were privatly married in the house of Mrs. Dunbar widow of William Dunbar of Kincorss Esquire by one he brought there of the appearance of a Clergyman, and whom he the Defender Called a Chaplain To a Regiment in presence of Margaret Park Sister to the said Mrs. Dunbar, and the said marriage was keept private for several moneths until the parties thought it proper to make known their marriage, and accordingly they Intimated and acknowledged the same, and owned themselves married persons Husband and wife to their ftriends. Relations and acquaintinces and from that time they were by their friends, Relations and Acquaintinces, esteemed, Reputed, Conversed and Corresponded with as Husband and wife, and they treated and entertained each other as such and a Child procreated of the said marriage to with the said pursuer Jean Cranstoune being brought furth by the said pursuer in the house of the said Mrs. Dunbar in Edinburgh upon the nintheenth day of ffebruary one thousand seven hundred and ffourty five years. The said Child, the Defender being then at London, was at his desire holden up at Baptism by Charles Cranstoun his brother german and by the Defenders order Christned by the name of Jean after the Defenders mother, and was afterwards owned treated and entertained by the pursuer and Defender As their lawfull Child and was esteemed and Reputed such by their friends Relatives and Acquaintinces and the pursuer and Defender Continued to own treat and entertain each other as husband and wife untill the moneth of August one thousand seven hundred and ffourty six, that he the Defender most wrongously and unjustly took it in his head to disown the pursuer to be his wife, and he has even since most unchristianly abstracted himself from and deserted her and their said Daughter, all which ffacts and Circumstances appeared from several missive Letters which with exact copies thereof duely Collated and Attested by the Clerk of Court are Lodged in the said Clerks hands and should also be otherways proven. Therefore the said pursuers ought to have the said Commissaries their Sentence and Decreet, Finding and Declaring the said Defender and the said pursuer Anne Murray married persons Husband and wife and the said Jean Cranstoune pursuer their lawfull Daughter, and Decerning and ordaining the said Defender to Adhere to the said pursuer Ann Murray As his lawfull wife her society ffellowship and Company and to treat Cherish and entertain her at Bed Board and all other conjugal duties as becometh a husband to do to his wife, and that during the conjunct lifetimes, and Decerning and ordaining him the Defender to make payment to the said Ann Murray his spouse of the sum of one hundred pounds sterling for her

3

aliment from whitsunday one thousand seven hundred and fforty five years to Whitsunday last. Fifty pounds sterling at the term of Martinmas next and the sum of twenty five pounds sterling at each term of Candlemas, whitsunday, Lambas and Martinmas thereafter until he Adhere to her and Discharge all the duties Incumbent upon him as her husband, and likeways Decerning and ordaining the said Defender To make payment to the pursuers of the sum of Five pounds sterling for each quarter of a year from the Birth of the said pursuer Jean Cranstoune the time above mentioned and in time Coming for the aliment of her the said Jean Cranstoune... (p.2-6).

The remainder of the decreet consists of evidence assembled in the case. It is not difficult to understand why the Commissaries decided in Ann's favour; one simple fact is that most of Cranston's letters to Ann address her as "Mrs. Cranston". A letter dated January 26, 1745, attests to the fact that Cranston's family was well aware of the relationship between Cranston and Ann. Cranston wrote:

My mother wrote me, Cranstoun [a brother] was to sett out for Edinburgh, the day She wrote me when every thing As to the Affair would be publick by his visiteing you, & the inclosed will shew you his Regarde and Affection better than what I can espress it... My Br. Charles will hold up the Child, and I have a favour to beg of you, that if it is a Girl it may be Jean after my Mother, Wm if it is a Son...(p.26)

In another letter, date April 25,1745, Cranston wrote to "Mrs. Cranstoun" that "All I can say is that whilst I life you and her [Jean] shall be my constant care".

5 Ann Murray was a Catholic; this was the main reason why the marriage had been kept secret at fust, for fear that a Catholic connection would retard Cranston's promotion in the army. Cranston claimed that he had not married Ann, but had promised to do so if she would give up her Catholic faith and become a Protestant, but she had refused to keep a promise to do so. In a letter to a lawyer retained by Ann, he wrote "...marriage is the point which she affirms and what I absolutely denye ever existed between use... She confesses the aggreement between me and herself wherein She consented to be Protestant if I would save her Character by making her Mrs. Cranstoun" (p. 82-83) Ann admitted that she had led Cranston to believe that she might change her religion, but never as a condition of marriage. Cranston's claim was not allowed by the court, however, and the decreet in Ann's favour was issued on 11 May 1748. The marriage was recognized as legal, and Jean Cranston was declared legitimate.

The library also holds other documents connected with this case. Two are documents presented to the Commissary Court, one from each side. The submission from Ann Murray's lawyers is entitled Answers for Mrs. Ann Murray and Miss Jean Cranston, her daughter... dating from some time in 1747. The other is the Petition of Lieutenant William Henry Cranston, also dated in 1747.

After the decision of the Commissary Court, Cranston appealed to the Court of Session in a petition that begins My Lords

6 of Council and Session, unto your Lordships. Another document held by the Library is the Answers for Mrs. Ann Murray spouse to Lieutenant William-Henry Cranston, and Jean Cranston her Daughter, procreate betwixt her and the said Lieutenant William-Henry Cranston... In this document, their case is summarized as follows:

The Respondents being deserted and abandoned by the said William-Henry Cranston, Husband to the one, and Father to the other; the Mother branded with the Name of a Whore, and the Child with that of a Bastard, after having been owned and acknowledged by the Defender, and his whole Relations, in the most publick Manner, as his lawful Wife and Child; were brought under the disagreeable Necessity of asserting their Innocence, and wiping off these Aspersions by a Process of Declarator of Marriage and Adherence, at Mrs. Murray's instance, and a Declarator of legitimacy at the Instance of the child.

Cranston's appeal failed, but it seems unlikely that Arm Murray ever received the support she was owed.

Why did Cranston deny his marriage to Ann Murray? Possibly, he had truely hoped that she would convert from Catholicism, and when she did not, decided that her religion would cause him too many problems in his career. However, he may have had another reason. At some time during his stay in London, he became involved with another young woman, Mary Blandy. Mary, bom in 1719, was the daughter of a lawyer, Francis Blandy of

7 A N S W E R S F O R

Min. Ann Murray Spoufe to Lieu­ tenant irillinm-Henry Cran/lon, and Jean Crrmlhn her Daughter, pro­ create betwixt her and the laid Lieutenant IVi 11 iam-Henry Cranfton, Purfuers; T O The Bill of Advocation prelcnted by the laid Lieutenant William-Henry Cranflon, Defender.

—HIS is perhaps one of the moil clamant Calls that a ever came before a Court of J office. JL 'I ne Rcfpondents being deferred and abandoned by tiie laid IFUlum-Hcnr; Cranftm, Husband to the one, and Father to the other ; the Mother branded with the Name of a Whore, and the Child with tint of :t Ballard, after having been owned and acknowledged by tile Defen­ der, and his whole Relations, in the moll publick Manner, as Iiis lawful Wife and Child ; were brought under the dis­ agreeable Neccflky of aflerting their Innocence, and wiping oil’ thefc Afpcriions by a Proce'fs of Declarator of Marriage and Adherence. at Mrs. Afenw’s Inftance, and a Declarator of Legitimacy at the laitance of the Child.

8 Henley on Thames, Her father opposed her desire to marry Cranston when he discovered that Cranston was already married (to Ann Murray). Mary, an only child, had a dowry presumed to be in the neighborhood of 10,000 pounds (though in fact this was not true). Later evidence suggested that Cranston had obtained money from Mary, and hoped to gain more. In June 1751, Mary began to put arsenic in her father's food. She claimed that Cranston had sent her the poison, though he denied it. Her father eventually died on August 14,1751. Mary was arrested and brought to trial on March 3, 1752.

The Gentleman's Magazine covered the sensational case, mixing both facts and gossip. In August of 1751, just after the death, it was reported that Mary had said "she did not think there was any crime to dispatch a cross old fellow out of the way, who was the only bar to her happiness, and that she would do it, was it to be done again." However, after her trial, it was pointed out that the evidence against her was mainly circumstantial, and that there was no clear evidence that she had known the powder she gave her father was poisonous. The account of the trial does include a description of Mary. She was:

....of a middle stature, rather plump than slender, of no delicate shape, of a swarthy complexion, deeply pitted with the small pox, had a large straight nose, full mouth, flatfish cheeks, dark hair and eye-brows, fine sprightly black eyes, and appeared, as she really was, to be about 35 years of age.

9 At the trial, the household servants testified against Mary, but some of that evidence was undermined when grudges against Mary were revealed. Mary's father, in his dying days, appeared to be believe her story that she thought the poison was a potion intended to win Blandy's approval for the marriage, but the jury did not. Mary was hanged for her crime, protesting her innocence upon the scaffold.

A postscript to the account of the trial provides a description of Cranston (no source is given; he was certainly not present at Mary's trial):

In his person he is remarkably ordinary, his stature is low, his face freckled and pitted with the small pox, his eyes small and weak, his eyebrows sandy, and his shape no ways genteel; his legs are clumsy and, as a diurnal writer observes, he has nothing in the least elegant in his manner. As to his mental powers, they are by no means striking, and have chiefly been exerted in attacks upon women and artifices at play, at either of which he has no great reason to boast of his success. He has a turn for gallantry, but nature has denied him the proper gifts. He is fond of play, but his cunning always renders him suspected.

Cranston had been in the north (either Scotland or Northumberland, depending on accounts) at the time of Blandy's death; after Mary's arrest, he fled the country and died that same year at Fumes in Flanders.

LINDA DAY

10 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Answers for Mrs. Ann Murray and Miss Jean Cranston, her daughter.... [Edinburgh]: 1747.

Answers for Mrs. Ann Murray spouse to Lieutenant William­ Henry Cranston.... [Edinburgh]; 1748.

Gentleman's Magazine. London, 1751-1752, Vol. 21, p. 376-377, 486-487; vol. 22, p. 108-117, 153-155, 188-189.

Petition of Lieutenant William Henry Cranston, with a copy of the letters referred to. [Edinburgh]: 1747.

[Petition of Cranston to] My Lords of Council and Session, unto your Lordships.... [Edinburgh: 1748].

Scotland. Commissary Court, Edinburgh. Decreet of declarator of marriage, adherence, aliment & legitimation at the instance of Mistress Anne Murray, & Jean Cranstoune agst. William Henry Cranstoune. Edinburgh: 1748.

Secondary Sources

Dictionary of national biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1917 - Vol. 5.

Kohn, George C. Dictionary of culprits and criminals. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1986.

The Scots peerage. Vol. 2 Edinburgh: Dave Douglas, 1905.

11 12 THE MYSTERIES OF MONTREAL; BEING RECOLLECTIONS OF A FEMALE PHYSICIAN

....as nature's assistant rather than as prime agent, the 'good' midwife was the respectable woman who carried herself correctly, encouraged and supported her patient, and interfered as little as possible in the actual mechanics of the birth.

Jane B. Donegan. Women and Men Midwives.

Midwifery, which has recently been the focus of much media attention in Ontario due to it's establishment as a recognized part of the Ontario health care system, is an ancient profession. It's practice has existed throughout history and in all cultures with roots predating the Christian era. In eighteenth century Europe and North America, women exclusively held the role of the assistant to the child-bearing woman.

The midwife (meaning literally "with woman") was considered to be the expert on childbirth. She received her training from years of apprenticeship with an older midwife and passed this training on in the community setting. Her role was that of counsellor, comforter, emotional supporter and natural assistant who

13 oversaw the complete process of birth. Very little physical intervention was carried out due mainly to the lack of knowledge of obstetrical science at the time. Because of this lack of knowledge, the medical community had no interest in intruding into the lying-in chamber of the child-bearing woman and thus the midwife was left to the task of attending to the bringing forth of new life into the conununity.

In Canada, historical records point to the existence of midwives in New France during the early 1700's. These women were trained and paid by the King of France to apply their skills in the new country. Similarly, in Nova Scotia during the 1750's, British midwives were paid by the British Government to serve as the bedside aide to women in labour. Midwives, "granny women" and farm women all acting in the birth assistance role are recorded in the historical findings of many Canadian provinces during this time period. As well, the writings of early European missionaries, traders and settlers documented the active use of midwives during the birthing process for native groups in Canada. The medical missionaries found these women to be skillful and thorough at the bedside and commented on the low rates of neonatal mortality. During the mid 1700's the midwife was usually the primary companion of the woman in labour in most of Upper Canada. Many rural settings had little or no access to a physician and, if they did, the physician had difficulty in travelling over the large distances to arrive in time for the birth.

14 THE

BEING

RECOLLECTIONS

OK A

FEMALE PHYSICIAN.

BY CH. FUHRER.

“ Truth is Stranger than Fiction.”

MONTREAL: PRINTED FUR THE AUTHOR BY JOHN LOVELL & SON.

18S1.

15 By the late 1700's things began to change. The medical profession in Europe and, subsequently in North America, acquired more technical knowledge in the areas of human reproduction and the birthing room slowly became valued territory. As the medical profession became more organized in Upper Canada, in terms of self-regulation and medical technology, the opposition to midwifery grew. Both doctors and midwives were, for the first time, competing for the same patients. In 1795, the government of Upper Canada passed the first Act to Regulate the Practice of Medicine, which made it illegal to practice midwifery without a license. This law was not however, actively enforced due to the lack of trained physicians in many small towns and villages. More acts were passed between 1815-1865, but it was not until 1865 that midwifery was made illegal. The first conviction of a midwife charged with the illegal practice of medicine without a license was in 1895. This case caused such bitter feelings in the community that, in the end, a politician paid the midwife's fine in an attempt to quiet the outburst of angry women.

The situation in Quebec was not much different. In 1879 the Quebec College of Physicians and Surgeons took firm control over midwifery practices. A midwife could practice in the province as long as her competence was certified by a physician of the College. Enforcement of this regulation was difficult and, in many rural settings, midwives continued to practice without certification well up until the First World War. Those midwives situated in urban

16 settings, such as Montreal, received certification and continued to assist in the birthing process under the scrutiny of the College.

The decline of midwifery in both Ontario and Quebec continued with time due to the increasing control and monopolization of childbirth by the medical profession, increased legislation governing the medical profession and the lack of medical training for women. The once traditional role of the midwife was slowly phased out to the point where midwifery became illegal in most parts of Canada by the end of the nineteenth century. A slow and steady fight has been waged in most provinces in Canada, largely due to the initial work of the National Council of Women in the early 1900's, to return midwives to the birthing room where they rightly belong.

The McLaughlin Library of the University of Guelph has an interesting collection of materials for those interested in learning more about the history and practices of midwifery. Of particular note for those with a bent for a good story with lots of mystery, a little intrigue and a hint of aggrandizement is the book entitled The Mysteries of Montreal; being recollections of a female physician by Charlotte Fuhrer.

Published in 1881 by John Lovell & Son, a private Montreal publisher of the later nineteenth century, Mysteries of Montreal is eye-catching with it's deep blue cover and bold gold

17 18 emblem on the front. The title is splashed across the spine in italicized writing resembling that of an old-fashioned whodunnit. Knowing that very few copies of this book have survived and are held in the collections of a small number of universities, is reason enough to seduce the curious shelf browser. But the pitee de resistance comes with the quote on the title page "Truth is Stranger than Fiction".

Almost nothing is known about the publication, reception and circulation of the book. One wonders how many young men and women of the times read through the tales of various clients who came to Fuhrer's lodgings in the motherly way, in need of the services of a good and decent midwife. For within these pages are stories about fourteen different women, all in the unfortunate predicament of being pregnant and unwed, in a time of high social morality.

That Fuhrer herself was part of a highly moral society is very noticeable in her memoirs. Each tale is spun to provide moral instruction to the reader. That the fallen woman can be saved, but only if she mends her ways, is a theme heavily played upon in each narrative. The reader knows where Fuhrer stands. Sexual acts are for those lawfolly married. However, to err is human and repentance is the way to salvation. The women in her stories who are truly sorry for their fall from grace have healthy babies and lives of value after a short period of shame and discomfort. Those who do

19 not learn from their mistakes suffer further injury and ruin. The men involved in leading those women down the path of corruption do not get off easily in Fuhrer’s memoirs. They, too, are penalized for their indiscretions. The fact that Fuhrer does make a valiant effort to lay the blame justly shows signs of a more progressive woman than might be expected for this period.

The Mysteries of Montreal sheds a great deal of light onto behind-the-scenes promiscuous behaviours in mid-Victorian Canada. One has the chance to glimpse, through the eyes of a midwife, the results of illicit and reckless passion in a time when dishonourable conduct was severely chastised. The role of midwife in providing a haven for social deviants and the poor, in a time when midwifery was in jeopardy due to the restrictions of the medical society, is emphasized. During this time period, respectable urban women were attended by physicians in lying-in wards of nineteenth-century hospitals; midwives were losing the battle to modem medical male-dominated technology. Fuhrer’s book suggests that perhaps the midwife’s role during this time of change became one of finding homes for unwanted babies; many of her tales imply that she arranged and took care of placing her new charges in appropriate families. Whether or not this additional role was part of her professional obligation is never directly addressed.

That Fuhrer embellished the actual circumstances surrounding these "true" narratives is highly likely. After reading

21 The Mysteries of Montreal one is left with the feeling that Fuhrer was conceivably a very good storyteller of the Harlequin Romance genre. In fact, an excellent introduction in a later edition of this book by Peter Ward exposes much of the falsehood in Fuhrer’s version of events. Ward goes so far as to point out the many discrepancies in the personal and family information which she offers about herself in the first chapter. He scrutinizes every one of her tales and provides excellent insight into the woman behind the "novel". As an added bonus, Ward spends a considerable amount of time discussing midwifery from an historical viewpoint in his introduction and is able to situate the reader in the proper framework of this practice during the 1800's in Canada.

To discover that Fuhrer had difficulty drawing a line between fact and fancy does not detract from the enjoyment of reading her memoirs. One comes away with a feeling of having spent the day with an old woman who only wants the best for her audience. A little bit of moralizing and a happy ending can be a nice finish to a day spent wrapped up in a rare book.

SHARON E. TAYLOR

22 NOTES:

Biggs, Lesley C. "The Case of the missing midwives: a history of midwifery in Ontario from 1795-1900." Ontario History 75: March 1983, pp 21-35. .

Canada. Parliament. Library Research Branch. Midwifery: a new status. Ontario, Can., 1990.

Donegan, Jane B. Women and men midwives: medicine, morality and misogyny in early America. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978.

Fuhrer, Charlotte. The mysteries of Montreal: being recollections of a female physician. Montreal: J. Lovell, 1881.

------Mysteries of Montreal: memoirs of a midwife. Ed. W. Peter Ward. Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1984.

Maygrier, Jacques Pierre. Midwifery illustrated. Trans. A. Sidney Doane. New York: J. K.. Moore, 1833.

Ontario Task force on the implementation of midwifery. Report on the task force on the implementation of midwifery in Ontario, 1987.

23 (’ O N S T I T r T I () N

AND

R U L E S

T H E P L< I M E G 1 L T BOX.

OF KI KKCAL DY.

SANCTIONED BY THE COURT OF SESSION,

18 4 5.

KIRKCALDY : VRIXTED H¥ JAMES HIRHELL.

1845.

24 THE PRIME GILT BOX OF KIRKCALDY

The Library owns a pamphlet titled Constitution and Rules of the Prime Gilt Box of Kirkcaldy. The title page and inside cover of the pamphlet give the rules laid down for the management of the Prime Gilt Box by the Court of Session on or about 1845. The society of the Prime Gilt Box was the subject of a court action which was commenced in 1839. One result of the action was that Lord Jeffrey ordered the drawing up of the constitution by Andrew Jameson advocate.

Internal evidence makes it clear the Prime Gilt Box was a seamen's benevolent fund committed to providing for the seafaring population of the town of Kirkcaldy (a port on the east coast of Scotland) when they, their families or survivors had fallen on hard times through age, ill health or disability through accident.

Members appear to have been constituted from all "shipmasters, seamen, shipcarpenters and ferrymen, belonging to the actual port of Kirkcaldy". Residency was a requirement for entitlement and was based on working out of the port for three years.

25 The pamphlet is essentially given over to a careful delineation of the structure and management of the society. This suggests the court action begun in 1839 was pursued due to mismanagement. To ensure this could not occur in the future the funds and property were to be conveyed to, and remain under, the control of the burgh.

The managers listed for May 1845 on the back cover show that the Sheriff of Fife, his deputy, the provost and two baillies of the town were ex-officio officers of the society and there were six annually elected officers or managers. Mathew Beveridge was treasurer and box master and J.R, Grey was clerk.

Unfortunately no history of the society is given in the pamphlet, but that it had been in existence prior to 1828 is certain, given that rules passed then are mentioned in section VI. It was a surprise, therefore, to find in The Burgh of Kirkcaldy Records and Conventions of the Royal Burghs of Scotland, that the Prime Gilt Box had been in existence since at least 1591. On 7th September of that year the Prime Gilt Box was formally constituted a guild in the town, although it is not clear from Burgh Records whether an informal organization had existed prior to that date. However, in light of the fact,

the haill awneris of the schippis and crearis, of the said burgh, merchandis, marineris, hyresmen, and remanent hanleris and traffectaris be sie thair 27 appeared before the town council to propose comprehensive details of constitution and organization we may assume the society was of some informal standing prior to its submission to the bailies of the burgh. A comment in the New Statistical Account of Scotland indicates the society had "existed in this parish from a period prior to 1591".

The duties levied on masters and mariners in 1591 were four pence scots for each ship voyage made and a similar amount for each "tun" of cargo. Merchants paid six shillings and eight pence for each ship freighted when the contract to transport the cargo was made. These agreements covered non-residents using the port whether neighbors or overseas traders. Persons contracted upon hire whether seamen, traders or merchants rendered two pence in each crown of wages, which was to be remitted on the return from each voyage. Masters were responsible for the payment of duties on their ships and of the men hired by them, records of which were entered into pass books kept on board. Mariners of Kirkcaldy hiring on ships in other towns were to discharge the duty, and sailors from other towns who hired on in Kirkcaldy were also expected to pay.

A boxkeeper was elected yearly by the merchants, mariners, masters and owners who were in port at the time of the annual meeting. Unfortunately the date of this is not given but was likely the yearly "rouping" date of Martinmass, or November 11.

28 It is from this levy that the name "Prym Gilt1’ appears to have come, A primage, or keel fee, paid by a shipper to a master and crew for the care of his goods, gave rise to the term. However, the term also suggests the guild was the first or premier guild and thus reflects the importance of the seafaring business to the existence of the town.

The submission to the burgh was subscribed by "forty six members of the mercantile community" including the two baillies who appear to have constituted the burgh council. This indicates the extent of trading at the time, some further idea of which we can get from other sources.

The Statistical Account of Scotland 1791-99 gives some indication of the number of persons who may have been involved in trading by sea in 1591. Only three vessels employing seven men and carrying 110 tons were trading out of the town in 1760 because union with England in 1707 seems to have adversely affected business. By 1772 this had increased to eleven vessels carrying 515 tons and employing forty-nine men and, by the close of the American war, the figures had increased to twelve vessels carrying 750 tons and employing fifty-nine men. In 1792 twenty-nine vessels employing 225 men were carrying 3700 tons of cargo in and out of the port. We can infer from this that in 1591 if forty-six subscribers represent the trading community, the cargoes moving annually in and out of the port may have amounted to approximately those of 1772, or 500 tons.

29 I The monies flowing into the Prime Gilt Box based on tonnage (500) would be approximately £8.3 at four pence a ton, while that from movements would be £24.6. To these sums would have been added the duties from hired hands which we cannot estimate without knowing the rates paid to various tradesmen. The customs duties in 1792 were £1432 while the salt tax seems to have brought in a similar amount. We can assume the 1591 amounts would have been just over 1/3 of this, given there were probably eleven vessels rather than twenty-nine in action.

The sums involved do not seem large yet they must have been substantial for the day and, in the 201 years between 1591 and 1792, £6612 may have accrued, not counting interest, investment income or disbursements. We know from Burgh Records that in 1647 the society bought land for the sum of 7110 merks in the East Milne with the approval of the burgh. This land was disposed of in 1738 because income from it continually lagged behind interest payments on the borrowed sum. We also know that in 1662 the Lord President, John, Earl of Rothes, arbitrated a case between the burgh and certain guilds as to how the burgh should in future be governed. The seafaring community was in the establishment camp, but whether the monies in the Prime Gilt Box were a factor is difficult to discern. Certainly guilds and their management were a concern of Rothes. Both the above indicate the port and town suffered from the civil wars that raged at the time and affected trade "which was now much impairit and decayed by the troubles of the tyme".

31 As previously mentioned, trade had rebounded by 1792 at which time the Prime Gilt Box seems to have been the wealthiest guild in town. According to the Statistical Account, the society paid out annually about £40 "to their indigent members, widows or families, besides furnishing ten of them with a house to lodge in". The New Statistical Account (1845) indicates 91 vessels totalling 8911 tons were registered in the port. Two ships traveled as far as the Davis Straits in whaling and others coasted to London. The rest plied the oceans of the world even venturing to the Far East. Foreign ships entering the port numbered 92 coming mainly from northern Europe and Baltic states.

By 1845 the Prime Gilt Box was a venerable institution with substantial endowments which amounted to some £3000. The . New Statistical Account indicates that some years previously a proposal had been made to dissolve the society and divide the monies and property among existing members. As a consequence duties were no longer paid by seamen or traders. However, the action to dissolve had been prevented by interdict. The court of session had eventually found the society could not be dissolved as the property was held in trust for the society. This rather bare mention of the court action, which prompted the reconstruction of the society under the rules laid out in the pamphlet now owned by the library, disguises the fact that the dissolution and division amounted to embezzlement of the monies involved, by a small group who had constituted themselves as the only members.

32 33

I The case is reported in at least two sets of Law Reports covering the period, in Scottish Jurist and Cases Decided in the Courts of the Session, although slight differences occur between the reports.

The facts of the case are as follows; it appears that some time prior to 1828, possibly 1826 or 1827, the managers of the Prime Gilt Box,

Messrs Brown and Mackie', 'Alexander Malcolm (the boxmaster); his son John Malcolm; His brother in law; George Oliphant; Robert Tod, Oliphants nephew; Thomas Bell, Tod's brother in law; John Bell, son of Thomas Bell and Tod's nephew; Malcolm senior and George Oliphant being married to sisters entered into a contract to remodel the society effectively restricting membership and transferring the property of the society to the new body by 1828. Aid was to be at the discretion of the managers, who could reduce or remove allowance as they saw fit, and seems to have been limited to the above named members. Nothing was done at this time by complainants due to their incapacity or absence at sea.

In December 1838 the mangers cut all aid without notice, effectively reducing the association to their eight selves. Two of the managers, Brown and Mackie, had since died and the six remaining were so related as to be almost one family. They appear to have sold the property and stock, amounting to some £3000, each taking £500. Mrs. Janet Young, or Steedman, and others had in consequence

34 brought suit in January 1839 for suspension of the above actions as well as reduction and declarator relating to the society. The case was heard in second division court. Anderson and Patton represented Mrs. Steedman and others. D.F. Wood and Hector acted for Malcolm and others.

The Lord Ordinary, Lord Cockbum, in a decision given 24th June 1842, stated that: while he was not sure the society was a corporation, he was sure it was a society, the public charter, or Seal of Cause which no longer existed, having been lost. The society had existed since, or prior to 1591 and present records went back to 1614 showing the permanent object of the society was to provide for the relief of poor sailors of Kirkcaldy and their families. Contributions had always been taken for this purpose, not necessarily for the relief of members, but for the formation of funds for the relief of "this class of persons in all time coming". The managers of the Prime Gilt Box were, then, merely trustees of the funds and property of the society. He therefore found the pursuers had good title as "annuitants on the funds" and had good reason to ask the court's protection. Moreover, they had title and interest in having the fund preserved.

The court decreed the Lord Ordinary was to hear the parties further, make the necessary enquiries and ensure adjustments in the society's constitution were made which were consistent with the nature and purpose of the institution. Discussions under the "remit"' to hear the parties further and make adjustments to the society's

35 C i by the grace of G O D in g v f 5 in and upon the good Sh>, calk* v.. crcof is Mailer under God for thu prelent voyage iiid now riding at Anchor in the .

dhionpdftt the PORT of (the danger of the beas only c or to paying freight for the faid goods z >»/ . & v, ith Pr inage, and Avaiage accuilomed. hi witikfi whefeof the Mader nr purfe iiivd 10 trace OUh ot La bog, ali 01 tenor'and date the one oi which three 1 iHso.; id. ^\nd lo G O p leud^he good hhip co her deiired P O R I Hi . .; xt) Dated in Ch ■'"V 4 I

constitution appear to have gone on for some time. They resulted, in 1845, in the constitution and rules being approved by the court, as represented in the pamphlet now owned by the library. Why the "remit" was by Lord Jeffrey rather than Lord Cockburn is not known. But it is a fact the Court of Session was undergoing considerable change at the time; the difference in names may simply reflect the process of upheaval that existed when lords moved between various divisions and courts.

The defenders were liable for the expenses of the case and those of an appeal they made; however, there is no indication they were further prosecuted for their crime.

The Prime Gilt Box subsequently appeared in court on 25th May, 1859, regarding the "feu of a certain piece of land belonging to the society". On 14th May, 1920, the society once again asked the court to decide if it had authority to sell a parcel of land and if it could incorporate the accumulated funds from a bequest by Mathew Beveridge (treasurer in 1845) into its general accounts. These prove the society was functioning under the constitution into the first quarter of the twentieth century. Whether the society still exists is unknown, but if it is, it will have recently celebrated its 400th anniversary.

W.K. MCLEAN

37 ■

SOURCES

Bell, J.M., John Murray and James Donaldson, eds. Cases decided in the Court of Session. Edinburgh: 1842.

Beveridge, Thomas. A guide to the judicial records of the Court of Session. Edinburgh: Bell & Bradfute, 1852.

Constitution and rules of the Prime Gilt Box of Kirkcaldy. Kirkcaldy: Printed by James Birrell, 1845.

Craigie, William Alexander. Dictionary of the older Scottish tongue from the twelfth century to the end of the seventeenth. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1931.

Grant, William and David Murison, eds. Scottish national dictionary. Edinburgh: Scottish National Dictionary Association, 1931-76.

Macbean, L. The Kirkcaldy burgh records. Kirkcaldy: Fifeshire Advertiser, 1908.

New statistical account of Scotland. Edinburgh: W. Blackwood, 1845.

Pagan, Theodora. The Convention of the Royal Burghs of Scotland. : The University Press, 1926.

The Scots digest: of Scots appeals in the House of Lords from 1707 and of the cases decided in the Supreme Courts of Scotland. Edinburgh: W. Green, 1908-.

Scottish Jurist, or Reports of Cases Decided in the Supreme Courts of Scotland. Edinburgh: 1842.

38 Sinclair, John, ed. The statistical account of Scotland, 1791-1799. New ed. General editors, Donald J. Withrington and Ian R. Grant. East Ardsley, Eng.: E.P. Publishing, [1970?]

39 40 THE KHAKI UNIVERSITY

The McLaughlin Library has acquired a number of books from the collection of R.J. Griffen of the O.A.C. class of 1916, which were previously part of the collection of the library of the Khaki University of Canada. What is at this time a relatively unknown part of Canadian military history, the Khaki University provided lectures to thousands of men who were able to continue their education in accredited programs overseas. This was a very successful program, both financially and academically, that also improved the morale of those abroad and eased their post-war transition back into civilian life. In 1919, the Montreal Standard claimed,

The Khaki University was one of the most interesting developments of the war and one of which Canadians have special cause to be proud. Most things connected with the great conflict were destructive in character, but this was a great constructive effort, being at the same time a conception so striking in character that, when once seen in action in the Canadian forces, it was adopted in rapid succession by the Australians, New Zealanders, South Africans, then by the Imperial Army and finally by the United States.

41 During the First World War (1914-1918), a tremendous number of able-bodied and University-aged men left their educational programs to enlist and go overseas. One only has to look at the OAC Review of the time to see a long list of those who had enlisted, been wounded, returned home, or had been killed in action. The effect on the University community is quite unimaginable today, and the individual men, who left their education incomplete for a place with little chance for personal improvement or intellectual pursuit, became restless as the war continued. By early in 1917 the YMCA had begun educational programs for the several thousand soldiers at Canadian army camps in Witley, Seaford, and Bramshott, lead by chaplains and YMCA officers. As these courses increased in popularity and an end to the war became a possibility, it became clear that a greater effort to provide education to forces overseas would not only boost morale and allow these men to minimize the number of years of schooling lost to the war, but would also quicken their transition to a productive civilian life.

In order to provide a more structured education that might be credited toward university education at home, the Supervisor of YMCA Canadian Forces Overseas, Lt. Colonel Gerald W. Birks, sought the help of Henry Marshall Tory, who had been founding President of the University of Alberta and had already completed a study of the needs of returning servicemen. As a professor of mathematics at McGill in 1905, Dr. Tory traveled to British

42 43 Columbia to be a principal founder of the University of British Columbia, and in 1908 became founding President of the University of Alberta. In 1917, Dr. Tory was invited to Britain to view education programs already in existence in the military and report back on immediate needs and the needs of the men at a future time of demobilization. Tory was surprised to find that the classes supplied by the YMCA had been attended by 300,000 men, and that 10,000 men in the trenches were being supplied with literature, while military libraries held 8,000 books for loan by the troops. It became quite obvious from a survey of the troops that the length and brutality of the war had made the men eager to improve themselves, as well as establish any connection possible with the civilization they had left behind. Tory recommended the establishment of a more permanent and comprehensive educational program than had previously existed. Up until that point the model had been the "University of Vimy Ridge, which being in the field of war, (was) necessarily mobile and much more directly subject to the exigencies of military operations and the consequent interruptions."

Dr. Tory recommended that the popular lectures and study groups could meet the immediate needs of providing the men with some knowledge of the war in which they were involved, the nature of the nations involved, technology that would be of practical value to the men, and life back home in Canada. He also called for improved libraries as,

44 Up to the present, he reported, the library facilities offered in the huts have consisted of old books donated by friends and organizations. Too often these books have been of little value, being old and unattractive.

Tory reported that books would be needed covering all of the topics dealt with in lectures, as well as volumes on current events, encyclopedias, magazines, and a selection of popular works. His major concern, and focus of his efforts, was the period of demobilization, when large numbers of men would be transported back to Canada over a period of time projected to be as great as an entire year. These men would be eager to return home, would be without the discipline of the war-time army, and would be wasting valuable time that they could be devoting to preparation for life back home. This was the period in which Tory foresaw the greatest need for his planned "Khaki University" and he suggested a wide-ranging program of studies.

Tory's Khaki University included eight departments: "classics, modem languages, English, Celtic literature, history, mathematics and engineering, business and agriculture." Each department was to have a head and a full staff of teachers brought over from Canada and possessing full academic standing. The large agricultural program (from which McLaughlin's acquisitions have been preserved) would deal with animal husbandry, field husbandry, dairying, mechanics and all other areas of agriculture. The animal husbandry courses would deal with the main branches of farming science and its application. Farm bookkeeping and agricultural

45

English were also to be taught. Agricultural education was in great demand at the time, and many of the O.A.C. students who had interrupted their studies benefited from this chance to gain some credits before returning home. Faculty from O.A.C. also played a role in this program. The O.A.C. Review of January 1918 commented on the focus on agriculture at the Khaki University and mentioned that O. A.C. graduate R.B. Hinman, B.S.A., was lecturing on dairy, while E.R. Hall, B.S.A., and P. Stewart, B.S.A., were lecturing on other phases of agriculture. The Khaki University also included matriculation courses for younger men wishing to enter university once discharged, a business college, normal school training to fill the many teaching vacancies at home, medical instruction and legal studies.

Dr. Tory had to recruit the appropriate staff for his project from those already serving overseas and by seconding a certain number of academics from Canada. The result was a very qualified group of faculty from universities across Canada, including Frank D. Adams, vice-principal of McGill University, as the Deputy Director of Education and L. W. Gill, Engineering Professor from Queen's and later head of the Hamilton Technical School, as Director of Educational Services. As well, in the Times of London in 1918, the following notice appeared:

Dr. G.C. Creelman, President of the Ontario Agricultural College and Commissioner of Agriculture for Ontario has arrived on a visit to Great Britain and France to study

47 agriculture under war conditions and to assist in the work of the Khaki University.... He will give special attention to the University courses in agricultural training.

On September 19,1918, a government order-in-council made Tory's work officially the "Educational Services of the Canadian Overseas Forces" under the authority of the Canadian Army. Although Tory had never desired to wear a uniform, his work now fell under the umbrella of the armed forces and he was given the army rank of "Colonel, Director of Educational Services."

With the Armistice, a huge number of men in Europe no longer had any thoughts but of returning home as quickly as possible. Tory's plan for an army educational system was now seen as more important than ever. It was likely to take at least eighteen months to transport all of the troops home, and Tory saw that stress might be eased if the men who wanted to continue their education could make constructive use of their time while they waited in Britain. Those who were interested would complete a full year of studies in Britain, allowing others to leave for home. Interest was great and the initial educational centre was established at the military camp in Ripon in Yorkshire, with living quarters for more than a thousand men. Interested soldiers continued to flow into the camp and it became necessary that several English universities also offer courses to Canadian students. Edinburgh University accepted 100 Canadian students in 1919, and with Oxford, Cambridge and

48 49 J

University College, London, combined, 400-500 Canadian students completed a year's work.

In all, in the Khaki University's relatively short life from 1917 to 1919, an estimated 650,000 men attended lectures and 50,000 enrolled in classes. The program was efficiently run at quite a low cost considering its scope and achievements. Since one soldier's enrollment allowed another to return home at an earlier date, it caused no delays to the demobilization program. Teachers who were drawn from the military received no special compensation, but continued to be paid their regular army salary. Those who were seconded from Canadian universities were given only travel expenses while they continued on the payroll of their university at home. The YMCA provided 500,000 dollars for books; equipment and travel expenses but with the teachers' salaries coming from other sources, only eighty percent of this money was ever spent.

While the creation of such a program in such a brief time is an obvious accomplishment, the success of the Khaki University is much more than just an administrative achievement. The Canadian Khaki University can claim to be an innovation in military education, and one that was later adopted by many other countries (New Zealand was very close behind) and continued in the Second World War. It also helped ease the period of demobilization in which tensions ran to the point of riots and deaths in 1919, and

50 encouraged many young Canadians to continue their education when simply abandoning this course might have been the easier route.

The donations of materials from the personal collection of RJ. Griffen, which were originally held by the Khaki University of Canada Library, have been split between the McLaughlin Library and the Library of the Royal Military College. The McLaughlin Library has kept the volumes dealing with agriculture which cover subjects such as breeding, feeding, and judging animals, as well as dairying and dairy bacteriology. The collection is made up of eleven titles, published between 1907 and 1919, all in fine shape and bearing the stamp of the Khaki University of Canada Library inside their front cover.

DOUG HORNE

51 TITLES FROM THE KHAKI UNIVERSITY OF CANADA

Cobum, F.D. Swine Husbandry. New York: Orange Judd Company, 1916.

Cobum, F.D. Swine in America: A Text-Book for the Breeder, Feeder, and Student. New York: Orange Judd Company, 1916.

Conn, H. W. Practical Dairy Bacteriology. New York: Orange Judd Company, 1918.

Davenport, E. Principles of Breeding: A Treatise on Thremmatology. New York: Ginn and Company, 1907.

Hall, A.D. The Feeding of Crops and Stock: An Introduction to the Science of the Nutrition of Plants and Animals. London: John Murray, 1916.

Plumb, Charles S. Judging Farm Animals. New York: Orange Judd Company, 1919.

Shaw, Thomas. Feeding Farm Animals. New York: Orange Judd Company, 1916.

Shaw, Thomas. The Management and Feeding of Sheep. New York: Orange Judd Company, 1918,

Shaw, Thomas. The Study of Breeds. New York: Orange Judd Company, 1913.

Wing, Henry H. Milk and Its Products. London: Macmillan, 1914.

52 REFERENCES

Boshier, Roger. "Revolting Soldiers: The Origins of Education in the Armies of the Empire in World War I." Learning. Vol. 4, No. 2, p. 17-19. •

Corbett, E.A. Henry Marshall Tory: Beloved Canadian, Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1954.

"Khaki College", Canadian Magazine. Vol. 51, May 1918., p. 71­ 73.

"Khaki University", O.A.C. Review. Vol. 30, No. 5,1918, p. 215.

"Quotations: Khaki College." School and Society. Vol. VII, No. 179, p. 652.

"Training Soldiers for the Land", London Times. September 19, 1918, p. 2a.

53

WILLIAM HOME LIZARS - EDINBURGH ARTIST AND ENGRAVER

The Rare Book and Archival Collections at the University of Guelph contain numerous items concerning the Lizars family. The Pioneer Collection, the books and documents of the Daniel Lizars family, is of special note and has been discussed by Vera Cunliffe in her book From Edinburgh to Colborne Township.

The collection also contains materials relating to Daniel's older brother, William Home, a well known artist and engraver.

William Home Lizars was born to Daniel Lizars and Margaret Home Lizars in Edinburgh on May 4,1788, the second child in a family that was to include six sons and three daughters. It is possible he was named for his father's older brother, William. Daniel was a well respected copperplate engraver and printer. He had been apprenticed to Andrew Bell, the best engraver in Edinburgh, for nine years, starting on September 12,1782. His work came to notice after he engraved several portraits for Hume's History of England and he went on to engrave portraits of Lord Justice-Clerk Braxfield (1798) and Sir Day Campbell, Lord President of the Court of Session (1804).

55 OS

•- William received his early education at the High School in Edinburgh. He was then apprenticed in engraving to his father. He entered the Trustees Academy in Edinburgh in 1804, where he studied under and was a fellow student of David Wilkie, the painter. At some point in his education he also studied with the highly respected landscape painter, . (In 1821 he engraved the Nasmyth paintings which accompanied the Waverly Novels). In 1806, he was granted an extension to his period of studies due to his entering the Academy at an advanced age and in recognition of the quality of his work. In 1807 he was awarded ten guineas for his 'meritorious performance' in engraving Queen Mary’s escape from Lochleven Castle.

In 1808 he displayed five works at the First public Exhibition in Scotland by Artists, most notably his portrait of his patron, the Earl of Buchan, Earl of Buchan crowning and presenting Master Gatti (Henry Corrie) with a medal at Corrie's Rooms (Lord Cardross) (1808). Between 1808 and 1815 Lizars presented a number of portraits at exhibitions in Edinburgh, including John Cowper, an Edinburgh Beggar (1808). These works confirmed his skill as a portraitist. In 1812 he submitted two paintings, Reading the Will and A Scotch Wedding, to the Royal Academy in London. The paintings, typical also of work done by his contemporaries, Carse, Geikie and Harvey, were unsentimental portrayals of daily life in rural Scotland and foreshadowed in theme and expression the works of Wilkie. Widely

57 58 admired, they were exhibited at the academy and engraved by Charles Turner. They are now in the collection of the National Gallery of Scotland in Edinburgh.

Unfortunately, this same year, on December 12, Daniel Lizars died at the age of fifty-eight, leaving a widow and several orphans, the youngest of whom was aged three. William was the only son capable of carrying on the family's means of support, the printing business, as his older brother, John, was already a gifted, but eccentric, surgeon. He was compelled to focus his energies and talents on the business and the engraving involved, and abandon painting. It is generally acknowledged that had he been allowed to continue his artistic career he would probably have developed into one of Scotland's pre-eminent painters and portraitists. However, due to his business and family responsibilities, his artistic output was severely limited. His known original works produced while he was in business include: two pictures of churches which are found in the collection of the (an organization of which he was an early member, number 25, and actively involved in founding) a self-portrait, and a pencil sketch of (1815) found in the Scottish National Portrait Gallery.

However, his artistic talents were redirected; they were not lost. Over the course of his career, he became involved in numerous projects which provided opportunities for the practice of this talent. In 1819 he engraved the plates for Brewster’s Treatise on the

59 ^‘piTiiiinis uf <’ riin^fns from ptntrs printed from Wnr.

60 Kaleidoscope. He prepared the engravings for his brother John's volume A System of Anatomical Plates of the Human Body (1822-26), Prideaux John Selby's Illustrations of British Ornithology (1821-34), brother-in-law Sir William Jardine’s Illustrations of Ornithology (1825-1843) and James Brown's Picturesque Views of Edinburgh (1825). In the fall of 1826 he met John J. Audubon and prepared the five plates for the first number of his Birds of America. Unfortunately, a dispute with the colourists made it impossible for Lizars to continue, and the other plates were completed in London. In addition to these works he completed a substantial number of other illustrative etchings.

He also became involved in the creation of maps, guides and atlases. Among the most noted that he created are: The Atlas of Scotland, Containing Maps of Each County.... (1832), The Scottish Tourist and Itinerary.... (1838) and England With All the Railways (early 1840's).

The title page of his Specimens of Engraving, Lithography and Typography (1849) clearly outlines the broad range of services he provided:

Engraver, lithographer, steel, copper plate and letterpress printer, Bookbinder and Stationer. Die, Stamp and Seal Cutter. Bankers' Notes, Cheques, Letters of Credit, Receipts, Drafts... Ledgers.. Maps and charts, Railway and Session Plans, Facsimiles of Autographs, Ancient Charters, Deeds and Seals, Invoices, Cards, Circulars,

61 62 Intimation and Funeral Letters. Wood Engraving, Bookbinders Tools. Marriage Cards and Envelopes.

Lizar’s creative sense was complemented by a practical business acumen which he judiciously used in managing the engraving business, first located at 61 Princes Street and later at 3 St. James Square. In 1832, an especially difficult time economically, he took a well calculated economic risk and responded to a public interest in natural history by once again collaborating with Jardine in a series entitled Naturalist's Library. Each volume consisted of a naturalist's biography and plates of a specific group of animals (the first volume focused on Humming­ Birds). This very popular series would eventually extend to forty volumes, in printings of steadily increasing size.

In addition, he contributed substantially to the practice of his craft. In 1819 he perfected a method of copper engraving for books which served as a replacement for wood engraving. He explored the quality and use of colour in art and industry, engraving the plates for David Ramsay Hay's book on the subject. His expertise in engraving became so respected that many times he served as an expert witness in forgery cases and he was often contracted to print currency. His workshop also served as a stepping stone for other artists. In the 1820's both Horatio McCulloch and were employed by Lizars as colourists before they went on to make their name as artists.

63 w a MM A T T A AV A .CA AVA AVAZA Aj AZAo PllOTKU HEWS.

vAiGr SiayAj SCOTTISH GAZETTE. S.k It*.

64 William Home Lizars died March 30,1859, leaving a family and a widow, Henrietta Wilson, who died July 16, 1870. They are buried in St. Cuthbert's Parish Churchyard in Edinburgh, beside Lizars' parents.

SUSAN WATERMAN MACLEAN

65 SOURCES

Book of the Old Edinburgh Club. Edinburgh: T. and A. Constable, 1908-1985. vol. 9.

Browne, Janies. Picturesque Views of Edinburgh. Edinburgh: D. Lizars, 1825.

Bushnell, George Herbert, comp. Scottish Engravers. London: Oxford University Press, 1949.

Cunliffe, Vera. From Edinburgh to Colborne Township: Daniel Lizars and the Pioneer Collection at Guelph. Guelph: University of Guelph Library, 1984.

Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1917-Vol. XI.

England with all the railways. Edinburgh: W. H. Lizars, [1844?].

Grant, Francis J., ed. Register of Marriages of the City of Edinburgh, 1751-1800. Scottish Record Society 53. Edinburgh: J. Skinner, 1922.

Hunniset, Basil. An Illustrated Dictionary of British Steel Engravers. Aidershot: Scolar Press, 1989.

Irwin, David and Francina Irwin. Scottish Painters at Home and Abroad 1700-1900. London: Faber and Faber, 1975.

Lizars, John. A System of anatomical plates of the human body accompanied with descriptions and physiological, pathological and surgical observations. Edinburgh: W. H. Lizars, 1822-26.

Lizars, W. H. Specimens. Edinburgh: W. H. Lizars, [1849].

66 Macmillan, Duncan. 1460-1990. Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 1990.

McKay, W. D. The Scottish School of Painting. London: Duckworth and Co., 1906.

Scotland. National Galleries. Scotland's Pictures — The National Collection of Scottish Art. 1990.

The Scottish Tourist and Itinerary; Being a Guide to the Scenery and Antiquities...... 7th ed. Edinburgh: Stirling, Kenney, 1838.

Smith, John, comp. Monumental Inscriptions in St. Cuthbert's Churchyard, Edinburgh [Old Portion], Scottish Record Society 47. Edinburgh: J. Skinner, 1915.

Strong, Elizabeth. W. H. Lizars (1788-1859). Edinburgh: Antiquarian Booksellers' Association, 1989.

Thomson, John and William H. Lizars. The Atlas of Scotland, Containing Maps of Each County. Edinburgh; J. Thomson, 1832.

Wood, Marguerite, ed. Register of Edinburgh Apprentices, 1756­ 1800. Scottish Record Society 92. Edinburgh: J. Skinner, 1963.

67

BY HOOK OR BY CROOK

Collecting in any form, has long been an interest for many people. Whether the reason for this is business or pleasure, there is a certain amount of pride in the ownership of an assembly of related items. These items can range from those of aesthetic beauty, such as figurines and stamps, to the absurd "bent coat hangers used to open locked car doors". Some collections are formed as investments, especially in the art field, others to keep current with fads; hence the popularity of pet rock collections in the 1970's.

Autograph collecting could fall into either category, hobby or business, although it quickly became apparent during the 1800's that the autograph had to be on a significant document, preferably in the author's own hand, to be deemed valuable.

The emphasis on acquiring signatures of only the rich and famous has been prevalent since the 1920's, but during the 1800's autographs were viewed as keepsakes of friends, and autograph albums a means of expressing sentiments. Jerry E. Patterson, in his book, Autographs: A Collector's Guide, says:

69 It is probably true to say that today collecting mere signatures is entirely a juvenile endeavor, although in the nineteenth century it was considered a quite respectable pursuit for adults.

In the opinion of Charles Taussig and Theodore Meyer, on the other hand, this method does not qualify as serious autograph collecting.

There is a popular misconception about autograph collecting which considers it to be the infantile practice of acquiring a blank book marked "Autographs" and then asking people to write their names in it. This is not autograph collecting.

However, there is much to be valued in the nineteenth century autograph album: visually presentable with coloured pages and embellished with cut-outs from greeting cards, it can be viewed as pictorial history. An example of a typical Victorian autograph album is part of the Archival Collection at the University of Guelph.

The album was the property of Miss Christie Campbell who resided in Morriston, Ontario. The book measures 3-1/4 x 6 inches. It has a sturdy grey cover embossed with burgundy, gold and blue flowers and lettering. The coloured pages are hand-sewn with cotton thread. The company that produced the album was the Galaxy, and the title page indicates this is a "Galaxy Album especially adapted for Autographs and Sketches." These words are printed in a calligraphic style, with the "G" intertwined in a vividly coloured drawing of a peacock sitting on a branch of flowers.

70

The album was given as a Christmas gift to Miss Campbell by her brother, Donald, in 1882. He has made the first entry on the page before the title page.

To Miss Christie Campbell

Presented by her brother Donald Campbell December 25th, 1882.

Miss Campbell has decorated the page with a cut-out (from a greeting card) of white snow drops and green leaves pasted in the lower right-hand comer.

The succeeding entries span a period from 1882 to 1889 and originate from various places such as Puslinch, Aberfoyle, Salem, Badenoch, Kincardine and Corwhin. Miss Campbell has further enhanced these autographs with drawings and cut-outs. The entries, indicative of the times, are in pen and ink and written in neat calligraphic style. The verses are poetic, sentimental and spiritual, for example:

To Miss Campbell

Within this book so pure and white Let none but friends presume to write And may each line with friendship given Direct the readers thoughts to heaven. M.L.

Some offer advice on friendship;

72 73 To Christy

When the golden sun is setting And your mind from care is free When of absent friends you're thinking Won't you sometimes think of me Jessie McPherson

and

To Christy

The large are not the sweetest flowers The long are not the happiest hours Most talk doth not most friendships tell Few words are best -1 wish you well d Arch 7 McKenzie 10 Con Puslinch March 18 -1883 and

To Miss Campbell October 4th 1884

In a comer of your heart Where no one else can see Just plant a sweet forget-me-not and call it after me From your friend Jessie Cameron Mountsberg

This page is decorated with flowers.

74 More thoughts on friendship:

To Christie

Remember well and bear in mind that a good true friend ' Is hard to find and when You find one just and true Change not the old one for the new Maggie

Two entries to be noted, jostle side by side and appear to be verses penned by gentlemen-rivals for Miss Campbell's affections. The first one is written in beautiful script -

To Christy

Love no man Not even a brother For if girls must love Love one another. Yours sincerely Peter McKenzie 30 Dec of 82

This page is decorated with a card cut-out of a deep purple pansy surrounded by leaves.

The next page reads

To Christie

Love just one man Even better than a brother

75 76 For if girls don't love They will be left altogether Yours etc. Angus Clark 30/12/82 •

This poem, also dated December 30,1882, is adorned with lovebirds in a red heart and an idyllic winter scene which suggests that Mr. Clark was viewed romantically by Miss Campbell.

It is interesting to note the endurance over the years of poems associated with autograph albums. An entry, dated September 5th 1884, written by M. A. Kitching is still in use today.

Miss Campbell

Never trouble trouble, till trouble troubles you.

The formality of the salutation and the signature would suggest this advice was given by a teacher or perhaps an older relative. Another rhyme that has lost its originality over time appears on the last page of the album written across the lower edge and along the side. It is signed by W. Galbraith and dated February 9th, 1888.

By hook or by crook, I’ll write last in this book.

In this modem day of lap-top computers, fax machines and electronic mail systems, hand-written correspondence is almost obsolete. Penmanship is no longer a priority in schools. Nowadays,

77 the skill to acquire is the ability to use a keyboard. Diaries, journals and autograph albums should be preserved and appreciated as historical symbols of the times.

KAREN VOSS PETERS

78 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Galaxy Album. Autograph Album of C. Campbell, Morriston? Ontario - entries from Badenoch, Kincardine, Puslinch, Aberfoyle, Corwhin, Salem, etc. 1882-1889.

Patterson, Jerry E.. Autographs: A Collector’s Guide. New York: Crown Publishers Inc., 1973.

Taussig, Charles William. Meyer, Theodore Arthur. The Book of Hobbies or A Guide to Happiness. New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1924.

Wallis, Brian. "Mike Kelly's The Uncanny'." Art in America. October, 1993:55.

79 CONTRIBUTORS

All of the contributors to this issue are from the University of Guelph community.

Linda Day is a Librarian in the Cataloguing Division of the Library.

Doug Horne is a Librarian in the Reference Services Division of the Library.

W. K. McLean is a graduate student in the History Department.

Sharon E. Taylor is a Librarian in the Reference Services Division of the Library.

Karen Voss Peters is a Library Assistant in the Acquisitions and Bibliographic Searching Division of the Library.

Susan Waterman MacLean is a Librarian in the Reference Services Division of the Library.

80 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Drawing by Walter Crane, engraved by Swain. From Andrew Lang, The Library (London 1892), frontpiece...... cover

Courting Couple. Artist unkown. From Marriage and Home or Proposal and Espousal by a Clergyman (Brantford, Ont. 1888), facing page 165...... iv

Title page from Decreet of declarator of marriage... (Edinburgh 1748)...... 4

Title page from Answers for Mrs. Ann Murray... (Edinburgh? 1748)...... 8

Touching the female erect. From Jacques Pierre Maygrier, Midwifery Illustrated (New York 1833), plate XIXX...... 12

Title page from Charlotte Fuhrer, The mysteries of Montreal (Montreal 1881)...... 15

First and second positions of the right shoulder, the arm appearing and presenting. From Midwifery Illustrated, plate XL Vin...... 18

Nursing. From Midwifery Illustrated, plate LXXVU...... 20

Title page from Constitution and Rules of the Prime Gilt Box of Kirkaldy (Kirkaldy 1845)...... 24

81 Drawing of Kirkaldy Harbour by James Steward, engraved by Joseph Swan. From John M. Leighton, History of the County of Fife from the earliest period to the present time (Glasgow 1840), facing page 151...... 27

Drawing of High Street, Kirkaldy from History of the County of Fife, facing page 147...... 30

Sailors Walk at Kirkaldy Harbour from A. H. Millar, Fife: pictorial and historical (Cupar-Fife 1895), vol.2, n.p...... 33

Bill of lading from P. K. Livingstone, A History of Kirkaldy... (Kirkaldy 1955), p. 42...... 36

Apparatus for Measuring Transpiration from Leaf, Figure 9 from Sir Alfred Daniel Hall, The Feeding of Crops and Stock (London 1911), facing page 36...... 40

Berkshire Boar from Foster Dwight Cobum, Swine in America (New York 1909), facing page 348...... 43

Title page showing Khaki University Library stamp from Charles S. Plumb, Judging Farm Animals (New York 1916)...... 46

Interior of a well-kept cow bam from H. W. Conn, Practical Dairy Bacteriology (n.p. 1916), figure 44...... 49

Reading the Will by W. H. Lizars from William D. Mckay, The Scottish School of Painting (London 1906) facing page 158...... 54

82 Edinburgh Castle from the Grass Market engraved by W. H. Lizars from James Browne, Picturesque views of Edinburgh (Edinburgh 1825), n.p...... 56

Title page from William Home Lizars, Specimens (Edinburgh 1849)...... 58

Specimens of Transfers from plates printed from Stone from Specimens, n.p...... 60

Coiythaix Porphyreolopha from Specimens, n.p...... 62

Ornamental Letters from Specimens n.p...... 64

Title page from Galaxy Album, Autograph album of C. Campbell (Morriston?, Ont. 1882-1889)...... 68

“May happiness be thy lot...” from Autograph Album, n.p...... 71

“I love you like cheese...” from Autograph Album, n.p...... 73

Horseshoe page from Autograph Album, n.p...... 76

83 h Publication of the University of Guelph Library