SPEECH: Remarks at the Thurgoodmarshall Commemorative Luncheon Constance Baker Motley

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

SPEECH: Remarks at the Thurgoodmarshall Commemorative Luncheon Constance Baker Motley Brooklyn Law Review Volume 60 Issue 2 Article 22 The eS cond Circuit Review: 1992-93 Term 2-1-1996 SPEECH: Remarks at the ThurgoodMarshall Commemorative Luncheon Constance Baker Motley Follow this and additional works at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/blr Recommended Citation Constance B. Motley, SPEECH: Remarks at the ThurgoodMarshall Commemorative Luncheon, 60 Brook. L. Rev. 529 (1994). Available at: https://brooklynworks.brooklaw.edu/blr/vol60/iss2/22 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at BrooklynWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Brooklyn Law Review by an authorized editor of BrooklynWorks. FOREWORD: JUDGE CONSTANCE BAKER MOTLEY" William E. Hellersteint Judge Constance Baker Motley was born in New Haven and attended New Haven's public schools. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree in 1943 from New York University and her LL.B. in 1946 from Columbia University School of Law. Judge Motley joined the legal staff of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. in her third year at Columbia Law School and subsequently, as associate counsel, became its principal trial attorney. It was there that she began her long colleaguesbip with Thurgood Marshall, and she was one of the lawyers who, in 1954, helped write the briefs filed in the landmark school desegregation case of Brown v. Board of Education.1 In addition to appearing before state and federal courts throughout the United States in numerous civil rights matters, Judge Motley argued ten cases before the U.S. Supreme Court,2 winning nine, which were of key importance in securing equal rights for black Americans and bringing about the legal death of discrimination. The litigation that resulted in the admission of James Meredith to the University of Mississippi,3 Charlayne Hunter Gault and Hamilton Holmes *©1996 William E. Hellerstein. All Rights Reserved. t Professor of Law, Brooklyn Law School; Chairperson, Ad Hoc Committee to Commemorate Justice Thurgood Marshall, Association of the Bar of the City of New York. 1 347 U.S. 483 (1954). 2 Swain v. Alabama, 380 U.S. 202 (1965); Hamm v. City of Rock Hill, 379 U.S. 306 (1964); Bouie v. City of Columbia, 378 U.S. 347 (1964); Barr v. City of Columbia, 378 U.S. 146 (1964); Calhoun v. Latimer, 377 U.S. 263 (1964); Watson v. City of Memphis, 373 U.S. 526 (1963); Gober v. City of Birmingham, 373 U.S. 374 (1963); Shuttlesworth v. City of Birmingham, 373 U.S. 262 (1963); Turner v. City of Memphis, 369 U.S. 350 (1962); Hamilton v. State of Alabama, 368 U.S. 62 (1961). ' Meredith v. Fair, 298 F.2d 696 (5th Cir.), cert. denied, 371 U.S. 828 (1962). BROOKLYN LAW REVIEW [Vol. 62: 529 to the University of Georgia,4 Vivian Malone and James Hood to the University of Alabama5 and Harvey Gantt to Clemson College" are some of her better known cases. She also participated as chief counsel in many other school desegregation cases supported by the Legal Defense Fund, as well as cases involving housing, transportation, recreation and public accommodations. In 1964, Judge Motley became the first black woman to be elected to the New York State Senate. She immediately began a campaign for the extension of civil rights legislation and for additional low and middle income housing. In February 1965, she was elected by the Manhattan members of the New York City Council to fill a one-year vacancy in the office of President of the Borough of Manhattan and thus became the first woman to serve in that office and as a member of New York City's Board of Estimate. She was elected to a full four-year term in November 1965, when she became the first candidate for the Manhattan Presidency to win the endorsement of the Republican, Democratic and Liberal Parties. As Borough President, Judge Motley drew up a seven-point program for the revitalization of Harlem and East Harlem, and won a pioneering fight for $700,000 to plan for the renewal of those and other underprivileged areas of the city. On January 25, 1966, President Johnson nominated Judge Motley for a seat on the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. She was the first woman appointed to the Southern District bench and the first black woman appointed to the federal judiciary. She became Chief Judge of the Southern District on June 1, 1982, and served until October 1, 1986, when she assumed senior status. It is entirely fitting that, on the occasion of the Association's Second Annual Justice Thurgood Marshall Commemorative Luncheon, Judge Motley should share her thoughts on the effects of Plessy v. Ferguson,7 on this, the one hundredth anniversary of that ill-begotten decision. ' Holmes v. Danner, 191 F. Supp. 394 (M.D. Ga. 1961). Adams v. Lucy, 228 F.2d 619 (5th Cir. 1955), cert. denied, 351 U.S. 931 (1956). 6 Gantt v. Clemson Agricultural College of South Carolina, 320 F.2d 611 (4th Cir.), cert. denied, 375 U.S. 814 (1963). 163 U.S. 537 (1896). REMARKS AT THE THURGOOD MARSHALL COMTVIEMORATIVE LUNCHEON" Hon. Constance Baker Motleyt April 24, 1996 Association of the Bar of the City of New York May 18, 1996, is the one hundredth anniversary of the Supreme Court's decision in Plessy v. Ferguson.' Of course, those of us who have been personally involved in the struggle of black Americans over the last fifty years are turning our attention not to a celebration of the infamous Plessy decision but to a historical assessment of how the country has evolved in the past century, notwithstanding the Supreme Court's affirmance of the doctrine of "separate but equal."' There are going to be, for example, several conferences during the next few weeks at which civil rights advocates, academics and intellectuals will gather and discuss the historical context of Plessy, its searing influence on American societal development and, of course, the revolutionary effect of Plessy's reversal by the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education.' Plessy was the Supreme Court's decision to uphold race-based classifications as consistent with the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution, a decision that took almost sixty years to overturn and whose effects we still feel to this day. These conferees will certainly be discussing their concern about the fact that at the end of the twentieth century, one hundred years after Plessy, we face the impending demise of affirmative action. This concern is obviously misplaced. ©1996 Constance Baker Motley. All Rights Reserved. 'Senior Judge, United States District Court, Southern District of New York. 1 163 U.S. 537 (1896). 2 Id. at 552. ' Brown v. Board of Educ. of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954). BROOKIYN LAW REVIEW [Vol. 62:5629 Affirmative action is already dead. The Supreme Court, by requiring any such government-based programs to withstand the "strict scrutiny" test under the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments, has, in my opinion, effectively killed affirmative action, except as a remedy for proven past discrimination.4 As Justice Marshall said in his concurring opinion in Fullilove v. Klutznick,5 a case involving a federal affirmative action program, strict scrutiny is "strict in theory, but fatal in fact."6 The Plessy decision was rendered at a time that parallels the period in which we now find ourselves at the end of the twentieth century. The nineteenth century had witnessed an epic struggle in American society to bring about racial equality in its racially diverse community of free persons that came into being after the Civil War and a newly amended Constitution. The nineteenth century ended with the separate but equal compromise of the Fourteenth Amendment.! Today, we Americans find ourselves nearing the end of another epic struggle for racial equality whose auspicious rise with the decision in Brown may now decline with the demise of affirmative action. Just as Plessy signalled that "separate but equal" would be tolerated, the end of affirmative action in government programs will undoubtedly signal to many in the private sector an end to all affirmative action, leaving black Americans without effective legal redress for continuing racial discrimination in education, employment and housing. The nineteenth century, as you know, found us engaged in a struggle to end slavery, to confer citizenship on the former slaves and to enact laws designed to protect the former slaves See infra notes 20-28 and accompanying text. 448 U.S. 448, 519 (1978) (Marshall, J., concurring). 6 Id. 7 U.S. CONST. amend. XIV, § 1 provides: All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 1996] THURGOOD MARSHALL COMMEMORATiVE LUNCHEON 533 from discrimination by individuals as well as former hostile southern state governments. At the same time, it was a period of great uncertainty and dramatic change: politically, socially and economically. Winning the emancipation of the slaves in this country was a long and divisive struggle. The South opposed the North's effort to free the slaves and correct the economic distortion caused by the North's paid labor. Civil war was visited upon this country when the South seceded from the Union in 1861 and fired upon Fort Sumter.
Recommended publications
  • Fighting Back (1957-1962) NARRATOR: in 1954, the Supreme Court Said Black Children Would Go to School with White
    Fighting Back (1957-1962) NARRATOR: In 1954, the Supreme Court said black children would go to school with white. The South said, never. GOV. ORVAL FAUBUS: In the name of God, whom we all revere, in the name of liberty we hold so dear, in the name of decency, which we all cherish, what is happening in America? NARRATOR: Was this the start of a new Civil War? [singing] WILLIAM CARTER: Desegregation is against the Bible. I find my scripture for this in Genesis 9:27, where God did segregate and separate the three sons of Noah, sending one out to be a servant while the other two remained in the Tabernacle. I say that God has given the word, his Bible. It ain't right for men to end the curse that He's placed upon any human flesh. SEN. JAMES EASTLAND: All the people of the South are in favor of segregation. And Supreme Court or no Supreme Court, we are going to maintain segregated schools down in Dixie. SHERIFF MEL BAILEY: It wasn't funny then, it's still not funny. But suddenly we have the Fourteenth Amendment that took 100 years, brought on by the Civil War, suddenly must be complied with. Equal treatment under the law. And that was a resistance. They are not going to get equal treatment. What do you mean? Go to school with my little darling? That is why resistance. NARRATOR: In the late 1950s, the battle for Civil Rights was fought in the classrooms of the South. The Supreme Court had rules in a case called Brown vs.
    [Show full text]
  • Constance Baker Motley, James Meredith, and the University of Mississippi
    CONSTANCE BAKER MOTLEY, JAMES MEREDITH, AND THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSISSIPPI Denny Chin* & Kathy Hirata Chin** INTRODUCTION In 1961, James Meredith applied for admission to the University of Mississippi. Although he was eminently qualified, he was rejected. The University had never admitted a black student, and Meredith was black.1 Represented by Constance Baker Motley and the NAACP Legal De- fense and Educational Fund (LDF), Meredith brought suit in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Mississippi, alleging that the university had rejected him because of his race.2 Although seven years had passed since the Supreme Court’s ruling in Brown v. Board of Education,3 many in the South—politicians, the media, educators, attor- neys, and even judges—refused to accept the principle that segregation in public education was unconstitutional. The litigation was difficult and hard fought. Meredith later described the case as “the last battle of the * United States Circuit Judge, United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. ** Senior Counsel, Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft LLP. 1. See Meredith v. Fair, 305 F.2d 343, 345–46 (5th Cir. 1962) (setting forth facts); Meredith v. Fair, 298 F.2d 696, 697–99 (5th Cir. 1962) (same). The terms “black” and “Afri- can American” were not widely used at the time the Meredith case was litigated. Although the phrase “African American” was used as early as 1782, see Jennifer Schuessler, The Term “African-American” Appears Earlier than Thought: Reporter’s Notebook, N.Y. Times: Times Insider (Apr. 21, 2015), http://www.nytimes.com/times-insider/2015/04/21/ the-term-african-american-appears-earlier-than-thought-reporters-notebook/ (on file with the Columbia Law Review); Jennifer Schuessler, Use of ‘African-American’ Dates To Nation’s Earliest Days, N.Y.
    [Show full text]
  • Defeat in Decision, Victory in Action: a Critical Legal Rhetoric Reading of U.S
    Communication Law Review Volume 12, Issue 1 Defeat in Decision, Victory in Action: A Critical Legal Rhetoric Reading of U.S. v. Patridge et al. (1963) William Harrel Lawson, University of Maryland, College Park Scott Alan Smith, Westat U.S. v. Patridge et al. (1963) was one of the first modern Civil Rights cases tried in Federal Court. While all five defendants were found not guilty after a short deliberation by the jury, the prosecution claimed a moral victory just for trying the case as it signaled to the rest of the nation the Federal Government’s newfound willingness to hear civil rights cases—including those in the Deep South. Keywords: Hamer, Winona, Patridge, Mississippi, civil rights, federal trial Neil R. McMillen notes, “Mississippi, the pioneer state in the southern disfranchisement movement, had no peer in the denial of Black rights.”1 No other state in the union was as unified and consistent in its effort to crush integration. All forms of government, the Governor, judges, and local law enforcement defiantly ignored federal decrees and judicial rulings aimed to protect Blacks’ rights to vote, travel, and assemble. Instead, they maliciously tried to make examples of those who would dare to infiltrate their community and threaten the status quo. The federal government’s criminal reluctance to commit to the protection of equal rights needed changing in Mississippi. However, the state’s government firmly believed that they were stronger and more committed than the “Yankees” in Washington, D.C., and that they were in the moral and legal right to deny equal protection.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lemon Project: a Journey of Reconciliation Report of the First Eight Years
    THE LEMON PROJECT | A Journey of Reconciliation I. SUMMARY REPORT The Lemon Project: A Journey of Reconciliation Report of the First Eight Years SUBMITTED TO Katherine A. Rowe, President Michael R. Halleran, Provost February 2019 THE LEMON PROJECT STEERING COMMITTEE Jody Allen, Stephanie Blackmon, David Brown, Kelley Deetz, Leah Glenn, Chon Glover, ex officio, Artisia Green, Susan A. Kern, Arthur Knight, Terry Meyers, Neil Norman, Sarah Thomas, Alexandra Yeumeni 1 THE LEMON PROJECT | A Journey of Reconciliation I. SUMMARY REPORT Executive Summary In 2009, the William & Mary (W&M) Board of Visitors (BOV) passed a resolution acknowledging the institution’s role as a slaveholder and proponent of Jim Crow and established the Lemon Project: A Journey of Reconciliation. What follows is a report covering the work of the Project’s first eight years. It includes a recap of the programs and events sponsored by the Lemon Project, course development, and community engagement efforts. It also begins to come to grips with the complexities of the history of the African American experience at the College. Research and Scholarship structure and staffing. Section III, the final section, consists largely of the findings of archival research and includes an Over the past eight years, faculty, staff, students, and overview of African Americans at William & Mary. community volunteers have conducted research that has provided insight into the experiences of African Americans at William & Mary. This information has been shared at Conclusion conferences, symposia, during community presentations, in As the Lemon Project wraps up its first eight years, much scholarly articles, and in the classroom.
    [Show full text]
  • Key Moments in Black History, Starting in the 1600S and Ending in 2014
    Key moments in Black History, starting in the 1600s and ending in 2014. DATE KEY MOMENTS IN BLACK HISTORY 1619 The first African slaves arrive in Virgina, 1746 Lucy Terry, an enslaved person in 1746, becomes the earliest known black American poet when she writes about the last American Indian attack on her village of Deerfield, Massachusetts. Her poem, Bar's Fight, is not published until 1855 1773 Phillis Wheatley's book Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral is published, making her the first African American to do so. Slavery is made illegal in the Northwest Territory. The U.S Constitution states that Congress may not ban the slave trade until 1808. 1793 Eli Whitney's invention of the cotton gin greatly increases the demand for slave labor A federal fugitive slave law is enacted, providing for the return slaves who had escaped and crossed state lines. 1800 Gabriel Prosser, an enslaved African-American blacksmith, organizes a slave revolt intending to march on Richmond, Virginia. The conspiracy is uncovered, and Prosser and a number of the rebels are hanged. Virginia's slave laws are consequently tightened 1808 Congress bans the importation of slaves from Africa. 1820 The Missouri Compromise bans slavery north of the southern boundary of Missouri. 1822 Denmark Vesey, an enslaved African-American carpenter who had purchased his freedom, plans a slave revolt with the intent to lay siege on Charleston, South Carolina. The plot is discovered, and Vesey and 34 coconspirators are hanged. 1831 Nat Turner, an enslaved African-American preacher, leads the most significant slave uprising in American history.
    [Show full text]
  • Modern Civil Rights
    Contents: Modern Civil Rights Limited progress, early court cases Thurgood Marshall Welcome! Briggs & Bolling cases Brown case/Earl Warren These mini-lectures are an overview of your Reactions to Brown assigned readings—they should provide Rosa Parks & Montgomery better understanding of what you are reading! Martin Luther King/SCLC Little Rock desegregation/reactions Just listen (if audio is provided, it plays Sit-ins/Freedom Rides automatically), then read the slide, and use James Meredith & universities the next arrowhead. If you are viewing this in March on Washington PDF, use the down arrow at the top of the pdf. Assassination/LBJ Great Society Conclusions. & A brief post test. Civil Rights... • Race laws based on 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson…separate but equal • Very few early challenges –W.E.B. DuBois created NAACP 1905 –Racial issues delayed in emergencies of world wars and depression ch29,Holland 2 Limited Progress, 1930s... • FDR & Eleanor Roosevelt gave limited support to Civil Rights • Margold Report (NAACP), 1933 –suggested tactics to challenge Plessy • Legal Defense Fund (LDF) started in 1939 ch29,Holland 3 First Challenges... • NAACP planned to challenge the separation of public education… • Thurgood Marshall and others collected facts for a court case... • President Truman’s Civil Rights Commission supported action ch29,Holland 4 Thurgood Marshall and NAACP lawyers gather evidence. Lead counsel, Thurgood Marshall whom LBJ would later make a Supreme Court Justice Law School Case... • 1946--Univ. Texas Law School denied admission to blacks • NAACP sued & Texas opened a small black law school; • Texas won the law suit since separate schools were legally provided ch29,Holland 7 Shall We Target Public Schools...? • By the 1950s four approaches to separating the races in schools… –Northern states required integration –Southern states required segregation –Border states like Kansas allowed county option –Western states had no law either way ch29,Holland 8 1949 Briggs v.
    [Show full text]
  • We All Are Born Free and Equal
    We all are born free and equal January 2017 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Day of Celebration Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.-AUTHORITY: Public Law 98-144; Public Law 98-399; Proclamation 5431 Established -1986 (President Ronald Reagan) Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Emancipation Proclamation Issued 1863 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 24th Amendment Abolished 1964 29 30 31 JANUARY 2017 NOTE________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ February 2017 National African American History Month FEBRUARY- AFRICAN AMERICAN HISTORY MONTH- AUTHORITY: Executive Order 11478; Public Law 99-244; Proclamation 5443 Negro History Week -1926 by Dr. Carter G. Woodson. National Black (African American) History Month Established 1986 (President Ronald Reagan) Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday 1 2 3 4 Greensboro, NC Sit-in 15th Amendment 1870 1960 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 NAACP Founded Southern Christian 1909 Leadership Conference Est. 1957 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Malcolm X Assassinated 1965 26 27 28 FEBRUARY 2017 NOTE________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • Stepping Into Selma: Voting Rights History and Legacy Today
    Stepping Into Selma: Voting Rights History and Legacy Today Background In this 50th anniversary year of the Selma-to-Montgomery March and the Voting Rights Act it helped inspire, national media will predictably focus on the iconic images of “Bloody Sunday,” the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the interracial marchers, and President Lyndon Johnson signing the Voting Rights Act. This version of history, emphasizing a top-down narrative and isolated events, reinforces the master narrative that civil rights activists describe as “Rosa sat down, Martin stood up, and the white folks came south to save the day.” But there is a “people’s history” of Selma that we all can learn from—one that is needed, especially now. The exclusion of Blacks and other people of color from voting is still a live issue. Sheriff’s deputies may no longer be beating people to keep them from registering to vote, but institutionalized racism continues. For example, in 2013 the Supreme Court ruled in Shelby v. Holder that the Justice Department may no longer evaluate laws passed in the former Confederacy for racial bias. And as a new movement emerges, insisting that “Black Lives Matter,” young people can draw inspiration and wisdom from the courage, imagination, and accomplishments of activists who went before. [From article by Emilye Crosby.] This lesson on the people in Selma’s voting rights movement is based on an effective format that has been used with students and teachers to introduce a variety of themes including the history and literature of Central America, the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Thurgood Marshall: Thurgood Marshall: a Personal Tribute
    Valparaiso University Law Review Volume 26 Number 1 Symposium: The Bill of Rights Yesterday and Today: A Bicentennial Celebration Symposium: The Bill of Rights Yesterday and Today: A Bicentennial Celebration In Honor of Justice Thurgood Marshall: Thurgood Marshall: A Personal Tribute The Honorable Constance Baker Motely Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation The Honorable Constance Baker Motely, In Honor of Justice Thurgood Marshall: Thurgood Marshall: A Personal Tribute, 26 Val. U. L. Rev. (1991). Available at: https://scholar.valpo.edu/vulr/vol26/iss1/4 This Introduction is brought to you for free and open access by the Valparaiso University Law School at ValpoScholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Valparaiso University Law Review by an authorized administrator of ValpoScholar. For more information, please contact a ValpoScholar staff member at [email protected]. Motely: In Honor of Justice Thurgood Marshall: Thurgood Marshall: A Per THURGOOD MARSHALL: A PERSONAL TRIBUTE CONSTANCE BAKER MOTLEY* As soon as Thurgood Marshall announced his decision to retire as a Justice of the Supreme Court, assessments of his life and contributions to the development of constitutional law began to pour in, and -- much to my surprise in this conservative climate - they are all favorable. But lost in the shuffle may well be his personal, unique contributions to the advancement of women in the law. I want to acknowledge my own personal debt to Thurgood Marshall for aiding my career at a time when nobody was hiring women lawyers. In October 1945, I was in my last year at Columbia Law School in New York City.
    [Show full text]
  • Unknown Subject, Oxford, Mississippi; Paul L. Guihard (Deceased) - Victim CIVIL RIGHTS
    CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION Notice to Close File 07/16/2011 File No. 144-40-2153 Date To: Chief, Criminal Section Re: Unknown Subject, Oxford, Mississippi; Paul L. Guihard (Deceased) - Victim CIVIL RIGHTS It is recommended that the above case be closed for the following reasons: I. Case Synopsis On October 1, 1962, James Meredith became the first African-American student to register for classes at the University of Mississippi. Meredith’s registration came only after numerous federal court orders and against the virulent opposition of Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett and his many segregationist supporters across the South. On the night before Meredith’s registration, violent rioting broke out on the university campus. The rioting became so dangerously uncontrollable that President Kennedy ordered armed military troops to quell the violence. Hundreds were injured during the rioting, and two men died. One of those men, Paul Guihard, was a French reporter covering the Meredith desegregation story. Forensic evidence _____________________ William E. Nolan Trial Attorney ______________________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________________ To: Records Section Office of Legal Administration The above numbered file has been closed as of this date. _____________ ________________________________ Date Chief, Criminal Section FORMERLY CVR-3 FORM CL-3 revealed that Guihard’s death was caused by a single .38 caliber bullet fired at close range entering his body through the back and striking his heart. There are no known witnesses to this shooting, and ballistic testing of the firearms seized, or otherwise suspected of having been used, during the rioting failed to produce a match to the .38 caliber bullet recovered from Guihard’s body.
    [Show full text]
  • Amicus Brief
    No. 17-9572 IN THE Supreme Court of the United States CURTIS GIOVANNI FLOWERS, Petitioner, v. STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, Respondent. On Writ of Certiorari to the Mississippi Supreme Court BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE & EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC. IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER SHERRILYN A. IFILL CHRISTOPHER KEMMITT* Director-Counsel KERREL MURRAY JANAI S. NELSON NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE & SAMUEL SPITAL EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC. NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE & 700 14th St. NW Suite 600 EDUCATIONAL FUND, INC. Washington, DC 20005 40 Rector St., 5th Floor (202) 682-1300 New York, NY 10006 [email protected] Counsel for Amicus Curiae NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc. December 27, 2018 *Counsel of Record i TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ..................................... iii INTERESTS OF AMICUS CURIAE ..........................1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ..........................................................2 ARGUMENT ...............................................................3 I. THE RIGHTS TO SERVE ON—AND BE TRIED BY—AN IMPARTIAL, FAIRLY CONSTITUTED JURY, ARE INTEGRAL TO FULL AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP. ............... 3 II. THROUGH DETERMINED EVASION, RECALCITRANT STATES HAVE SUBORDINATED THE RIGHTS TO SERVE ON AND BE TRIED BY FAIRLY CONSTITUTED JURIES TO ANTI- BLACK DISCRIMINATION. ...............................6 A. Reconstruction’s Collapse Engendered Immediate Denial of the Jury-Trial Right. ..............................................................7 B. The States Innovated to Elude This Court’s Decisions
    [Show full text]
  • Mississippi Grassroots Organizer
    UCLA National Black Law Journal Title Fannie Lou Hamer: Mississippi Grassroots Organizer Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6f18r8t8 Journal National Black Law Journal, 2(2) ISSN 0896-0194 Author Johnson, Susan Publication Date 1972 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California FANNIE LOU HAMER: MISSISSIPPI GRASSROOTS ORGANIZER By SUSAN JOHNSON BLACK POLITICS in the South is and has always been related to the racial climate; patterns of racial segregation, characteristic of southern poli- tics, are indicative of white power. Discrimination deeply rooted in southern law and custom was enforced by legal and extra-legal violence. Traditionally, Mississippi, like most other southern states, excluded Blacks from positions of decision-making in all institutions, initiated the poll-tax bias in voting requirements, and used a variety of tactics to dissuade Blacks from partici- pating in the electoral system. The lynching records in Mississippi, bulwark of white supremacy, demonstrated the powerlessness and the vulnerability of the Black community. Only within the last two years has the selection of Black leadership in Mississippi changed. Generally speaking, the white establishment chooses the Negro leaders, thus illustrating that the Black community is still dependent. The ability of these leaders to effect the patterning of political behavior with their communities did not rest upon their control of institutional structures which in a major way affect social, politcal, and economic life; nor did it rest upon charismatic relationship with the Negro masses or upon the adoption of positions on race-related issues that articulated the deep sense of frustration and hostility which southern Negroes felt.
    [Show full text]