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The Warren Court and the Pursuit of Justice, 50 Wash
Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 50 | Issue 1 Article 4 Winter 1-1-1993 The aW rren Court And The Pursuit Of Justice Morton J. Horwitz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Morton J. Horwitz, The Warren Court And The Pursuit Of Justice, 50 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 5 (1993), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol50/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE WARREN COURT AND THE PURSUIT OF JUSTICE MORTON J. HoRwiTz* From 1953, when Earl Warren became Chief Justice, to 1969, when Earl Warren stepped down as Chief Justice, a constitutional revolution occurred. Constitutional revolutions are rare in American history. Indeed, the only constitutional revolution prior to the Warren Court was the New Deal Revolution of 1937, which fundamentally altered the relationship between the federal government and the states and between the government and the economy. Prior to 1937, there had been great continuity in American constitutional history. The first sharp break occurred in 1937 with the New Deal Court. The second sharp break took place between 1953 and 1969 with the Warren Court. Whether we will experience a comparable turn after 1969 remains to be seen. -
Volume 116-Part 8
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Q:ongrcssional1Rc(ord st PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 9 I CONGRESS SECOND SESSION VOLUME 116-PART 8 APRIL 1, 1970. TO APRIL 10, 1970 (PAGES 9923 TO 11270) UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, WASHINGTON, 1970 9960 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE crumb from the opposition Is hard to explain service on the highest court In the land (lack self to these issues. I ask unanimous con to the publlc. of judicial experience or close identification in RECORD. It could be that the organized forces op with special interests), all were routinely sent that it be printed the posing Judge Carswell are more alert to press approved. There being no objection the editorial agentry than the loose coalition in the sen And now here comes Goldberg to say that was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Rte that is supporting him. JUdge Carswell is "not fit." as follows: The press agent offers fresh news, while We wondered what our reaction had been FAILURES OF ECONOMIC POLICY the Record brings It stale to the attention to Goldberg's own nomination, and checked of news gatherers upon whom there Is great The cost of living index took another big the files. jump last month. Nationally, consumer prices pressure to start every day off new with the "The obvious thing to say of President abundance of news you know Is going to de were rising at an annual rate of 6.3 per cent; Kennedy's appointment of Arthur J. Gold in New York City the cllmb was at a 9.6 per velop that day. -
The Supreme Court of the United States
The Supreme Court of the United States Hearings and Reports on the Successful and Unsuccessful Nominations Now Includes the Kavanaugh and Preliminary Barrett Volumes! This online set contains all existing Senate documents for 1916 to date, as a result of the hearings and subsequent hearings on Supreme Court nominations� Included in the volumes are hearings never before made public! The series began with three volumes devoted to the controversial confirmation of Louis Brandeis, the first nominee subject to public hearings. The most recent complete volumes cover Justice Kavanaugh. After two years, the Judiciary Committee had finally released Kavanaugh’s nomination hearings, so we’ve been able to complete the online volumes� The material generated by Kavanaugh’s nomination was so voluminous that it takes up 8 volumes� The definitive documentary history of the nominations and confirmation process, this ongoing series covers both successful and unsuccessful nominations� As a measure of its importance, it is now consulted by staff of the Senate Judiciary Committee as nominees are considered� Check your holdings and complete your print set! Volume 27 (1 volume) 2021 Amy Coney Barrett �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 26 (8 volumes) - 2021 Brett Kavanaugh ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 25 (2 books) - 2018 Neil M� Gorsuch ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������$380�00 -
Proceedings in the Supreme Court of the United States in Memory of Justice Goldberg
~epartment of Wustite PROCEEDINGS IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES IN MEMORY OF JUSTICE GOLDBERG Monday, October 15, 1990 REMARKS OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES MR. CHIEF JUSTICE, and may it please the Court: The Bar of this Court met today to honor the memory of Arthur Joseph Goldberg, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court from 1962 to 1965. Arthur Goldberg served the Nation with distinction as a lawyer, soldier, Cabinet officer, Supreme Court Justice, and diplomat. Born in Chicago in 1908, he was educated in the Chicago public schools and at Northwestern University, where he , was first in his law school class and Editor-in-Chief of the Law Review. By special dispensation, Arthur Goldberg sat for the Illinois bar examination before he reached the age of 21. He was admitted 'to the Illinois bar in 1929 and began a general law I practice in Chicago. He opened his own law office in 1933, and soon began hanaling labor matters for clients such as the United Steelworkers and the Chicago Newspaper Guild. During World War II, Arthur Goldberg served under William J. Donovan as Chief of the Labor Division in the Office of strategic services. He carried out several intelligence missions to Europe, where he organized transportation workers into a valuable Allied intelligence network. After the war, he resumed his law practice and soon gained recognition as a preeminent labor lawyer. He served as general - 2 counsel to the United Steelworkers from 1948 to 1961. As general counsel to the Congress of Industrial Organizations, Arthur Goldberg played a major role in the merger of that organization and the American Federation of Labor in 1955. -
A Jewish Seat on the Supreme Court
A Jewish seat on the Supreme Court? By Shiela Steinman Wallace February 13, 2003 https://www.jta.org/2003/02/13/lifestyle/a-jewish-seat-on-the- supreme-court Is there a Jewish seat on the Supreme Court? Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg contends that there once was, but that is no longer the case. She explored the subject during the 2003 Louis D. Brandeis Lecture on Tuesday, February 11, at the Seelbach Hotel. Immediately following the lecture, the University of Louisville’s Louis D. Brandeis School of Law Brandeis Scholars presented Justice Ginsburg with the Brandeis Medal. The medal recognizes individuals whose lives reflect Justice Brandeis’ commitment to the ideals of individual liberty, concern for the disadvantaged and public service. Judah Benjamin While Justice Brandeis was the first Jew appointed to the Supreme Court, Justice Ginsburg pointed out that he was not the first Jew nominated for the position. That honor went to Louisiana Sen. Judah Benjamin, who was nominated by President Millard Fillmore in 1851. Benjamin declined the honor, preferring to remain in the Senate, because, Justice Ginsburg noted, the Supreme Court had not yet achieved full equality as a branch of government. Benjamin resigned his Senate seat in 1861 when Louisiana suceeded from the Union and went on to hold leadership positions in the Confederacy. When the Confederacy was defeated, Benjamin fled to England and, at age 60, built another successful career as a barrister there, even serving as Queen’s Counsel. What is most remarkable about Benjamin, Justice Ginsburg pointed out is that he achieved such a high level of success twice in his lifetime in spite of a great deal of anti-Semitic activity at that time. -
VI. Gewerkschaften Und Politische Parteien
2 5. Buch der Roten Bücher der „Marxistischen Büchergemeinde“ Das rote Gewerk- schafts- buch Von August Enderle Heinrich Schreiner Jacob Walcher Eduard Weckerle Freie Verlagsgesellschaft m.b.H., Berlin O 27 Vorbemerkungen Mit dem vorliegenden Buch stellen sich die Autoren (A.Enderle, H.Schreiner, E.Weckerle und J.Walcher) die Aufgabe, die wichtigsten theoretischen und prakti- schen Fragen der Gewerkschaftsarbeit vom revolutionären Standpunkt aus zu be- trachten. Wir sind uns voll bewusst, dass im gegebenen Rahmen der „Roten Bücher“ unsere Aufgabe nur beschränkt erfüllt werden konnte. Manche Frage, die heute den Ge- werkschafter beschäftigt, konnte entweder gar nicht oder nur sehr knapp berührt werden. Trotzdem hoffen wir, dass das Buch zur Klärung strittiger Gewerkschaftsfra- gen beiträgt und sich als ein brauchbarer Wegweiser in praktisch-revolutionärer Ge- werkschaftsarbeit erweisen wird. Die Autoren Berlin, im Juni 1932 4 Inhalt I. Der Werdegang der Gewerkschaften a) Die Entwicklung zum Nurgewerkschaftertum b) Im Zeichen des Burgfriedens c) Wirtschaftsdemokratische Illusionen II. Von der Prosperität zur Krise a) Der Rausch der Rationalisierung b) Arbeitslosigkeit als Dauererscheinung c) Die Lawine des Lohnabbaues d) Der Sturm auf die Sozialversicherung III. Die Bedingungen des gewerkschaftlichen Kampfes a) Der Kreislauf im Kapitalismus b) Tarnows Zauberkräfte. c) Brot oder Profit? d) Akkumulation und Arbeitslohn e) Die Gewerkschaften am Scheideweg IV. Die Entwicklung der gewerkschaftlichen Organisationen a) Die Entwicklung der Kanipfformen. b) Die Entwicklung der Verwaltungsformen. (Das Unterstützungswesen) V. Die „Fehlentwicklung“ der gewerkschaftlichen Organisatio- nen. a) Die Apparatisierung. b) Die Automatisierung . c) Die Bürokratisierurtg . d) Zur Soziologie des Gewerkschaftsbeamten e) Der Weg zur Änderung VI. Gewerkschaften und politische Parteien Der Unterschied von Partei und Gewerkschaft. -
Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft Und Politik
Dokserver des Zentrums Digitale Reprints für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam http://zeitgeschichte-digital.de/Doks Mario Keßler Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft und Politik. Remigrierte Historiker in der frühen DDR http://dx.doi.org/10.14765/zzf.dok.1.911 Reprint von: Mario Keßler, Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft und Politik. Remigrierte Historiker in der frühen DDR, Böhlau Köln, 2001 (Zeithistorische Studien. Herausgegeben vom Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam. Band 18), ISBN 3-412-14300-6 Copyright der digitalen Neuausgabe (c) 2017 Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam e.V. (ZZF) und Autor, alle Rechte vorbehalten. Dieses Werk wurde vom Autor für den Download vom Dokumentenserver des ZZF freigegeben und darf nur vervielfältigt und erneut veröffentlicht werden, wenn die Einwilligung der o.g. Rechteinhaber vorliegt. Bitte kontaktieren Sie: <[email protected]> Zitationshinweis: Mario Keßler (2001), Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft und Politik. Remigrierte Historiker in der frühen DDR, Dokserver des Zentrums für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam, http://dx.doi.org/10.14765/zzf.dok.1.911 Ursprünglich erschienen als: Mario Keßler, Exilerfahrung in Wissenschaft und Politik. Remigrierte Historiker in der frühen DDR, Böhlau Köln, 2005 (Zeithistorische Studien. Herausgegeben vom Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam. Band 18), ISBN 3-412-14300-6 http://dx.doi.org/10.14765/zzf.dok.1.911 Zeithistorische Studien Herausgegeben vom Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam Band 18 Corrigenda • S. 10, Zeile 16/17: statt: Kuczyński, Alfred Meusel, Hans Mottek, Arnold Reisberg und Leo Stern waren assimilierte Juden lies: Kuczyński, Hans Mottek, Arnold Reisberg und Leo Stern waren assimilierte Juden S. 147, Zeile 15/16: statt: Has-homer Hatzair lies: Ha-shomer Hatzair Copyright (c) Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung Potsdam e.V. -
This Thesis Examines the Rhetoric of East German Domestic and Foreign Politics and How the Issue of Race and Racism Was Handled
This thesis examines the rhetoric of East German domestic and foreign politics and how the issue of race and racism was handled. It covers the time period from the early 1950s through the 1960s, while contextualizing East German politics with German politics of the Weimar and Nazi eras. Accounts of racism towards Jews, Slavs and groups from Africa, Latin America and South East Asia are examined. The thesis attempts to show that in the self-proclaimed anti-racist state of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), racism marked both domestic and foreign politics and greatly influenced the Cold War politics of East Germany. The racism that was tolerated and promoted in the early period of the GDR still influences Germany today. 1 I give permission for public access to my thesis and for any copying to be done at the discretion of the archives librarian and/or the College librarian. Lauren Stillman 06.01.06 2 Cold War Dictatorship: Racism in the German Democratic Republic By Lauren A. Stillman A thesis presented to the faculty of Mount Holyoke College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors International Relations Program Mount Holyoke College South Hadley, Massachusetts 5 May, 2006 3 Acknowledgments The following people have been instrumental in helping me complete this work. Without their support and encouragement I might still be stuck in an archive in Berlin, fascinated by all the old German documents that I could not decipher. First and foremost, thank you Jeremy King for your kind patience, steadfast encouragement and incredible input. -
Five Justices and Why They Left the Court for "Better" Positions
JOURNAL OF S UPREME C OURT H ISTORY Five Justices and Why They Left the Court for “Better” Positions JAMES F. FLANAGAN Justices are notoriously reluctant to leave Understanding the reasons that prompted the Court. Forty-nine died in office, and age each to leave the most powerful and presti- and illness prompted almost all the others to gious position in the federal judiciary reveals depart.1 Yet five Justices did leave for another, much about the men, their times, and the and perhaps, better job. They were, in the Court. Was their momentous decision a order of their resignations, John Rutledge, the cause of later regret, or did they find their first senior Associate Justice, who resigned in subsequent careers more important and 1791 to become the Chief Justice of the fulfilling? South Carolina Court of Common Pleas and These Justices shared some important General Sessions; John Jay, the first Chief characteristics. All were men of action and Justice, who followed in 1795 after being political affairs. All came to the Court as elected governor of New York; Charles Evans national political figures. Three had been Hughes, who resigned in 1916 to be the elected to high office, Rutledge and Hughes Republican candidate for President; James F. as governors of their respective states and Byrnes, who left in 1942 to become the Byrnes as a senator, and the latter two were Director of the Office of Economic Stabiliza- mentioned as potential national candidates. tion; and Arthur Goldberg, who resigned in Jay held important positions under the 1965 to serve as the U.S. -
BBA Concon Paper
820 First Street NE, Suite 510 Washington, DC 20002 Tel: 202-408-1080 Fax: 202-408-1056 [email protected] www.cbpp.org Updated January 18, 2017 States Likely Could Not Control Constitutional Convention on Balanced Budget Amendment or Other Issues By Michael Leachman and David A. Super1 In the coming months, a number of states are likely to consider resolutions that call for a convention to propose amendments to the U.S. Constitution to require a balanced federal budget, and possibly to shrink federal authority in other, often unspecified, ways. Proponents of these resolutions claim that 28 of the 34 states required to call a constitutional convention already have passed such resolutions. State lawmakers considering such resolutions should be skeptical of claims being made by groups promoting the resolutions (such as the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC) that states could control the actions or outcomes of a constitutional convention. A convention likely would be extremely contentious and highly politicized, and its results impossible to predict. A number of prominent jurists and legal scholars have warned that a constitutional convention could open up the Constitution to radical and harmful changes. For instance, the late Justice Antonin Scalia said in 2014, “I certainly would not want a constitutional convention. Whoa! Who knows what would come out of it?”2 Similarly, former Chief Justice of the United States Warren Burger wrote in 1988: [T]here is no way to effectively limit or muzzle the actions of a Constitutional Convention. The Convention could make its own rules and set its own agenda. -
Das Gewerkschaftspolitische Selbstverständnis Otto Brenners in Der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
Nationalsozialistische Erfahrung 59 Jens Becker / Harald Jentsch „Es darf nie wieder zu einem 1933 kommen!“ Das gewerkschaftspolitische Selbstverständnis Otto Brenners in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland „Als sich im Jahre 1945 die wenigen Gewerkschafter, die manchmal nur durch Zufall (hand- schriftliche Einfügung, die Verf.) das „Dritte Reich“ und seinen Untergang überlebt hatten, in den Trümmern ihrer Städte wieder zusammenfanden, waren sie alle darüber einig: „Es darf nie wieder zu einem 1933 kommen!1 Gerade die jungen Menschen sollten diesen Schwur bekräftigen durch das Gelöbnis, dass wir bereit sind, unsere aus den Trümmern des Dritten Reiches neuerstandene Demokratie gegen alle ihre Feinde von rechts und links mit aller Entschiedenheit zu verteidigen.“2 Fünfzehn Jahre nach Kriegsende erinnerte der Vorsitzende der IG Metall, Otto Brenner, auf einem Bezirksjugendtreffen an das Trauma der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung von 1933: ihre kampflose Niederlage, Verbot und Verfolgung, kumulierender Terror und schließlich weltweiter Krieg und Vernichtung, entfesselt durch die deutsche Militärmaschinerie. Einige Wochen zuvor ermahnte Brenner das Auditorium der Hildesheimer Volkshoch- schule: „Kenntnis der Geschichte, vor allem unserer eigenen, ist das A und O jeder demo- kratischen Erziehung und Bewusstseinsbildung.“3 Es sei eine Schande, dass noch immer viele Verbrechen der NS-Zeit nicht aufgeklärt oder angezeigt worden seien, dass von „einer Bereinigung dieser dunkelsten Punkte unserer Vergangenheit“ nicht gesprochen werden könne.4 Noch pointierter wies ein Jahr zuvor der Frankfurter Sozialphilosoph Theodor W. Adorno, der 1949 aus den USA nach Deutschland remigrierte, auf einige Schattenseiten der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft hin: „Der Nationalsozialismus lebt nach, und bis heute wissen wir nicht, ob bloß als Gespenst dessen, was so monströs war, dass es am eigenen Tode noch nicht starb oder ob es gar nicht Referat Otto Brenners auf dem IGM Bezirksjugendtreffen in Bonn, 29. -
Landsforræderi” Som Motstand!
219 Dieter Nelles “Landsforræderi” som motstand! Den Internasjonale Transportarbeider- føderasjonens (ITF) samarbeid med engelsk etterretningstjeneste 1939-1945 “Jeg frykter at en tysker som tjenestegjør i engelsk eller fransk armé vil støte på store vanskeligheter når det poli tiske opprenskningsarbeidet blant massene som er forgiftet med nazistisk propaganda kommer igang etter krigen.” Dette skrev Walter Auerbach, redaktør av ITFs tidskrift “Faschismus” i et brev til en tysk kamerat.1 Hans spådom skulle vise seg å holde stikk. Alle nasjonalsosialismens motstandere som kjempet med de allierte styrkene, eller samarbeidet med deres sikkerhetstjenster, ble brennmerket som “spioner og sabotører mot fedrelandet”2 i nasjonalis tiske kretser i Vest-Tyskland. De ble ikke betraktet som en del av motstanden mot nasjonalsosialismen.3 Det var ikke bare i nasjonalistiske kretser det ble satt ITFs generalsekretær, skille mellom høyforræderi og landsforræderi mot Nazi- Edo Fimmen (1881- Tyskland. Hans Jahn, den første formannen i det vesttyske 1942), var en sentral Jernbanearbeiderforbundet og SPD-parlamentsmedlem, skikkelse innen interna sjonal arbeiderbevegelse følte seg ærekrenket av sine egne kollegaer i forbundsstyret i mellomkrigsårene. Han som “betalt agent for en fremmed makt”.4 Jahn, som organi var en av de få, innflytel serte motstanden blant tyske jernbanearbeidere tilknyttet sesrike fagforenings ITF fra 1933, kunne returnere til Tyskland allerede i april ledere som tidlig så 1945 ved hjelp av amerikansk sikkerhetstjeneste. Han ga da hvilken fare fascismen utgjorde for den interna uttrykkelig beskjed om at han “ikke på noe tidspunkt hadde sjonale arbeiderbevegel vært knyttet til en alliert troppe-enhet.5 sen. Fimmen, som Transportarbeiderinternasjonalen hadde, under ledelse tidligere bl.a. hadde vært av sin nederlandske generalsekretær Edo Fimmen (1881- formann i den nederland 1942) samarbeidet med engelsk og fransk sikkerhetstjeneste ske landsorganisasjonen, allerede før krigen startet.