Oral History Interview – JFK #1, 11/16/1964 Administrative Information
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The Warren Court and the Pursuit of Justice, 50 Wash
Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 50 | Issue 1 Article 4 Winter 1-1-1993 The aW rren Court And The Pursuit Of Justice Morton J. Horwitz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Morton J. Horwitz, The Warren Court And The Pursuit Of Justice, 50 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 5 (1993), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol50/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE WARREN COURT AND THE PURSUIT OF JUSTICE MORTON J. HoRwiTz* From 1953, when Earl Warren became Chief Justice, to 1969, when Earl Warren stepped down as Chief Justice, a constitutional revolution occurred. Constitutional revolutions are rare in American history. Indeed, the only constitutional revolution prior to the Warren Court was the New Deal Revolution of 1937, which fundamentally altered the relationship between the federal government and the states and between the government and the economy. Prior to 1937, there had been great continuity in American constitutional history. The first sharp break occurred in 1937 with the New Deal Court. The second sharp break took place between 1953 and 1969 with the Warren Court. Whether we will experience a comparable turn after 1969 remains to be seen. -
A Tale of Prosecutorial Indiscretion: Ramsey Clark and the Selective Non-Prosecution of Stokley Carmichael
South Carolina Law Review Volume 62 Issue 1 Article 2 Fall 2010 A Tale of Prosecutorial Indiscretion: Ramsey Clark and the Selective Non-Prosecution of Stokley Carmichael Lonnie T. Brown Jr. University of Georgia School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/sclr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lonnie T. Brown, Jr., A Tale of Prosecutorial Indiscretion: Ramsey Clark and the Selective Non-Prosecution of Stokley Carmichael, 62 S. C. L. Rev. 1 (2010). This Article is brought to you by the Law Reviews and Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in South Carolina Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Brown: A Tale of Prosecutorial Indiscretion: Ramsey Clark and the Select A TALE OF PROSECUTORIAL INDISCRETION: RAMSEY CLARK AND THE SELECTIVE NON-PROSECUTION OF STOKELY CARMICHAEL LONNIE T. BROWN, JR.* I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 1 II. THE PROTAGONISTS .................................................................................... 8 A. Ramsey Clark and His Civil Rights Pedigree ...................................... 8 B. Stokely Carmichael: "Hell no, we won't go!.................................. 11 III. RAMSEY CLARK'S REFUSAL TO PROSECUTE STOKELY CARMICHAEL ......... 18 A. Impetus Behind Callsfor Prosecution............................................... 18 B. Conspiracy to Incite a Riot.............................................................. -
Volume 116-Part 8
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Q:ongrcssional1Rc(ord st PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 9 I CONGRESS SECOND SESSION VOLUME 116-PART 8 APRIL 1, 1970. TO APRIL 10, 1970 (PAGES 9923 TO 11270) UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, WASHINGTON, 1970 9960 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE crumb from the opposition Is hard to explain service on the highest court In the land (lack self to these issues. I ask unanimous con to the publlc. of judicial experience or close identification in RECORD. It could be that the organized forces op with special interests), all were routinely sent that it be printed the posing Judge Carswell are more alert to press approved. There being no objection the editorial agentry than the loose coalition in the sen And now here comes Goldberg to say that was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Rte that is supporting him. JUdge Carswell is "not fit." as follows: The press agent offers fresh news, while We wondered what our reaction had been FAILURES OF ECONOMIC POLICY the Record brings It stale to the attention to Goldberg's own nomination, and checked of news gatherers upon whom there Is great The cost of living index took another big the files. jump last month. Nationally, consumer prices pressure to start every day off new with the "The obvious thing to say of President abundance of news you know Is going to de were rising at an annual rate of 6.3 per cent; Kennedy's appointment of Arthur J. Gold in New York City the cllmb was at a 9.6 per velop that day. -
DOJ BACKGROUND/RECORDS A. Key Officials
DOJ BACKGROUND/RECORDS A. Key Officials --Attorney General-- Robert F. Kennedy, 1961-6 Nicholas Katzenbach ? Ramsey Clarke, 196_-__ Griffin Bell (worked with HSCA) --Deputy Attorney General--Nicholas deB. Katzenbach (under Kennedy) --Associate Attorney General --Office of Legislative Affairs --Assistant Attorney General Michael Uhlman, worked with the HSCA --Office of Public Affairs --Office of Policy Development --Office of Information and Privacy --Office of Legal Counsel --Norbert A. Schlei (Assistant AG under Kennedy) --Frank M. Wozencraft (1968) --Assistant Attorney General for Criminal Division --Herbert J. Miller, Jr. (under Kennedy) --Fred M. Vinson, Jr. (@ 1965-68) --Composed of the following sections:General Crimes; Fraud; Organized Crime & Racketeering (the Chief of the Organized Crime Section in 1963 was William G. Hundley); Administrative Regulations (covers immigration); Appeals and Research. --Jeff Fogel was on the JFK Assassination Task Force in 1980 --Internal Security Division --J. Walter Yeagley (under Kennedy and Johnson) --Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Division --John W. Douglas (1965) --Barefoot Sanders (1967) --Edwin Weisl, Jr. (1968) --Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division --Burke Marshall ? (under Kennedy) --John Doar (1967) --Robert Owens (1968) --Assistant Attorney General for the Tax Division --Louis Oberdorfer (under Kennedy) --Robert L. Keuch, Special Counsel to the Attorney General (G. Bell), worked with the HSCA B. Assassination Records Located to Date --Microfilmed DOJ Records from the JFK Library (Need To Review) --Office of Information and Privacy Files re: FOIA Appeals of Harold Weisberg (Civi Action No. 75-0226) and James Lesar, including the documents that were the subject of the appeal. Approximately 3,600 records were identified and 85% transferred to NARA. -
The Supreme Court of the United States
The Supreme Court of the United States Hearings and Reports on the Successful and Unsuccessful Nominations Now Includes the Kavanaugh and Preliminary Barrett Volumes! This online set contains all existing Senate documents for 1916 to date, as a result of the hearings and subsequent hearings on Supreme Court nominations� Included in the volumes are hearings never before made public! The series began with three volumes devoted to the controversial confirmation of Louis Brandeis, the first nominee subject to public hearings. The most recent complete volumes cover Justice Kavanaugh. After two years, the Judiciary Committee had finally released Kavanaugh’s nomination hearings, so we’ve been able to complete the online volumes� The material generated by Kavanaugh’s nomination was so voluminous that it takes up 8 volumes� The definitive documentary history of the nominations and confirmation process, this ongoing series covers both successful and unsuccessful nominations� As a measure of its importance, it is now consulted by staff of the Senate Judiciary Committee as nominees are considered� Check your holdings and complete your print set! Volume 27 (1 volume) 2021 Amy Coney Barrett �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 26 (8 volumes) - 2021 Brett Kavanaugh ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 25 (2 books) - 2018 Neil M� Gorsuch ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������$380�00 -
Proceedings in the Supreme Court of the United States in Memory of Justice Goldberg
~epartment of Wustite PROCEEDINGS IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES IN MEMORY OF JUSTICE GOLDBERG Monday, October 15, 1990 REMARKS OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES MR. CHIEF JUSTICE, and may it please the Court: The Bar of this Court met today to honor the memory of Arthur Joseph Goldberg, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court from 1962 to 1965. Arthur Goldberg served the Nation with distinction as a lawyer, soldier, Cabinet officer, Supreme Court Justice, and diplomat. Born in Chicago in 1908, he was educated in the Chicago public schools and at Northwestern University, where he , was first in his law school class and Editor-in-Chief of the Law Review. By special dispensation, Arthur Goldberg sat for the Illinois bar examination before he reached the age of 21. He was admitted 'to the Illinois bar in 1929 and began a general law I practice in Chicago. He opened his own law office in 1933, and soon began hanaling labor matters for clients such as the United Steelworkers and the Chicago Newspaper Guild. During World War II, Arthur Goldberg served under William J. Donovan as Chief of the Labor Division in the Office of strategic services. He carried out several intelligence missions to Europe, where he organized transportation workers into a valuable Allied intelligence network. After the war, he resumed his law practice and soon gained recognition as a preeminent labor lawyer. He served as general - 2 counsel to the United Steelworkers from 1948 to 1961. As general counsel to the Congress of Industrial Organizations, Arthur Goldberg played a major role in the merger of that organization and the American Federation of Labor in 1955. -
A Jewish Seat on the Supreme Court
A Jewish seat on the Supreme Court? By Shiela Steinman Wallace February 13, 2003 https://www.jta.org/2003/02/13/lifestyle/a-jewish-seat-on-the- supreme-court Is there a Jewish seat on the Supreme Court? Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg contends that there once was, but that is no longer the case. She explored the subject during the 2003 Louis D. Brandeis Lecture on Tuesday, February 11, at the Seelbach Hotel. Immediately following the lecture, the University of Louisville’s Louis D. Brandeis School of Law Brandeis Scholars presented Justice Ginsburg with the Brandeis Medal. The medal recognizes individuals whose lives reflect Justice Brandeis’ commitment to the ideals of individual liberty, concern for the disadvantaged and public service. Judah Benjamin While Justice Brandeis was the first Jew appointed to the Supreme Court, Justice Ginsburg pointed out that he was not the first Jew nominated for the position. That honor went to Louisiana Sen. Judah Benjamin, who was nominated by President Millard Fillmore in 1851. Benjamin declined the honor, preferring to remain in the Senate, because, Justice Ginsburg noted, the Supreme Court had not yet achieved full equality as a branch of government. Benjamin resigned his Senate seat in 1861 when Louisiana suceeded from the Union and went on to hold leadership positions in the Confederacy. When the Confederacy was defeated, Benjamin fled to England and, at age 60, built another successful career as a barrister there, even serving as Queen’s Counsel. What is most remarkable about Benjamin, Justice Ginsburg pointed out is that he achieved such a high level of success twice in his lifetime in spite of a great deal of anti-Semitic activity at that time. -
Rethinking the Identity and Role of United States Attorneys
Rethinking the Identity and Role of United States Attorneys Sara Sun Beale* The reputation and credibility of the Department of Justice were badly tarnished during the Bush administration. This article focuses on concerns regarding the role of partisan politics.1 Critics charge that during the Bush administration improper partisan political considerations pervasively influenced a wide range of decisions including the selection of immigration judges, summer interns and line attorneys; the assignment of career attorneys to particular details; the evaluation of the performance of United States Attorneys; and the decision whether and when to file charges in cases with political ramifications. The Inspector General’s lengthy and highly critical reports have substantiated some of these charges.2 The first two Inspector General (IG) Reports found that the Department improperly used political criteria in hiring and assigning some immigration judges, interns, and career prosecutors.3 The third report * Charles L.B. Lowndes Professor, Duke Law School, Durham, N.C. I would like to acknowledge the outstanding research assistance provided by Michael Devlin, Meghan Ferguson, Amy Taylor, and Molly Brownfield, and the helpful comments of Norman Abrams, Albert Alschuler, Rachel Barkow, Anthony Barkow, Candace Carroll, Colm Connolly, Ronald Goldstock, Bruce Green, Lisa Kern Griffin, James Jacobs, Susan Klein, Daniel Richman, and Adam Safwat. Of course any errors are my own. 1 Other serious concerns about the Department have been raised, particularly in connection with its role in the war on terror. For example, the Department has been the subject of intense criticism for legal analysis that led to the authorization of brutal interrogation techniques for detainees. -
Five Justices and Why They Left the Court for "Better" Positions
JOURNAL OF S UPREME C OURT H ISTORY Five Justices and Why They Left the Court for “Better” Positions JAMES F. FLANAGAN Justices are notoriously reluctant to leave Understanding the reasons that prompted the Court. Forty-nine died in office, and age each to leave the most powerful and presti- and illness prompted almost all the others to gious position in the federal judiciary reveals depart.1 Yet five Justices did leave for another, much about the men, their times, and the and perhaps, better job. They were, in the Court. Was their momentous decision a order of their resignations, John Rutledge, the cause of later regret, or did they find their first senior Associate Justice, who resigned in subsequent careers more important and 1791 to become the Chief Justice of the fulfilling? South Carolina Court of Common Pleas and These Justices shared some important General Sessions; John Jay, the first Chief characteristics. All were men of action and Justice, who followed in 1795 after being political affairs. All came to the Court as elected governor of New York; Charles Evans national political figures. Three had been Hughes, who resigned in 1916 to be the elected to high office, Rutledge and Hughes Republican candidate for President; James F. as governors of their respective states and Byrnes, who left in 1942 to become the Byrnes as a senator, and the latter two were Director of the Office of Economic Stabiliza- mentioned as potential national candidates. tion; and Arthur Goldberg, who resigned in Jay held important positions under the 1965 to serve as the U.S. -
The Fourth Amendment's National Security Exception: Its History and Limits L
Vanderbilt Law Review Volume 66 | Issue 5 Article 1 10-2013 The ourF th Amendment's National Security Exception: Its History and Limits L. Rush Atkinson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr Part of the Fourth Amendment Commons Recommended Citation L. Rush Atkinson, The ourF th Amendment's National Security Exception: Its History and Limits, 66 Vanderbilt Law Review xi (2019) Available at: https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vlr/vol66/iss5/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Vanderbilt Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarship@Vanderbilt Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Fourth Amendment's National Security Exception: Its History and Limits L. Rush Atkinson 66 Vand. L. Rev. 1343 (2013) Each year, federal agents conduct thousands of "national security investigations" into suspected spies, terrorists, and other foreign threats. The constitutional limits imposed by the Fourth Amendment, however, remain murky, and the extent to which national security justifies deviations from the Amendment's traditional rules is unclear. With little judicial precedent on point, the gloss of past executive practice has become an important means for gauging the boundaries of today's national security practices. Accounts of past executive practice, however, have thus far been historically incomplete, leading to distorted analyses of its precedential significance. Dating back to World War II, national security investigations have involved warrantless surveillance and searches-conduct clearly impermissible in the traditional law-enforcement context- authorized under the theory of a "national security" or "foreign intelligence" exception to the Fourth Amendment. -
Separate Spheres
THE YALE LAW JOURNAL CARY FRANKLIN Separate Spheres ABSTRACT. This essay is about the mixed legacy, or incomplete achievement, of the landmark legal changes of the Second Reconstruction. This mixed legacy is one of the central themes of The Civil Rights Revolution, the third volume of Bruce Ackerman's We the People series. The book provides a sweeping account of constitutional change in the 196os and early 1970s, focusing on both the remarkable legislative accomplishments of that period and the limitations and disappointments that accompanied them. Ackerman argues that these limitations were baked in: The landmark statutes of the Second Reconstruction failed to attend to, or combat, forms of discrimination and disadvantage that travel across different social contexts, and thus cannot provide a platform for addressing such problems today. This essay offers a different perspective on the legislative achievements of the Second Reconstruction. "Interspherical impacts" -the cumulative effects of discrimination and disadvantage across multiple spheres of civil society- are a pressing social problem, and one the law today often fails to rectify, or even to recognize. But these limitations were not an inherent part of the constitutional change that occurred during the civil rights era. Indeed, this essay argues that concern about interspherical impacts motivated many of the key statutes and legal decisions of the period, and that these statutes and decisions provide a foundation for developing twenty-first century legal understandings that are responsive to forms of discrimination and disadvantage that migrate across different spheres. AUTHOR. Assistant Professor, University of Texas School of Law. I am grateful to Joey Fishkin, Sandy Levinson, and Reva Siegel for helpful comments and conversation about this essay. -
BBA Concon Paper
820 First Street NE, Suite 510 Washington, DC 20002 Tel: 202-408-1080 Fax: 202-408-1056 [email protected] www.cbpp.org Updated January 18, 2017 States Likely Could Not Control Constitutional Convention on Balanced Budget Amendment or Other Issues By Michael Leachman and David A. Super1 In the coming months, a number of states are likely to consider resolutions that call for a convention to propose amendments to the U.S. Constitution to require a balanced federal budget, and possibly to shrink federal authority in other, often unspecified, ways. Proponents of these resolutions claim that 28 of the 34 states required to call a constitutional convention already have passed such resolutions. State lawmakers considering such resolutions should be skeptical of claims being made by groups promoting the resolutions (such as the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC) that states could control the actions or outcomes of a constitutional convention. A convention likely would be extremely contentious and highly politicized, and its results impossible to predict. A number of prominent jurists and legal scholars have warned that a constitutional convention could open up the Constitution to radical and harmful changes. For instance, the late Justice Antonin Scalia said in 2014, “I certainly would not want a constitutional convention. Whoa! Who knows what would come out of it?”2 Similarly, former Chief Justice of the United States Warren Burger wrote in 1988: [T]here is no way to effectively limit or muzzle the actions of a Constitutional Convention. The Convention could make its own rules and set its own agenda.