Structural Violence, Exclusion and Inclusion in Venezuela
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Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Rachel M
McNair Scholars Journal Volume 9 | Issue 1 Article 10 2005 Resistance to U.S. Economic Hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Rachel M. Jacques Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair Recommended Citation Jacques, Rachel M. (2005) "Resistance to U.S. Economic Hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela," McNair Scholars Journal: Vol. 9: Iss. 1, Article 10. Available at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/mcnair/vol9/iss1/10 Copyright © 2005 by the authors. McNair Scholars Journal is reproduced electronically by ScholarWorks@GVSU. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ mcnair?utm_source=scholarworks.gvsu.edu%2Fmcnair%2Fvol9%2Fiss1%2F10&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages Resistance to U.S. economic hegemony in Latin America: Hugo Chávez and Venezuela Abstract Introduction Recent years have seen increasing opposition On April 11, 2002, a group of to U.S. political and economic influence in senior military officers stormed the Latin America. Venezuela is a key player in presidential palace in Caracas, the the South American economy. This project capital of Venezuela. They ousted the researches the country’s history from the leftist president, Hugo Chávez, and 1950s to the present and the role of the replaced him with the more conservative U.S. in its formation. Through political Pedro Carmona. The coup had the economy, this study asks if recent political support of the business community, changes are due to the effects of U.S. policies the upper classes, the mass media, and in Venezuela. The research examines tacit support from the U.S.; however, the relationship between the two nations the de-facto government was short and the development models proposed lived (Cooper, 2002; Hellinger, 2003; by the Chávez government. -
Object-Initial Languages1
OBJECT-INITIAL LANGUAGES1 DESMOND C. DERBYSHIRE AND GEOFFREY K. PULLUM UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON 0. Introduction evidence. The existence of languages hav- 1. OVS languages ing a basic order in which the direct object 1.1. Hixkaryana NP is initial has been widely denied in the 1.2. Apalai literature of syntactic typology. For ex- 1.3. Makushi ample, Venneman (1973:27) states: 1.4. Hianacoto-Umaua "Greenberg observes that of the six pos- 1.5. Arekuna-Taulipang sible arrangements (SVO, SOV, VSO, 1.6. Panare VOS, OSV and OVS) only three occur as 1.7. Bacairi the only or dominant pattern of declarative 1.8. Asurini clauses, viz. those in which S precedes 0: 2. OSV languages VSO, SVO and SOV (universal 1). This is 2.1. Apurina readily explained." Venneman's reference 2.2. Urubu slightly misrepresents Greenberg, who in 2.3. Nadeb fact said (1963:61): "Logically there are six 2.4. Xavante possible orders: SVO, SOV, VSO, VOS, 3. Conclusions and prospects OSV and OVS. Of these six, however, only three normally occur as dominant 0. Most languages, perhaps all, clearlyorders. The three which do not occur at have what can be called a "basic order" of all, or at least are excessively rare, are sentence constituents. This is the order VOS, OSV, and OVS." Greenberg's quali- most typically found in simple declarative fications are rather important; Venneman transitive clauses where no stylistic (1973)or has silently elevated Greenberg's discourse-conditioned permutation is hedged in claim into an absolute one. Pullum (1977) makes a more explicit attempt to extract a lawlike universal from I Some of the many people to whom we owe thanks for the help they have given us are mentioned Greenberg's statistical claim. -
An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule. -
Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. -
Thomas Posado, Amérique Latine : Fin De Cycle
AMÉRIQUE LATINe : FIN DE CYCLE ? THOMAS POSADO * epuis le début du siècle, l’Amérique du Sud concentre les espérances de la gauche de transformation sociale. Pendant plus d’une décennie, des coalitions de gauche organiséesD autour de la social-démocratie classique (Chili) ou rassemblant des forces issues de la gauche radicale (Bolivie, Équateur, Venezuela) ont remporté la plupart des élections sud-américaines. Pourtant, depuis la fin de l’année 2015, on remarque un retour en force des coalitions conservatrices. Nous allons tenter de synthétiser ces évolutions de la configuration politique en adoptant une approche globale pour l’ensemble de l’aire sud-américaine. Celle-ci peut-être critiquable, chaque pays ayant ses spécificités, l’hétérogénéité de ces gauches a souvent été mentionnée. La dichotomie entre une « bonne » et une « mauvaise » gauche a servi de grille d’analyse à celles et ceux qui voulaient utiliser la situation politique du sous-continent pour avancer leurs propres convictions1. Hugo Chávez et Lula représentent les archétypes de ces deux gauches, la radicale davantage en rupture avec les préceptes de l’économie mondiale et la modérée plus consensuelle * docteur en sciences politiques, université de paris-viii, cresppa-csu. 1 Teodoro Petkoff,Dos izquierdas, Caracas, Alfadil, 2005 ; Plinio Apuleyo Mendoza, Carlos Alberto Montaner, Álvaro Vargas Llosa, El regreso del idiota, Mexico, Debate, 2007. Recherches internationales, n° 107, avril-juin 2016, pp. 33-46 THOMAS POSADO avec les élites économiques. Les qualificatifs normatifs sont interchangeables et dépendent alors du point de vue de l’auteur. Nous bornons notre propos à la seule aire sud-américaine où se concentre le cycle de gouvernements de gauche. -
Understanding the Characteristics of Remittance Recipients in Venezuela: a Country in Economic Crisis
Undergraduate Economic Review Volume 16 Issue 1 Article 3 2019 Understanding the Characteristics of Remittance Recipients in Venezuela: A Country in Economic Crisis Nicole A. Degla University of Notre Dame, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/uer Part of the Econometrics Commons, International Relations Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, and the Macroeconomics Commons Recommended Citation Degla, Nicole A. (2019) "Understanding the Characteristics of Remittance Recipients in Venezuela: A Country in Economic Crisis," Undergraduate Economic Review: Vol. 16 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/uer/vol16/iss1/3 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Understanding the Characteristics of Remittance Recipients in Venezuela: A Country in Economic Crisis Abstract This essay analyzes household surveys from the World Bank Global Financial Inclusion Database for the years 2011, 2014, and 2017, as a means to distinguish individual level characteristics of remittance recipients in Venezuela. -
Exploring Hugo Chávez's Use of Mimetisation to Build a Populist
Exploring Hugo Chávez’s use of mimetisation to build a populist hegemony in Venezuela Elena Block Rincones MSc, BA A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of Journalism and Communication Abstract “You too are Chávez”… (Hugo Chávez, 2012i) This thesis examines the political communication style developed by Hugo Chávez in his hegemonic construction of power and collective identity during the 14 years he governed Venezuela. This thesis is located in the field of political communication. A culturalist approach is used for the case, which prioritises issues of culture and power and acknowledges the role of human agency. Thus, it specifically focuses on the way the late President appears to have incrementally built an emotional, mimetic bond with his publics in a process that culminated in the mimetisation of the leader and his followers in a new collective, but top-down, identity called Chávez. This process expresses a hegemonic dynamic that involved the displacement of former dominant groups and rearrangement of power relations in Venezuela. The logic of mimetisation proposes an incremental logic of articulation whereby I tried to make sense of Chávez’s political communication style and success. It involves the study of the thread that joined together key elements in Chávez’s political communication style: hegemony and identity construction, political culture, populism, mediatisation, and communicational government. It is a style that appears to have exceeded classic populist forms of communication based on exerting an appeal to the people, towards more inclusive, participatory, symbolic-pragmatic forms of practising political communication that may have constituted the key to Chávez’s political success for 14 years. -
Cross-Border Malaria in Northern Brazil
Arisco et al. Malar J (2021) 20:135 https://doi.org/10.1186/s12936-021-03668-4 Malaria Journal RESEARCH Open Access Cross-border malaria in Northern Brazil Nicholas J. Arisco1, Cassio Peterka2 and Marcia C. Castro1* Abstract Background: Cross-border malaria is a major barrier to elimination eforts. Along the Venezuela-Brazil-Guyana bor- der, intense human mobility fueled primarily by a humanitarian crisis and illegal gold mining activities has increased the occurrence of cross-border cases in Brazil. Roraima, a Brazilian state situated between Venezuela and Guyana, bears the greatest burden. This study analyses the current cross-border malaria epidemiology in Northern Brazil between the years 2007 and 2018. Methods: De-identifed data on reported malaria cases in Brazil were obtained from the Malaria Epidemiological Sur- veillance Information System for the years 2007 to 2018. Pearson’s Chi-Square test of diferences was utilized to assess diferences between characteristics of cross-border cases originating from Venezuela and Guyana, and between border and transnational cases. A logistic regression model was used to predict imported status of cases. Results: Cross-border cases from Venezuela and Guyana made up the majority of border and transnational cases since 2012, and Roraima remained the largest receiving state for cross-border cases over this period. There were sig- nifcant diferences in the profles of border and transnational cases originating from Venezuela and Guyana, including type of movement and nationality of patients. Logistic regression results demonstrated Venezuelan and Guyanese nationals, Brazilian miners, males, and individuals of working age had heightened odds of being an imported case. -
Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo. -
Object Initial Languages Desmond C
Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session Volume 23 Article 2 1979 Object initial languages Desmond C. Derbyshire SIL-UND Geoffrey K. Pullam SIL-UND Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers Recommended Citation Derbyshire, Desmond C. and Pullam, Geoffrey K. (1979) "Object initial languages," Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session: Vol. 23 , Article 2. DOI: 10.31356/silwp.vol23.02 Available at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers/vol23/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UND Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session by an authorized editor of UND Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. OBJECT INITIAL LANGUAGES Desmond C. Derbyshire Geoffrey K. Pullum University College London 0. Introduction l. OVS languages l. l Hf xkaryana 1.2 Apalaf (Aparaf) 1.3 Makushi (MakGsi, Makaxi, Makuchf) l .4 Hfanacoto-Umaua l .5 Arekuna/Taulfpang 1.6 Panare l. 7 Bacair1 l .8 Asurfn1 2. OSV languages 2.1 Apurina 2 .2 Uruba 2.3 Nad@b 2.4 Xavante 3. Conclusions and prospects O. Most languages, and perhaps all, clearly ha.ve what can be called a basic order of sentence constituents. This will be the order most typically found in simple declarative transitive clauses where no stylistic or discourse-conditioned permutation is fn evidence. The existence of languages having a basic order in transitive clauses fn which the direct object NP is initial has been regularly and widely denied in the literature of syntactic typology. -
Maracas in the Venezuelan Joropo: a Proposed Pedagogical
MARACAS IN THE VENEZUELAN JOROPO: A PROPOSED PEDAGOGICAL NOTATIONAL SYSTEM by STEPHEN PATRICK PRIMATIC (Under the Direction of THOMAS MCCUTCHEN) ABSTRACT Venezuelan maraca players are highly skilled musicians who must learn many techniques in order to play the instrument properly. To date, there is no notational system that takes into account the myriad of techniques needed to play this instrument. This document proposes a notational system for Venezuelan maracas. The history of the instrument and its use in indigenous music is examined along with notational problems inherent in percussion writing. Transcriptions of performances utilizing this new notation conclude this document. INDEX WORDS: maraca, joropo, notation, percussion, Venezuela. MARACAS IN THE VENEZUELAN JOROPO: A PROPOSED PEDAGOGICAL NOTATIONAL SYSTEM by STEPHEN PATRICK PRIMATIC B.M., Wilkes University 1989 M.M., University of Miami 1991 A Document Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF MUSICAL ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2004 © 2004 Stephen Primatic All Rights Reserved MARACAS IN THE VENEZUELAN JOROPO: A PROPOSED PEDAGOGICAL NOTATIONAL SYSTEM by STEPHEN PATRICK PRIMATIC Major Professor: Thomas McCutchen Committee: William Davis Susan Thomas Fred Mills Leonard Ball Electronic Version Approved: Maureen Grasso Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia May 2004 iv DEDICATION This document is dedicated to my wife Maria and my daughters Jennifer and Daniela. They provided me with the determination to complete this degree. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many people provided invaluable assistance in the preparation of this document. My father-in-law Joaquin Hadamovsky made much of this document possible. -
Venezuela (Part 2)
THE LONG ROAD TO PEACE IN COLOMBIA. COLOMBIA’S DIFFICULT RELATIONS WITH ITS NEIGHBOURS: VENEZUELA (PART 2). Carlos Malamud Working Paper (WP) Nº 5/2004 3/3/2004 Area: Latin America – WP Nº 5/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 3/3/2004 The long road to peace in Colombia. Colombia’s difficult relations with its neighbours: Venezuela (part 2). ∗ Carlos Malamud Of all Colombia’s borders(1) with its neighbours, the one it shares with Venezuela is the most active and troublesome. Ample proof of this was provided in the last days of 2003 by the deaths of nine Venezuelan national guardsmen, following a series of clashes between the National Guard and Colombian paramilitaries (2). But as well as this recent escalation of tension, this 2,219 kilometre-long border has its daily ration of criminal activities, such as terrorist actions by paramilitary and guerrilla fighters, the comings and goings of drug traffickers and all kinds of rustlers and smugglers. The border is also a kind of privileged vantage point from which to witness the on-going deterioration of the Venezuelan economy, aggravated as it is by the evolution of the exchange rate between the dollar and the bolívar that has had a negative effect on cross-border trade (in one direction, at least). In 2000, the border with Venezuela was the richest and most dynamic of the five Colombia shares with its neighbours. In Colombian territory, the departmental per capita GDP was slightly over 3,100,000 pesos, a much higher figure than that of the other border areas. Things have changed drastically, however, in the past few years, due mainly to the deterioration of the Venezuelan economy as a result of the bad economic policies of Hugo Chávez and the poor management of a succession of economics ministers.