Geoff Miller

Senior

Thesis Chapter below written for History 298a, composed during fall 2008 semester

Chapter 1: "The World Cup of Peace"

"The day that 25 million Argentines aim for the same goal, will be a winner not once, but a thousand times over"ill

- Jose Alfredo Martinez de Hoz, Argentine Minister of Economy during the 1978 World Cup

I: Preparing the Victory

Argentina's "World Cup of Peace" started and ended triumphantly, at least for those in

th charge. The three week long tournament culminated on June 25 , 1978, when the hosts defeated

Holland three to one to bring the World Cup trophy to Argentina for the first time in the nation's history. The triumph prompted massive celebrations across the country, as a nation loudly, if not

collectively, rejoiced in La Albiceleste's triumph on the biggest stage in world soccer. It also

brought questions with few immediate answers. As mothers and relatives searched in vain for their "disappeared" relatives, international news sources and opinions openly doubted the validity of Argentina's on field triumphs and wondered what truly lay beyond the propaganda

curtain drawn over the nation by its military rulers during June 1978. Thirty years after the tournament, Argentines still define and discuss EIMundial in myriad ways. This chapter examines the paradoxes of the 1978 World Cup, and seeks to establish the historical foundation

needed to critically analyze the manner in which players, coaches, and fans remember

Argentina's first world title.

In 1966, FIFA selected Argentina to host the 1978 World Cup, the nth edition of the

quadrennial tournament (Smith, 69). One decade later, a military coup replaced Isabel Peron's

government with a military Junta, in the process changing not only the political direction of the nation but also its blueprint for hosting a successful tournament in 1978 (Mason, 71). The military quickly realized the importance of the World Cup. Athletically, it served as yet another

opportunity for a soccer-mad Argentina to win the most prestigious, and to that time elusive,

international title on the planet (Arbena, 120-122). Away from the field, hosting the World Cup

emerged as a means of demonstrating the military regime's progress in transforming Argentina from its dark days under the Peron's to a peaceful, modern nation (Ibid.). On a local level, the

World Cup also became Argentina's answer to Mexico, a nation that by 1978 had successfully hosted both a Summer Olympics in 1968 and a World Cup in 1970 (Ibid.).

In order to ensure that the World Cup elevated Argentina's international reputation on and

off the field, the military government accelerated plans for the tournament and declared the event

a "national priority" (Archetti, 136). The previous regime of Isabel Peron had done little to

prepare the country to host one of the largest sporting spectacles in the world, and General Jorge

Vide la's Junta quickly organized and revamped the Ente Autarquico Mundial '78, or EAM, to

oversee the construction of facilities and overhaul, with the help of an American based

consulting group, the nation's image (Kuper, 213, Mason, 71). Although estimates of

government spending differ, it is likely that the Argentinean Junta spent close to seven hundred million dollars on the World Cup, a number that dwarfed Spain's costs for the 1982 World Cup

by around 300% and represented a tenth of the nation's entire spending for 1978 (Kuper, 211,

Mason, 71). As spending on the World Cup reached unprecedented levels, Argentines joked that the World Cup's motto was in fact "Twenty-five million Argentines will pay for the World Cup"

instead of "Twenty-five million Argentines will play in the World Cup" (Mason, 71, Kuper,

211). During the two years leading up to June 1978, the Junta built stadiums in Cordoba, Mar de

Plata, and Mendoza, and renovated grounds in Buenos Aires and Rosario, including EI

Monumental, the site of the opening ceremonies and final. Per FIF A regulations, Argentine

authorities installed color television capabilities for broadcasts of the matches (Mason, 71). The host nation treated journalists to a newly minted press center, and completely renovated Buenos

Aires' international airport ("World Cup has Political Tint," The Washington Post, 5/9/1978). To further assist the 50,000 expected international fans, authorities also provided bilingual hostesses

outside stadiums (Mason, 71, Smith, 76).

Out of the public eye, another set of more sinister plans was also under way. Despite

intense government repression, guerilla groups such as the M ontoneros still posed a threat to the

"stability" the Junta sought to establish in the country. On the eve of the tournament, security forces initiated "EI Barrido, " a security" [0 jperation" that sought to further cleanse the nation of

subversives who might stage attacks during games and events, or even have the audacity to speak

out against the military regime (Kuper, 213). A declaration by the Montoneros themselves

promising an end to attacks during the World Cup did little to prevent government action

("Guerillas Vow Not to Halt World Soccer," The Washington Post, 3/26/1977). "Subversives" were not the only targets. Presenting a modern Argentina to the world meant denying the

poverty that racked areas of the country. To prevent foreigners from viewing the villas miseries, or shantytowns, on the road to Rosario, the military government constructed a wall depicting middle class residences. (Kuper, 213).

Without control of the press, modern facilities and denials of inequality would have fallen

short of ensuring the positive depiction of Argentina that the military Junta sought and needed

(Smith, 69). General Vide la's government was not the first Argentine regime to restrict freedom

of the press, but its efforts to control journalists and mass media dwarfed the restrictions imposed

by prior administrations (Ibid., 70-71). The Junta quickly imposed censorship regulations after the coup. On April 22nd, 1976, the Junta declared, "it is forbidden to inform, comment or make reference to ... subversive incidents, the appearance of bodies and the death of subversive

elements ... includ[ing] victims of kidnap pings and missing persons" (Ibid., 71). As the World

Cup drew neared, censorship extended from discussions of "disappeared" persons to commentary

on La Selecci6n, coach Cesar Luis Menotti, and depictions of Argentina in foreign news sources

(Ibid., 72-73). Defying censorship codes brought a heavy price. During the Junta's seven years

in power, around seventy journalists "disappeared" (Ibid., 71). Tellingly, in 1977 the Junta

disappeared twenty-one journalists, roughly twice the yearly average (Ibid.). It is certainly

possible that the number of press members who "vanished" is higher in 1977 due to the efforts of the military government to consolidate control after the coup, but it seems just as likely that the

press crackdown had roots in the Junta's desire to control domestic popular opinion leading up to the World Cup (Arbena, 123).

Controlling domestic mass media outlets was only half the battle, and Vide la's Junta also

quickly, and effectively, targeted foreign press sources. Leading up to the World Cup, both

Amnesty International and several European organizations recognized the human rights violations present in Argentina. While Amnesty promoted an information campaign aimed at

educating the foreign press, groups in France, Holland, and Sweden openly campaigned for their national sides and other teams around the world to boycott the tournament (Smith, 72, "La Otra

Final"). Comite de Boycott du Mondial de Football en Argentine, or COBA, led the charge,

publishing literature that visually depicted the 1978 World Cup's official seal, two hands holding

a soccer ball, surrounded by barbed wire fences reminiscent of Nazi detention centers and

concentration camps ("La Otra Final").

Argentina newspapers responded to foreign pressure by publishing scathing attacks on the "campaign[s] of lies" perpetrated outside the nation ("El Gnifico," quoted in Mason, 72) and

th trumpeting the pre-destined victory that awaited the national team on June 25 , 1978. La

Prensa's World Cup preview named Argentina one of the "cultural center[s] of unquestionable world focus" that "could not escape the responsibility to host an international soccer encounter, no matter. .. its magnitude" (La Prensa, quoted in Smith, 75). Other articles simply stated,

"Argentina has already won the World Cup" (El Grafico, quoted in Mason, 72). Responding to foreign allegations was not enough, however, and although the Junta awarded close to 7,000

press credentials to foreign and domestic journalists, the Argentine government closely monitored who arrived in Argentina and what they subsequently wrote and said (Smith, 75).

Vide la's regime briefly jailed a "leftist" Frenchjournalist, and other members of the foreign press

corps found themselves similarly threatened. In one instance, Argentine journalists even

attacked a foreign reporter who wrote about gunshots heard close to EI Monumental (Kuper,

214). The combination of domestic censorship and foreign intimidation certainly did not quell

all criticism of Argentina's World Cup, but it did manage to quiet some of the most damaging attacks (Smith, 76). With preparations winding down, the focus of the Junta, the nation, and the world turned to the opening ceremonies.

***

II: The Price of Glory

Argentina started its run to World Cup glory on June 2nd, 1978, with a two to one victory

over Hungary. The opening ceremony that preceded the game previewed the triumph that

ensued, as General Videla declared that the 1978 World Cup would be the "World Cup of Peace"

(Vide la, quoted in Mason, 72). Off the field, government repression had already turned this

statement into a lie. Soon enough, events in Rosario would question the good will of the players

and the intentions of Argentina's government on the field as well.

After defeating France two to one and falling to Italy one to zero, Argentina advanced

into the second round of the tournament. The four group winners and runners up from the first round made up the elimination round, as teams competed in round robin play in two groups of four to determine who would play for the World Cup title on June 25 th in Buenos Aires. The winners of each group advanced to play one another in EI Monumental, while the runners up in

each group would play for third place. Following the first round, Argentina faced a mostly South

American gauntlet of Poland, Peru, and traditional nemesis Brazil. After defeating Poland and

drawing with Brazil, Argentina closed group play against Peru. A win would leave Argentina

level on points with their northern rivals, but La Albiceleste needed to beat Peru by at least four

goals to overcome Brazil's lead in goal differential and secure a place in the final. In short, a

Herculean task (Kuper, 211). On June 21 st, 1978, Argentina decisively, and controversially, won a place in the final.

La Albiceleste's six to zero demolition of their Peruvian counterparts speaks to the military

Junta's efforts, perceived or real, to control the World Cup and guarantee Argentina a victory.

According to multiple sources, Argentine officials bribed Peru to throw the game, enticing

collaboration with an offer of over thirty thousands tons of grain and $50 million dollars (Kuper,

211-212). Neither side has ever admitted fixing the game, although Rodolfo Manzo, Peru's

backup goalie, is rumored to have discussed such an arrangement ( Kuper, 212, Bayer, 130).

Further, the fact that Peru's starting goalie, Ramon Quiroga, was born in Argentina has raised

additional doubts about the ability of the Junta to fix the match (Kuper, 212).

The official FIF A report on the World Cup noted that Argentina "magically gained a

place in the final" and further commented that the Peru match" was the most sensational result

of the tournament," but did not directly mention allegations of foul play (Courte, 82, 115). For his part, Quiroga denied throwing the game, stating "the allegations [of bribery1 have hit us hard

and I know that they will worsen when we arrive [home 1in Lima ... we did what we could ... we

played against Argentina with the same desire as we did against Scotland" (Quiroga, quoted in

Gilbert and Vitagliano, 206). Argentine newspapers responded to public outcry in Peru and

Brazil, including a headline in Rio de Janeiro's a Globo that labeled Argentina's win "a shameful

day for soccer," by declaring that Argentina deserved the victory with their superior play (Ibid.).

In addition to charges of bribery, allegations of doping among key Argentine players

before both the game against Peru and the final against Holland have also surfaced (Kuper, 219).

Although rumors of drug use are even less grounded in fact than allegations of bribery - the

official FIF A report mentions, "Argentina ... seemed fresher and stronger in extra time [of the game against Peru]," and author Simon Kuper quotes an unnamed source as asserting that one of the Argentine player's urine-based drug tests yielded positive results for pregnancy - their mere

presence tarnishes the World Cup's credibility (Courte, 119, Kuper, 219). Whether or not

allegations of bribery and doping are true, the controversy produced by the result demonstrates the negative perceptions shared by those abroad, as well as within Argentina, of the Military

Junta's intentions in staging the tournament. Public outcry did nothing to change the result, however, and Argentina advanced to the final against Holland.

Whereas Argentina's de-facto semifinal match against Peru provided controversy, the

1978 World Cup final provided drama, and, for Argentina's military Junta, victory. On June

th 25 , 1978, extra time goals from tournament stars and Daniel Bertoni spurred La

Albiceleste to a three to one victory over the defending world cup champions. As the scoreboard

on the northern side of EI Monumental proclaimed" Argentina, World Champions!" fans and

players alike celebrated on the field and across the country (Gilbert and Vitagliano, 227).

According to one eyewitness, "there was an explosion of ecstasy and hysteria [in Buenos

Aires] ... [a]ll the country was on the streets" (Kuper, 209). The Washington Post compared the

party to similar scenes that had played out after Argentine wins throughout the tournament

("First Title Ignites Wild Celebration," The Washington Post, 6/26/1978). The celebrations

continued through the night into the following day, when thousands of Argentines gathered in the heart of Buenos Aires at the Plaza de Mayo to commemorate the victory with songs and

patriotic chants (Mason, 72-73, "First Title Ignites Wild Celebration"). Three and a half weeks

after the start of the tournament, and two years after the military coup, the Junta had their victory, and Argentina had the World Cup ("First Title Ignites Wild Celebration, "). The rollercoaster events on and off the field before, during, and immediately following the conclusion of the 1978 World Cup have shaped the way Argentines remember the tournament. The day after the World Cup final, an article in the Washington Post declared, "The

celebrating may never stop" (Ibid.). The celebrations did stop, however, and, although they

started once again in 1986 after led a new wave of national stars to the World

Cup title in Mexico, Argentines now view the 1978 World Cup with degrees of confusion and

anger. The return of democracy in 1983 has made many details of the 1978 World Cup more

accessible to the general public, who in turn have increasingly spoken out for and against the

"athletic" victory of their team. The next two chapters investigate the memories first of the

central actors on the field and second of those in the stands, and compare the process of athletic memory in Argentina to similar cases, such as the 1936, 1968, and 1972 Summer Olympics in

Berlin, Mexico, and Munich, respectively.

Works Cited:

Arbena, Joseph L. "Generals and Goles: Assessing the Connection Between the Military and Soccer in Argentina." The International Journal ofthe History ofSport 7, no. 1 (1990): 120-130.

Archetti, Eduardo P. "Argentina 1978: Military Nationalism, Football Essentialism, and Moral Ambivalence." In National Identity and Global Sports Events: Culture, Politics, and Spectacle in the Olympics and the Football World Cup, edited by Tomlinson, Alan, and Christopher Young. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006. Bayer,Osvaldo. Futbol Argentino: Pasion y Gloria de nuestro deporte mas popular. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1990.

Courte, Rene, ed. OfficialFIFA Report: World Cup Argentina 78. Munich: proSport Gmblt & Co., 1980.

Gilbert, Abel and Miguel Vitagliano. EI terror y la gloria: La vida, el futbol y la politica en la Argentina del Mundial '78. Buenos Aires: Grupo Editorial Norma S. A., 1998.

Instituto Espacio para la Memoria a 30 aftos del Mundial de Futbol 1978. LA OTRA FINAL: EI Partido por la Vida y los Derechos Humanos. Buenos Aires: 2008

Kuper, Simon. Soccer Against The Enemy: How the World's Most Popular Sport Starts and Fuels Revolutions and Keeps Dictators in Power. New York: Nation Books, 2006.

Mason, Tony. Passion of the People? Football in South America. London: Verso, 1995

Smith, Bill L. "The Argentinean Junta and the Press in the Run-up to the 1978 World Cup." Soccer and Society 3, no. I (2002): 69-78.

The Washington Post, March 1977 - June 1978