Schooling at Kashechewan: Then and Now

JOHN S. LONG

Moose Factory, Ontario

Introduction

At the 17th Algonquian Conference, in October 1985, I discussed the pol­ itics of education in Moose Factory, an island community in northeastern Ontario.1 I mentioned that a regional political body or tribal council2 had

I am grateful to Archie Wesley of Kashechewan for teaching me a great deal about local control of education (and many other matters, including floating rocks). I also wish to thank Salasan Associates, and particularly Gordon Scott and Jack Loughton, for their guidance and advice concerning many of the ideas and events described in this article. 2Tribal Councils or Chiefs' Councils are geographical groupings of at least five Bands who, by joining together, are eligible for tribal council funding from the federal government to provide five types of advisory services: economic develop­ ment,financial management , local government, community and capital planning, and technical services (Canada 1987a). The funding of such Councils arises from the post-1984 federal Conservatives' decision to downsize the federal civil service by devolving services, as part of the 1985 Nielsen Task Force's infamous Buffalo Jump strategy, and particularly since 1986 when David Crombie was replaced by William McKnight as Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, (Graham 1987; Weaver 1986a, 1986b). Many Native leaders, of course, held a very different view of what such Coun­ cils should do. The Liberals' 1983 Report of the Special Committee on Indian Self-Government in Canada (Canada 1983), popularly known as the Penner Re­ port after Committee Chairman Keith Penner, had raised their expectations, as had the Coolican Report Living Treaties: Lasting Agreements (Canada 1985) initiated under Crombie. "Reveille for First Nations: The Politics of Aggression and Defence", a pa­ per by former civil servant Walter Rudnicki (1987b) which was widely circulated among Indian leaders on the eve of the last (and unsuccessful) First Ministers Conference on aboriginal self-government, warned that devolution was designed "to suit the administrative convenience and termination objectives of Federal au­ thorities," forcing Indians to look towards greater involvement with the provinces,

197 198 JOHN S. LONG been formed and concluded with the following comment about future pos­ sibilities in the western James and Hudson Bay area:

It is by no means certain what political forms will eventually evolve . . . Despite their differences, the various Native interest groups in the region . . . are now in a position to devise a unique Cree community or regional structure, perhaps one similar to that already in place in neighbouring northern Quebec where eight communities are administered by a Cree school board. (Long 1986a:202)

In August 1986, I was hired by that organization (then known as the Muskegog Cree Council3 as itsfirst Educatio n Advisor, under the very ca­ pable leadership of itsfirst full-tim e Chairman Norm Wesley, a close friend and fellow educator who had also provided invaluable assistance to me in my research into oral traditions. Some months later, while I was reading Jerry Paquette's (1986) excellent summary of issues concerning Aboriginal Self-Government and Education in Canada, I noted a reference to the "po­ litical impasse" at Moose Factory which I had described (1986a:13). But my broader issue of "a unique community or regional structure" was sum­ marized this way: "Another large-scale Native board appears to be taking shape . . . This . . . confirms that one possible outcome ... is the creation of a regional Native board" (Paquette 1986:9). I mentioned this to Norm and commented with some dismay, "That's not what I said." Never missing the chance to lighten up a situation with some humour, he quipped, "Now you know how we feel." while side-stepping issues of treaty and aboriginal rights. Norm Wesley viewed devolution as a policy "designed to drastically reduce administrative costs while pretending to promote native self-government" (Kirk 1988). 3In August 1987, at an Assembly of Chiefs, Councillors and elders, the name of the organization was officially changed to Mushkegowuk Council. Linguists will recognize this as the plural form of omaskekow 'muskeg person, swamp person'; or Swampy Cree (Honigmann 1956:24-25; Pentland 1981:227). The elders who convened to discuss this issue in 1987 explained the name this way: "Mushkegowuk can mean two different things. One refers to the muskeg. Long ago, the Ojibway Indians from the west came to see us and they saw that we were living along the coast. So they named us Mushkego Indians. The Indians who lived here were very strong and powerful, and that is the second reason we were given the name Mushkegowuk. Our grandfathers unloaded the Hudson's Bay Company ships when they came in. The word Mushkegowuk also reminds us of our traditional religion, when we used powerful spirits to protect ourselves. It is said that there were two kinds of polar bears. The greatest polar bear was used for spiritual help in our traditional religion. So those are the reasons why our Elders have chosen the name Mushkegowuk Council for our organization. When we are talking about the people, we say Omushkegowuk, and our territory is called Mushkegowuk Aski" (Mushkegowuk Council News 2, 1 (February) 1990:6). SCHOOLING AT KASHECHEWAN 199

This paper is intended to set the record straight, to some extent, but more importantly to record what I have learned about local and regional control of education in northeastern Ontario since 1985, by focusing on developments in one community. As an employee of the tribal council, I am not obliged to "publish or perish" — although Eric Cheechoo once jokingly commented, "We should kill all the white people except John Long, so he can write about it." I hope this record may be useful to others involved in Native education, and to future leaders who evaluate what has happened in Kashechewan.

The Problem I was disappointed when I read the first volume of Indian Education in Canada, for I felt that most articles did not do justice to the history of the subject (Long 1986b). But Richard King's (1987) contribution to the second volume was even more disturbing. King describes an anonymous "remote, affluent" Indian community in British Columbia which, after less than a year of preparation, assumes full control of its on-reserve federal day school. The "year of decision" begins in September, with an influx of new teachers who are hired by the federal De­ partment of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND)4 without community input. The First Nation5 wants a school which is responsive to community aspirations. The Chief and Council, acting on a recommenda­ tion from its Education Committee, issues a resolution in favour of local control. A community referendum indicates overwhelming support, and DIAND is also in favour. Aside from some vague notions of establishing a community school, the planners were guided simply by a sense that "at least we can't do worse" than DIAND (emphasis in original). No specific school policies or objectives were developed. A budget was prepared, negotiations with DIAND took place, staff were interviewed, inventory was taken, and new supplies were

4Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) is used on government letter­ head, but the department's legal name is still determined by the Indian Act and DIAND is used in all official agreements. 5 "First Nation" is used throughout this paper to refer to a Band. It is pre­ ferred by many Indian leaders over the Indian Act terminology, as an assertion of inherent aboriginal or treaty rights (as opposed to delegated authority through the Indian Act) and as a rejection of the myth that Canada's founding nations are the English and the French. Historically, Europeans referred to "Nations or Tribes of Indians" — as in the Royal Proclamation of 1763 (Canada 1983:11). Oldmixon, writing in 1708 from Thomas Gorst's journals of 1670-71 and 1672-75, refers to the indigenous people of James Bay as "Nations" with "Kings"; he also calls them Indians, Natives, Savages and Barbarians (Oldmixon 1931). 200 JOHN S. LONG ordered. A board of school trustees was appointed by Chief and Council during the summer, but did not formally assume duties until September 1. Within a month after the school opened under local control, the staff, administration and school board experienced what King calls severe role shock: "anxieties, stress and generalized personal trauma." An external evaluation of the school system was conducted, and school board elections were held, but the "all-important firstyear " had been "disastrous" and most of the staff resigned (King 1987:44-59). King's prognosis is bleak: the school will not last for long, the com­ munity is now characterized by schismatic factionalism, and its "top heavy . . . administrative management6 ... is inordinately expensive." He states that such problems are "foreseeable and preventable" (my emphasis) and makes passing reference to training needs. In addition, King observes that the views of the community planners were not representative of the commu­ nity, the distinction between governance and administration was not well understood, and people simply assumed that external expertise under local management would result in a more responsive school. All of this leads King to conclude that Indian control of Indian edu­ cation is not feasible on a "band-by-band local community control basis." Instead, he concludes that some form of "regional grouping or affiliation with provincial school districts" is required. King views this disastrous case study as a positive example of Indian people being allowed "to make their own mistakes." He observed these traumatic events in a "clinical" manner while serving as a consultant to the Education Committee. Allow­ ing people to make their own mistakes is a noble thought, especially after decades of DIAND paternalism, substandard schooling and cultural loss. But proper planning is all-important, because many problems are indeed "foreseeable and preventable" (King 1987:62-63,44). King's case study illustrates very clearly what the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) found in its national review: "In virtually all communities, a critical event prompted the community to assume local jurisdiction over education without adequate planning. The result was crisis management." In Tradition and Education: Towards a Vision of Our Future, the AFN (1988:70-72) noted the importance of "human and financial resources", clearly-stated "philosophy, goals and objectives", training of board mem­ bers, judicious use of professional consultants, and "a strong supportive network between the school board and various segments of the commu­ nity." Contrary to King's conclusion, the AFN review described several func-

This refers to a superintendent and a principal for a staff of 20 teachers and an enrolment of 250 students. SCHOOLING AT KASHECHEWAN 201 tioning models of community-controlled Indian education — at Chapel Is­ land in Nova Scotia, enrolment 28; at West Bay in Ontario, enrolment 215; at Alexander in Alberta, enrolment 209; at Lac La Ronge in Saskatchewan, enrolment 1,089; and at Seabird Island in British Columbia, enrolment 85. In some cases, as at Alexander and Kahnawake, there was a separate ed­ ucational governing authority; at Chapel Island, West Bay, Lac La Ronge and Seabird Island the Chief and Council controlled education directly or through appointment. Far from being the panacea envisioned by King, it was reaction against schooling offered by provincial school boards that had helped precipitate local control in many situations (AFN 1988:20-21, 53, 58). And locally- controlled schools were cautioned against perpetuating this form of educa­ tion. The one modified provincial school board model, in northern Quebec, exercised centralized decision-making (while the others promoted local con­ trol), and complained of teachers unions. The Cree School Board was not funded according to the same fixed formula as the others, but was frus­ trated by its lack of involvement in funding negotiations. Teacher unions and contract matters were also seen to pose a threat to locally-controlled schools. Manitoba's Southeast Tribal School Division represents one type of re­ gional grouping which King may have envisioned, serving nine communities and directly servicing four schools with enrolments from 90 to 168. While promoting local control, this model also recognizes the current shortage of trained personnel at the individual community level. The case of Kashechewan illustrates the development of local control with assistance from a regional grouping similar to that in southeastern Manitoba, and the careful planning that led to its creation.

Historical Background Ke:siciwan, meaning 'swift current', is the name the western James Bay Cree give to the Albany River (Pentland 1981). The earliest English refer­ ence is in Oldmixon's account, from Thomas Gorst, of the infamous Quaker and Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) Governor Charles Bayly's 1674 visit to the Shechittawam (or Chickewan), "a fine River, and a good Channel" where he "treated with the King, and his Son [and] made them a Promise to come with a Ship and trade with them next Year" (Oldmixon 1931:391, 397, 399). The HBC established a post nearby in 1675-79 "on a 'back creek' formed by a group of islands" (Rich 1960:502), at Fishing Creek, or "Old House River," where it was easily attacked from Anderson Island by de Troyes, who captured it for the French in 1686 (Kenyon 1986:13, 59). 202 JOHN S. LONG

The post was moved across the south channel of the Albany River to Bayly's or Albany Island after 1721 (Rich 1960:502). It was here, and at other J ames Bay posts, that the HBC tried to establish schools in the early 1800s in order to create "a Colony of very useful Hands" (Brown 1977). The Church Missionary Society established a permanent mission there in 1860 (Long 1983). This site, now referred to as "Old Post", was where Treaty No. 9 was signed by the Albany River Indians in 1905. The Indians located their 140-square mile reserve on the North River, as the north channel of the Albany is called. The Oblates of Mary Immaculate, meanwhile, had begun building a residential school at Lac Ste. Anne or pi:hta:pe:kohk, meaning 'at the old river channel' (Pentland 1981:229). About 1957, the Anglican Indians moved onto their reserve and the community of Kashechewan was established; the Roman Catholic Indians went to Lac Ste. Anne and Sinclair Island, taking with them the name Fort Albany.

Meeting Archie Archie Wesley was four years old when his family moved to Kashechewan. His parents, like other Crees at this time, spent most of their time trapping in the bush. Boys were little men and girls were little women (Long 1978a), enculturated in the ways of their people - unless they were sent to school. Although there was a one-room federal day school at Kashechewan, Archie stayed with his family until he was sent to Anglican boarding school at Moose Factory at the age of eight. From there, he attended high school in Espanola, returning home in 1970. In 1973, Archie started working for the Fort Albany Band (now split into two communities) as its Administrator. His decision to work as an education counsellor in 1980, marked the be­ ginning of one person's efforts to regain control over the education process. In 1982, the Band began ordering the school supplies and administering other parts of the federal school program; those who attended high school, went to Timmins or North Bay. In 1986, it began administering the high school boarding program and tuition payments, adding post-secondary ed­ ucational assistance in 1987. Along the way, Archie completed a three­ summer social counsellor diploma program. While teaching Native Studies at Northern Lights Secondary School in Moosonee, I planned a student trip to Kashechewan and Fort Albany. Most of the students had very negative stereotypes about the two communities, and I hoped to change that. Never having been to either place, I asked Norm Wesley for some advice. Norm was working for DIAND as Assistant Superintendent of Education, and recommended that I contact the social counsellors. Sure enough, when we arrived in Kashechewan on March 22, SCHOOLING AT KASHECHEWAN 203

Archie had everything arranged. My notes read: "Archie Wesley met us with a skidoo . . . From start to finishh e was an excellent host." Little did I know that six months later Norm would be Chairman of the tribal council and I would be employed by him, working very closely with Archie.

The steering committee 1986-87 Archie and six other community representatives formed the steering com­ mittee for a 4-month study, by Salasan Associates Inc., of the current and desired state of education in the Mushkegowuk region. Four communities — Peawanuck, Attawapiskat, Kashechewan and Fort Albany — had fed­ eral schools. The others were served by provincial school boards (cf. Long 1986a). Research on Education and Local Control (Salasan 1987), the project report, first described the Current State of the System, beginning with a description of the funds being administered by each community. In Kashechewan, for example, the Band was administering a total education budget of $680,935. This represented only 44% of the funding of community level educational services, since DIAND was administering teacher salaries ($467,982), much of the operations and maintenance budget ($217,774) and the entire post-secondary program (Table 1).

Table 1 Funding Management: Kashechewan

Program First Nation DIAND TOTAL Elementary $468,763 $722,121 $1,190,884 Secondary 212,172 46,728 258,900 Post-Secondary 0 102,750 102,750 Totals $680,935 $875,344 $1,556,279

People in the communities knew, for the first time, what it really cost7 to operate their schools. They learned that they were being funded arbi­ trarily in some cases — Attawapiskat with 235 students receiving $25,440 for janitorial supplies, for example, compared to Kashechewan's $9,800 with an enrolment of 262. The communities also saw how they compared with each other in the proportion of funds being administered. Kashechewan was administering

7This does not take into account the hidden costs of free services DIAND receives from the federal departments of Justice, Supply and Services, or Public Works, and from the Public Service Commission. 204 JOHN S. LONG

44% of its funding; the range was from 0% to 85%, with an overall average of 52%. DIAND's James Bay District Office employed a District education su­ pervisory and administrative staff of six to administer the region, and their salaries totalled $215,047. If apportioned to the four federal schools accord­ ing to student enrolment, the total elementary costs at Kashechewan rose to $1,266,150. Section two of the report focussed on the Desired State of the System. The steering committee had adopted a statement of seven principles to guide the transfer to local control. Each community would maximize its lo­ cal control. A regional education body, to be known as the Omushkegowuk Education Authority (OEA), would be formed. Transfer of control would be an exercise in self-government and negotiation. The purpose in gaining control was to improve the level of educational service. Provincial academic standards were required, in order that graduates would have a fair chance of succeeding in provincial secondary and secondary institutions. The gov­ ernment of Canada remained responsible for Indian education. The O.E.A. would be expected to have direct access to government officials with au­ thority to make decisions and change policy. Each community also defined its desired funding and administrative set-up, its relationship with Chief and Council and with the O.E.A., and its personnel requirements. Kashechewan, for example, wished to establish its own local education authority at arm's length from the Chief and Coun­ cil, and with a separate administration. Increased funding was desired for board training and policy development, a full-time special education teacher, and cultural education. Kashechewan wished to acquire four addi­ tional staff positions: an education coordinator, a second social counsellor, a finance clerk and a secretary. It wished to receive any funds directly, and fund the O.E.A. on a percentage of budget for negotiating, supervisory and consulting services. A table listed which functions Kashechewan wished to control itself, e.g., determining holidays, which ones it wished to share with the O.E.A., e.g., firingpersonnel , and which ones it would delegate to the O.E.A., e.g., teacher contracts. Local education authorities, separate from Chief and Council, were unanimously favoured by the committee. As experienced community-based educators, they knew that local politicians loved to say "Education is our number one priority" — but that in reality this rhetoric was contradicted by the attention given to roads, housing, and other matters (see also AFN 1988:14). An education authority would, ideally, devote all its time to educational policy issues. The committee also felt that the education cash flow would be too tempting to First Nation Councils with serious financial management problems, and that even those without such problems had SCHOOLING AT KASHECHEWAN 205 diverted education surpluses or administrative support dollars into their general administration. There might be advantages for small communities sharing administrative costs with the First Nation Council, so long as funds were kept in separate accounts. The consultants recommended that each community develop its own community education plan, that the federal school programs be evaluated, and that the school facilities be reviewed. An initial list of community ed­ ucation concerns at Kashechewan included: low academic standards, high drop-out rate of secondary students, Cree language retention, teacher hous­ ing, Native teachers, and community involvement and support. The report was completed in February 1987. A month later, DIAND adopted a new approach to federal school transfers (Canada n.d. vs. Canada 1987b). Pre-transfer developmental funding, amounting to about $40,000 per First Nation would be provided. This would have to be used to de­ velop a personnel management system, a financial management plan, and a workplan. Funding would be provided according to a fixed formula and based on enrolment, with some consideration for remoteness; it was not negotiable. Meanwhile, as a result of signing a tuition agreement negotiated with assistance from Mushkegowuk Council, Archie and some other members of the committee were appointed as trustees to the James Bay Lowlands Secondary School Board in Moosonee. This gave them some experience in regional educational governance and in directly dealing with a union.

The transfer planning committee 1987-88

Most of the members of the steering committee were named to a new com­ mittee, which began work in the fall of 1987. Salasan Associates was again selected, and was directed by the committee to meet DIAND's requirements for administrative systems (Canada 1987b), but to also assess the school programs and facilities (Salasan 1988). A strategy was also devised for proceeding with a truly negotiable transfer, satisfying the self-government principle, and we are now optimistic (in 1990) that this may finallyoccu r — but that is another story. The school assessments, conducted by Gordon Scott and Anne Deines, found that: more than half the students did not advance through school at a pace of one grade per year; there were three to five age groups in most grade levels; most students did not score well on standardized tests; and the drop-out level was high, except at Kashechewan, for 11- to 13-year olds. Contributing factors were: English was the language of instruction, but the second language of most students; attendance rates were low, av­ eraging 70% to 80%; teacher turnover was high; teachers were not trained 206 JOHN S. LONG specifically to teach in the north; there was a serious lack of native teach­ ers; instructional books and materials were often inappropriate; teachers lacked the time, resources and, in some cases, the training to adapt ex­ isting curriculum and develop appropriate materials; there was a lack of parental and community involvement in, and commitment to, the schools; staff and administration usually did not know what the basic goals of the school were, and thus had no way of measuring whether goals were being met; schools could not offer the full range of programs and services, be­ cause of limited facilities; funding was inadequate to provide extra staff for reasonable student:teacher ratios, adequate paraprofessional supports, and proper supervisory/consulting services. Projected school enrolments indi­ cated that Kashechewan's K to 8 school population of 264, for example, would increase 50% by 1995. Increased staffing was proposed, as at Kashechewan: the vice-principal and librarian to be full-time; four more classroom teachers; a physical ed­ ucation instructor; a technology/family studies teacher; seven more class­ room assistants. Native language instruction was not assessed; increased staffing would depend on community priorities. No recommendations were made concerning special education and remediation, although needs and suggestions were reported. The proposed teacher increases would reduce the student:teacher ratio to 18:1 (from 23:1 at Kashechewan), and provide more release time for teacher preparation. To reduce teacher turnover, it was recommended that: salaries be raised to match those in Moosonee, and teacher residences be improved. It was recommended that school year calendars be adjusted to reduce absenteeism during the spring and fall goose hunts. Native teacher training was required in order to: provide native role models for students; integrate Cree language and culture into the cur­ riculum; ensure that the schools and educational systems belong to the communities; reduce teacher turnover; ensure that community members participate in professional development opportunities in the communities; and improve school-community relations (Long 1978b; Luloff 1988; Salasan 1989). A comprehensive facilities review by Winnipeg architect Donald F. Court- nage addressed such problems as firefightingcapacity , access and park­ ing, fencing, landscaping, playground facilities, operations and maintenance costs, and the implications of Salasan's enrolment projections and staffing suggestions. Insulation, vapour barriers, heating, ventilation, lighting and environmental concerns were examined. Ten violations of the National Building Code (NBC) were noted. A similar analysis was made of the teacher housing (10 units, with 22 bedrooms). Six NBC violations were reported (Courtnage 1988; Lowe 1988). SCHOOLING AT KASHECHEWAN 207

In addition to the required personnel and financial management docu­ ments, the committee approved a workplan and budget which were endorsed by an assembly of Chiefs, First Nation Counsellors and elders in February 1988, but flatly rejected by DIAND a few weeks later. Meanwhile meetings had been arranged, in most communities, with the community elders to record information on traditional education and on treaty promises. A public meeting of all community stakeholders (teach­ ers, parents and elders) was held to begin developing a community educa­ tion plan. This is essentially a statement about local educational issues: what's good, what's bad and what needs to be improved concerning the curriculum, the staff, counselling/guidance, community/parental support, facilities, communications (between home and school, teacher and parent, parent and child) and — largely for secondary schooling — boarding homes and transportation. The meetings served to generate wish lists, which were left with committee members to complete. The lists had to be written into a narrative report and the local education committee had to prioritize them into categories (nice to have, should have, must have). From there, action plans (with clear objectives, time lines and accountability) were to be developed. This was to become an annual activity, and the plan was intended to guide education within and outside the community. It was recommended that the education committees become incorporated as local education authorities.

Developments in Kashechewan 1988-89 DIAND, reacting to media coverage of the school assessments (Waters 1988) and pressure from Archie, increased the teaching complement at Kashechewan from 12 to 13. Meanwhile, Archie had also arranged to take over the administration of all available elementary, secondary and post- secondary funding. He was promoted from social counsellor to education coordinator and, later, to local director of education. With some assistance from Mushkegowuk Council and Salasan Asso­ ciates, he produced a detailed workplan for implementing Kashechewan's community education plan. He also established a separate education ad­ ministration, known as Hishkoonikun8 Education Authority, with approval of the Chief and Council on the understanding that the authority would receive tens of thousands of administrative support dollars (which never materialized, creating a deficit for Hishkoonikun of some $140,000).

8This name was recommended by the elders. It translates as 'leftover' and is used in this context to refer to the Kashechewan Indian Reserve No. 67 (the land that was leftover after signing Treaty No. 9 or, as Archie says, "the land the government didn't want"). 208 JOHN S. LONG

The authority's staff included a secretary, a finance officer, two social counsellors, and the entire paraprofessional and support staff of the school. The Chief and Council vacated the space they had occupied in a wing of the school, allowing Hishkoonikun to acquire an office and boardroom. A corporate constitution and by-law was drafted, along with local adap­ tations of the 1988 financial management and personnel policies, and con­ flict of interest guidelines (see also AFN 1988:12, 35, 49). Legal Counsel Shin Imai advised on incorporating federally, which is a longer process (since by-laws are closely scrutinized) but preserves the First Nations' ties with the federal crown. At this point, after successfully establishing the necessary political sup­ port, Archie resigned his position as head Councillor; the sheer force of his vision and will, and his great respect (both in the community and among the school staff) would carry Hishkoonikun through any future political storms. In January of 1989 Archie, Chief Jonathan Solomon and I discussed the possibility of transferring St. Andrew's school to local control for the next school year, under DIAND's band- operated school policy and fixed formula funding. A draft budget was prepared, with the assistance of consultant William C. Blake (just retired as Director of Education for the Timmins Board of Education, and a past ally in our dealings with that board). DIAND's fixed formula funding appeared to be adequate, but due to the First Nation's general indebtedness problem the funds would flow through the Mushkegowuk Council (at DIAND's insistence). Under the terms of a service agreement, Hishkoonikun would administer all local expenses except for teacher salaries and advisory services, which would be Mushkegowuk's responsibility. DIAND was notified by the First Nation of its intent to assume control of the school in mid-August. During the spring, this plan was informally challenged on several occa­ sions by the Chief and Council. Due in part to their indebtedness, they felt the formula funding should flow directly to the First Nation (rather than to Mushkegowuk), thereby generating an estimated $100,000 in extra adminis­ trative support dollars. In particular, they objected to the teachers' salaries (the largest single budget line) being administered by Mushkegowuk. A poll of the teachers by secret ballot showed that 12 out of 13 preferred having both their contract and their payroll handled by Mushkegowuk. Ultimately, Chief Solomon, who was on-leave as a social counsellor at the school, gave his seal of approval — promising political support, if necessary, but no po­ litical interference with Hishkoonikun's activities. (The transfer agreement provided for the education authority to submit monthly reports to the First Nation Council, for information purposes.) Archie Wesley occupied the key role in the success of the transfer, SCHOOLING AT KASHECHEWAN 209 but school principal Jim Hollander was also important. A member of the community by marriage, he was well respected by both the school staff and the community. A generous salary scale and benefits package (including optional inclu­ sion in the Ontario Teachers Superannuation Fund) was developed, based on rates paid by provincial school boards in Moosonee and Moose Factory; teachers at St. Andrew's could look forward to a 30% pay increase. All teaching positions were advertised. Jim was selected as Principal after a perfunctory interview, Vice-Principal Wally Fitzgerald was re-hired (and his position was made full-time as Salasan had recommended), and all 9 of the other 11 teachers who applied for positions were hired. None were native, but there would be considerable stability and continuity compared to other James Bay schools. A 14th teaching position was created and the remaining positions were satisfactorily filled,on e by a student teacher who had completed his practicum at Kashechewan and the other two through advertising in the national edition of the Globe and Mail.

Under local control 1989-90

During the summer, additional offices, academic classrooms, and family studies and technology classrooms were added on to St. Andrew's, and new teacher accommodations were completed. Prior to school opening in August, two weeks early to allow for fall and spring goose hunting breaks, Kevin Van Camp of Salasan Associates was contracted to develop a board training package for the education authority (see also AFN 1988:57). Hishkoonikun hosted a steak barbecue and social for the teachers, author­ ity members and Chief and Council at "Simon's potato field" (on a nearby island). In October, the new school addition was formally opened. Wood carv­ ing was being taught to the boys, and beadwork on moosehide to the girls. An additional Cree language teacher, a physical education instructor, and more classroom assistants were hired from the community. Two curricu­ lum resource texts, Stories of James Wesley and Chikabesh and the Fish had been produced. Chairman David Wesley and the other six members of the education authority were alternating their time actively monitoring the school on a daily basis. One of the new teachers resigned at Christmas, and was replaced by a teacher with 27 years experience. Mushkegowuk, having contracted Jack Loughton of Salasan to design a community-based teacher training pro­ gram, grew frustrated with the lack of response from Ontario universities and began exploring the possibility of linkage with the highly successful Program for the Education of Native Teachers (P.E.N.T.) at Brandon Uni- 210 JOHN S. LONG versity in Manitoba. Bill Blake was contracted by Hishkoonikun to conduct a comprehensive review of the entire school program in the spring of 1990.

Conclusions Parental involvement and local control of Indian education have been of­ ficially promoted in Canada since 1973, when the National Indian Broth­ erhood (now Assembly of First Nations) position paper Indian Control of Indian Education was adopted as DIAND's official policy. Political lead­ ers can argue the merits of local control on a number of grounds, includ­ ing the attractive increase in cash flowan d administrative support dollars. For most educators, the prime purpose of gaining local control is likely to improve the quality of educational service provided to the community — although this can mean improved (provincial) academic standards, more Indian content, or any combination of the two. Most educational planners assume that improvements will never occur while schools are operated by DIAND because, by its very nature, DIAND is not accountable to communities. But as King's case study demonstrates very clearly, transfer and local control as defined by DIAND offer no guar­ antee of improvement. Any community anticipating a transfer to local control of education begins with a certain quality of education. When transfer occurs. DIAND may provide one-time start-up money (but see AFN 1988:46). The staff and community are initially excited and highly motivated. There may be an initial improvement in educational quality, as the community experiences a "Hawthorn effect",9 but unless there has been adequate planning and training of human resources, the level of educational service and satisfaction may actually decrease (as with King's role shock). Faced with the fact that they are actually worse off than they were under DIAND, a community can then engage in the kind of planning and training which a smooth transfer requires, and get back on the road to improvement. In the meantime, however, the whole community and its students will have suffered.10 Some Indian communities have jumped at local control because of crises (King 1987; Battiste 1977; Diamond 1987:87; AFN 1988:20-21, 34-35, 53). Kashechewan and its neighbouring communities undertook the kind of ex­ tensive planning which has preceded smooth transitions elsewhere (e.g.. AFN 1988:49). King's case study raises a number of important issues in educational

9 This refers to the phenomenon of "working extra hard because of the feeling of participating in something new and special" (Schein 1980:57n). 10Thanks to Gordon Scott of Salasan for these ideas and many others in this paper. SCHOOLING AT KASHECHEWAN 211 governance. A regional grouping might be feasible, but this undoubtedly depends on geographical, cultural and historical factors, including the all- important matter of inter-community trust. Regional governance is only feasible if the local communities endorse it, as in northern Quebec, south­ eastern Manitoba, and Mushkegowuk territory. Affiliation with a provincial school district or board, raises several other issues. It is possible for First Nations, either alone or in regional groupings, to purchase tuition and/or supervisory services from provincial school boards. The advantages lie in achieving provincial standards (both in instruction and facilities), in social integration and, perhaps, in real­ izing economies of scale, although DIAND will provide virtually limitless amounts of money for purchasing tuition (see also AFN 1988:42).n These educational gains are offset by political costs. Unless they negotiate ex­ tensive control through a specific agreement (as in northern Quebec), First Nations who buy tuition are only renting staff, curriculum and facilities12 — rather than acquiring educational equity.13 Their minority representa­ tion on a provincial school board will limit their influence on board deci­ sions (AFN 1988:33; Long 1986a). Finally, the school board's focus will be on elementary and (perhaps) secondary schooling, but generally not in pre-school, post-secondary or adult education (but see Diamond 1986:93). They may have increased funding, but no involvement in funding negotia­ tions (Diamond 1986:95; AFN 1988:25-27). If a regional grouping is feasible, a regional incorporated education authority (such as in southeastern Manitoba or the O.E.A. proposed in Mushkegowuk territory) can offer some advantages over a school board. First, its governing structure is totally within its control; the size and com­ position of the board of directors is determined by corporate by-law, which can easily be amended (unlike provincial legislation and regulations, or the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement). The corporation will con­ trol its staff, the allocation of its budget and the curriculum followed in its schools. It may not be able to negotiate the size of its budget, or the type of facilities. The corporation will have to set its own standards of instruc­ tion, and extensive cultural adaptation of the curriculum will be possible. The corporation's by-law, regulations and job descriptions become, in ef­ fect, the local Education Act. School boards are inherently less flexible and

nThe Moose Factory First Nation pays $7,825 per elementary student to the Moose Factory District School Area Board, 66% higher than the Timmins Board of Education's fee of $4,717. The James Bay Lowlands Secondary School Board in Moosonee charges $14,776 per student, 137% more than the comparable rate for secondary school tuition in Timmins. 12The provinces usually will not build schools or teacherages on Indian reserves. 13Thanks to Jack Loughton of Salasan for this concept. 212 JOHN S. LONG innovative (as implied in McKay and McKay 1986:80). Teacher unions, in­ evitable with a school board, are still possible — but perhaps unnecessary, if the employer offers good working and living conditions; union dues are expensive.14 The Mushkegowuk Council's experience in assisting communities to plan for increased control over education suggests that any regional group­ ing whose goal is not to promote local community control and training of local personnel, is antithetical to the trend in Indian education over the past few decades. A centralized regional authority simply has no history among northern subarctic Indians such as the Cree of western James and Hudson Bay. No matter what the form — full community-level control, the provincial school board model, or community control with regional service and support — and whatever the language of instruction, human resources are a critical factor in planning for local control. Having an individual like Archie Wesley at the community level has been critical to implementing local control of schooling in Kashechewan; in other communities, without an Archie, the approach may be slightly different — but local control is just as inevitable. The school evaluation now underway will independently assess how well this new system is meeting the needs of the children of the community with the resources currently on hand. When it comes to formal schooling, however, the Mushkegowuk com­ munities are almost as dependent on outside personnel in the 1990s as the Hudson's Bay Company was in the early 1800s. HBC personnel were strat­ ified into two classes, the officers (or gentlemen) and the servants; school staffs are similarly divided into professionals, and paraprofessionals and support staff. Our goal now, as then, must be to create a "Colony of very useful Hands" (Brown 1977). Ultimately a permanent body of fully- qualified local native teachers is needed to translate Kashechewan's and other Mushkegowuk communities' education plans into action and achieve complete control over the education system.

Some northern Indian communities consider unions to be antithetical to lo­ cal control. Under Canadian and provincial labour laws, attempting to prevent unionization is illegal. In British Columbia, the labour movement has been part of Indian life and Indian politics for decades (Knight 1978). When the Six Nations of the Grand River wanted to publicize the sorry condition of schools on their reserve in 1989, they were able to count on support from union safety officers. SCHOOLING AT KASHECHEWAN 213

REFERENCES AFN = Assembly of First Nations, Ottawa 1988 Tradition and Education: Towards a Vision of Our Future, Volume Two. Ottawa: AFN. Battiste, Marie 1987 Mi'kmaq Linguistic Integrity: A Case Study of Mi'kmawey School. Pp. 107-125 in Indian Education in Canada, Volume 2: The Chal­ lenge. Jean Barman et al, eds. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Brown, Jennifer S.H. 1977 'A Colony of Very Useful Hands'. The Beaver 307:39-45 (Spring). Canada, Special Committee on Indian Self-Government 1983 Indian Self-Government in Canada: Report of the Special Commit­ tee on Indian Self-Government. Ottawa: Queen's Printer. Canada, Task Force to Review Comprehensive Claims Policy 1985 Living Treaties: Lasting Agreements: Report of the Task Force to Review Comprehensive Claims Policy. Ottawa: DIAND. Canada, Department of Indian and Northern Development (Ontario Region) n.d. In the Beginning. Toronto: DIAND. 1987a Downsizing/Devolution Information Package. (July), Draft — For Discussion. Ms. 1987b Budgetary planning documents dated June 15, 1987. Pre-Takeover Funding (3 pp.); Band Operated Schools (4 pp.); Second Level Ser­ vices (4 pp.). Courtnage, Donald F. 1988 Facilities Review. 2 vols. Winnipeg: Courtnage and Co. Diamond, Billy 1987 The Cree Experience. Pp. 86-106 in Indian Education in Canada, Volume 2: The Challenge. Jean Barman et al, eds. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Graham, Katherine 1987 Indian Policy and the Tories: Cleaning Up After the Buffalo Jump. Pp. 237-267 in How Ottawa Spends 1987-88: Restraining the State. Michael J. Prince, ed. Ottawa: Methuen. Honigmann, John J. 1956 The Attawapiskat Swampy Cree: An Ethnographic Reconstruction. Anthropological Papers of the University of Alaska 5:23-82. Kenyon, Walter A. 1986 The History of James Bay 1610-1686: A Study in Historical Ar­ chaeology. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum. King, Richard 1987 Role Shock in Local Community Control of Indian Education. Pp. 43 -63 in Indian Education in Canada, Volume 2: The Legacy. Jean Barman et al, eds. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. 214 JOHN S. LONG

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