DOCSLIB.ORG

Turning to Protestantism and Anabaptism in 16Th-Century Venice

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Turning to Protestantism and Anabaptism in 16Th-Century Venice Riccarda Suitner The good citizen and the heterodox self: turning to Protestantism and Anabaptism in 16th-century Venice In the following pages, I wish to discuss conversions within the specific context of the so-called ‘Radical Reformation’, tackling issues such as their similarities with and differences from other types of intra-Christian conversion, and the legal and psychological implications of this decision. The Venetian Republic lends itself best to a survey of this type, particularly during the period between the 1540s and 1560s. These years saw numerous conversions to Protestantism and at the same time the high point of the local Anabaptist movement. Furthermore, these decades saw the first trials of the Inquisition, which as we know was established in 1542 but only came into full force very slowly; during the period of interest here it had not yet succeeded in radically undermining the organisation of Venetian heterodox groups as it did in the second half of the century. Finally, for numer- ous reasons the conversions of inhabitants of these regions were rather different from those that took place elsewhere. The analysis of the modalities with which factors such as conversion, Nicodemism, confessional eclecticism, and exile came to interact with each other in some milieus of this city provides an excellent example of the exercise of individual religious choice in early modern Europe – which is here strictly related to other phenomena such as plurality of personae and of multiple religious ‘identities’, and thus with ways of ‘parting the self’. 1 Embracing the Reformation in early 16th-century Venice The authorities of the Venetian Republic had numerous reasons to close one eye to suspected cases of heterodoxy and to allow non-Catholic individuals at least to reside on its territory. One of these was the web of commercial relations with the populations of central Europe and the Ottoman Empire, often mediated by Jews. The Fondaco dei Tedeschi, the Fondaco dei Turchi, the Jewish ghetto and Note: I am very grateful to Shahzad Bashir, Antje Linkenbach, Aditya Malik, Martin Mulsow and Jutta Vinzent for discussions during the preparation of this article. Open Access. © 2019 Riccarda Suitner, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110580853-022 460 Riccarda Suitner their various synagogues (though some crypto-Jews lived outside the ghetto) were among the places intended to spatially delimit confessional divisions. The latter were on the one hand aimed at preventing contacts with the Italian population and simultaneously (at least in the eyes of the Venetian authorities) also served in some ways to ‘protect’ these religious minorities from potential attacks by the local population. Obviously, that adopted in Venice was a concept of ‘religious tolerance’ typical of the early modern period which has little in common with the current meaning of this expression (for a detailed analysis of this notion see Forst 2003; Salatowsky, Schröder 2016; Vollhardt, Bach, Multhammer 2015). This was a sort of paternalistic concession, made essentially for reasons of convenience, of a minimal number of rights, on the part of a religiously homogeneous and cohesive community, to individuals seen as posing a potential danger to the social order; they could not expect to become fully integrated, but merely to be ‘tolerated’ and not to risk death or forced conversion. Not coincidentally, these groups were permitted only to perform specific jobs and were obliged in various ways to ‘signal’ their difference. For example, Jews had to wear a specific type of hat and, if they were students at the University of Padua, paid higher uni- versity fees (see Ravid 2003). Furthermore, spaces were divided in accordance with rigorous confessional criteria, we can think for example of the Fondaco dei Turchi or the Jewish ghetto; in the case of multi-confessional spaces, these were conceived to allow the authorities simultaneously to isolate and to control non-Catholic individuals. A well-known example of such spaces is the casa dei catecumeni, established in imitation of similar institutions disseminated around the Ottoman Empire, where, when necessary, conversion processes were regu- lated (as an introduction to the link between space and conversion in the early modern period see Marcocci et al. 2015; specifically on the casa dei catecumeni see Matheus 2013). All of this, obviously, had only a minimal impact on the Catholic, Italian- speaking population, towards which – and particularly towards those who turned to Protes- tantism – there was no need to demonstrate any sort of ‘tolerance’. Nonetheless, the penetration of the Reformed ideas into Venetian territory was easier than else- where in Italy, given the larger volume of international contacts and the existence – mentioned above – of foreigners in the city, alongside other factors: the flourishing and relatively free book industry; and Venetian political independence, pervaded from the earliest centuries of its history by a strong anti-Roman – and therefore anti-Papal – sentiment that led it to demand and practise a strong autonomy in decision-making also expressed in matters of the repression of religious dissent (classic studies on Venetian history are Lane 1973; Zorzi 1979; Landwehr 2007; Bouwsma 1968; specifically on the Venetian Inquisition see Grendler 1977; Pullan The good citizen and the heterodox self 461 1997; Del Col 2012, 342–94). The dissemination of Lutheran and Calvinist doctrines on Venetian soil – though mainly ‘second hand’ – and above all of the works of Erasmus and perhaps also those of Servetus (see for instance Seidel Menchi 1993; Felici 2010; Ongaro 1971), suddenly opened up a range of options: conversion to Lutheranism, Calvinism or one of those more ‘radical’ versions of the Reformation that, harking back to preconciliar Christianity, rejected the Trinity and the baptism of infants. In the two former cases, the two possibilities open to the convert were dissimulation or flight. The ‘dissimulative’ approach is so-called Nicodemism, a famous term thought to originate with Calvin, who introduced it in 1543 with specific reference to Italian crypto-Protestants (though the practice was widespread and theorised not just by Juan de Valdés and other Italian reformers, but also in some German reformed circles to the ‘left of the Reformation’, like that of Otto Brunfels), initially studied by Delio Cantimori, Antonio Rotondò, Carlo Simoncelli and Carlo Ginzburg, and later by numerous other scholars. The expression designated, in modern histori- ography, the doctrine of the permissibility of religious simulation, the deliberate concealment of Protestant belief beneath a veil of Catholic observance (Cantimori 1948; Rotondò 1967; Ginzburg 1970; Simoncelli 1979; Biondi 1974; Eire 1985). Often the Nicodemite attitude culminated, as we know thanks to the numerous tran- scripts of trials held in the Venice State Archive, with an abjuration that could be followed by a conviction or otherwise, often entailing the death penalty. One Nicodemite was Paolo d’Avanzo. This young man, aged about thirty, from Città di Castello, a small town in present-day Umbria, worked in the 1560s in the Rialto area for the Florentine leather merchant Michelangelo Baglione (see Archivio di Stato Veneto, hereafter cited as ASVE, Savi all’eresia, b. 29, file ‘Paolo d’Avanzo’, fol. 1r: ‘Paulo d’Avanzo […] prattica in Rialto et veste alla forestiera giovane di 30 anni in circa con poca barba’). The first charge laid against him was that of a conversion to Calvinism, the second that of owning forbidden books. The second charge was dropped after a search in the house of Donato Baglione, the son of the merchant under whom he served, where no subversive books were found. The accounts given by the various witnesses who testified during the trial against him from 1568 onwards and his own evidence provide us not only with insights into the life of a young emigrant to Venice, but above all with an idea of the concrete stages involved in a conversion in Venice at this time. The young man had relatives in Geneva and an uncle, Pompeo, in Lyon. The latter had fervently praised the sermons of the local Huguenot community, whilst his relatives in Geneva had convinced him of the superiority of the Calvinist doc- trine amongst those of the Reformed world. He himself had travelled to Geneva for work. D’Avanzo was just an errand boy, but he nonetheless had the opportu- nity to travel, and came into contact not just with other merchants but also with 462 Riccarda Suitner the different social classes in the city of Venice: the Buccella family, the doctor Ludovico Abbioso, Paolo Moscardo (ibid.). Among those who chose the second alternative – to emigrate abroad – some succeeded in attaining a status very close to full integration (Cantimori 1939). This is true of Guglielmo Gratarolo, a student of medicine first in Padua and then at the Collegio dei fisici in Venice. The bibliography on Gratarolo, rather than on religious issues, focuses mostly on his keen interest in alchemy and the natural sciences and on his activity as editor of Pietro Pomponazzi’s works. Indeed, if we examine his religious views as well, we see that he survived a first trial that ended with an abjuration (see ASVE, b. 10). After fleeing the Veneto in 1550, Gratarolo settled in Basle in 1552, where he edited the works of Pietro Pomponazzi for the
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Century Historiography of the Radical Reformation
    Toward a Definition of Sixteenth - Century habaptism: Twentieth - Century Historiography of the Radical Reformation James R. Coggins Winnipeg "To define the essence is to shape it afresh." - Ernst Troeltsch Twentieth-century Anabaptist historiography has somewhat of the character of Hegelian philosophy, consisting of an already established Protestant-Marxist thesis, a Mennonite antithesis and a recent synthesis. The debate has centred on three major and related issues: geographic origin, intellectual sources, and essence. Complicating these issues has been confusion over the matter of categorization: Just who is to be included among the Anabaptists and who should be assigned to other groups? Indeed, what are the appropriate categories, or groups, in the sixteenth century? This paper will attempt to unravel some of the tangled debate that has gone on concerning these issues. The Protestant interpretation of Anabaptism has the longest aca- demic tradition, going back to the sixteenth century. Developed by such Protestant theologians and churchmen as Bullinger, Melanchthon, Men- ius, Rhegius and Luther who wrote works defining and attacking Ana- baptism, this interpretation arose out of the Protestant understanding of the church. Sixteenth-century Protestants believed in a single universal church corrupted by the Roman Catholic papacy but reformed by them- selves. Anyone claiming to be a Christian but not belonging to the church Joitnlal of Mennonite Stitdies Vol. 4,1986 184 Journal ofMennonite Studies (Catholic or Protestant) was classed as a heretic,' a member of the mis- cellaneous column of God's sixteenth-century army. For convenience all of these "others" were labelled "Anabaptists." Protestants saw the Anabaptists as originating in Saxony with Thomas Muntzer and the Zwickau prophets in 1521 and spreading in subsequent years to Switzerland and other parts of northern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Anabaptist Influences on World Christianity
    Anabaptist Influences on World Christianity Howard F. Shipps* The Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century had many sources. Some of these, like springs and streams leading toward a grand river, may be found several centuries before the time of Martin Luther. Such beginnings may be seen in the Cathari and the Walden- ses of the twelfth century. During the succeeding centuries of the late middle ages, similar movements of revolt and insistence upon purification of the established church continued to multiply and grow. More and more these new forces attracted the attention of all Europe. They arose in widely scattered geographical areas and represented various cultures and different levels of medieval society. There were the Christian mystics of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Eckhart, Tauler, Suso, Merswin and the "Friends of God," seeking earnestly for life's greatest reality�the knowledge of God's presence in the soul of man. Likewise there were the Brethren of the Common Life of the fourteenth century, Groot, Ruysbroeck, Radewyn and a' Kempis, who were seeking to find God amidst the common ways of secular pursuits and by a daily practice of His Presence. During the same century, but across the English Channel, John Wy- cliffe was delivering the Word of God from the enslavement of tradi tion and the prison house of the so-called sacred Latin language, preaching and printing it in the tongue of the common man. He also made this living Word incarnate by committing it to men who would declare it throughout the by-ways of England. Thus for more than a century the Lollards carried the torch of truth which would urge the masses throughout England toward one of their greatest awakenings.
    [Show full text]
  • Anabaptism in Historical Perspective
    EDITORIAL Anabaptism in Historical Perspective Kenneth Cain Kinghorn* Perhaps one of the most glaring injustices in ecclesiastical historiography has been the frequent failure to see the responsible and worthwhile elements in the dissenting movements within Prot estantism. The prevalent attitude toward Anabaptists may be regard ed as a classic illustration of this phenomenon. For centuries the Anabaptists have been lumped together with the irresponsible "spiri tualists" of the Reformation, the radical Anti-Trinitarians, and other fringe movements. Many church historians have seen only evil in any movement which has not been consistent with Wittenberg, Zurich or Geneva. The Anabaptists have frequently been regarded as only a negation of the gains of the Reformation. This attitude has tended to persist in a widespread way because of the paucity of writing on the Anabaptists by sympathetic schol 1 ars. However, since the mid-nineteenth century, this traditionally negative view has been greatly modified. (This changing mood is often seen as beginning with Max Gobel in his Geschichte des christleichn Lebens in der rheinisch-westfalischen. Kirche.) This leads one to a basic question as to the meaning of the term "Anabaptist." The late Harold S. Bender, a distinguished Anabap tist scholar, points out the difference between the original,evangel ical and constructive Anabaptist movement and the various mysti cal, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian groups which have been concurrent. 2 The former is represented by the Mennonite and the latter maybe represented by such as the Schw'drmer, Thomas * Associate Professor of Church History, Asbury Theological Seminary. 1. See John Christian Wenger, Even Unto Death (Richmond: John Knox Press, 1961), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anabaptist Movement and Its Church Structure
    The Anabaptist Movement and Its Church Structure I. INTRODUCTION During the twentieth century churches in many mission fields started to ask serious questions about the church itself. It was a question for the identity as churches wrestling with issues of secularization and religious pluralism. The churches had to answer for their existence in their environments. Furthermore, many problems of the world raised questions concerning the churches’ role. Many debates on the issue of the role of the Church have been brought to public attention. Nowadays, new concerns for ecclesiology are coming out of basic communities in Latin America, house churches in China, indigenous churches in Asia and Africa,1 and the small church movements in America and Europe, and Catholic Church.2 With this concern for the church, the concern for the renewal of the church has become one of the burning issues in ecclesiology today. Many books have been written on this topic, most of which focus on the early church in the Bible as a model to which to 1 See further. Michel Bavarel, New Communities, New Ministries: The Church Resurgent in Asia, Africa, and Latin America (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1983); The Commission on Theological Concerns, Christian Conference of Asia, ed., Tradition and Innovation: A Search for Relevant Ecclesiology in Asia (Singapore:CTC-CCA, 1983); and H.S. Wilson and Nyambura J. Njoroge, New Wine: The Challenge of the Emerging Ecclesiologies to Church Renewal (Geneva: World Alliance of Reformed Churches, 1994). 2 Two exemplary books can be mentioned. Lode L. Wostyn, Doing Ecclesiology: Church and Mission Today (Quezon City, Philippines: Claretian Publications, 1990); and Walbert Buhlmann, The Church of the Future: A Model for the Year 2001 (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1986).
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of Early Anabaptism As Minority Religion in German Fiction
    Heresy or Ideal Society? A Study of Early Anabaptism as Minority Religion in German Fiction DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Ursula Berit Jany Graduate Program in Germanic Languages and Literatures The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Professor Barbara Becker-Cantarino, Advisor Professor Katra A. Byram Professor Anna Grotans Copyright by Ursula Berit Jany 2013 Abstract Anabaptism, a radical reform movement originating during the sixteenth-century European Reformation, sought to attain discipleship to Christ by a separation from the religious and worldly powers of early modern society. In my critical reading of the movement’s representations in German fiction dating from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, I explore how authors have fictionalized the religious minority, its commitment to particular theological and ethical aspects, its separation from society, and its experience of persecution. As part of my analysis, I trace the early historical development of the group and take inventory of its chief characteristics to observe which of these aspects are selected for portrayal in fictional texts. Within this research framework, my study investigates which social and religious principles drawn from historical accounts and sources influence the minority’s image as an ideal society, on the one hand, and its stigmatization as a heretical and seditious sect, on the other. As a result of this analysis, my study reveals authors’ underlying programmatic aims and ideological convictions cloaked by their literary articulations of conflict-laden encounters between society and the religious minority.
    [Show full text]
  • Anabaptism: the Beginning of a New Monasticism
    [A paper given at “Christian Mission in the Public Square”, a conference of the Australian Association for Mission Studies (AAMS) and the Public and Contextual Theology Research Centre of Charles Sturt University, held at the Australian Centre for Christianity and Culture (ACC&C) in Canberra from 2 to 5 October 2008.] Anabaptism: The Beginning of a New Monasticism by Mark S. Hurst Introduction Wolfgang Capito, a Reformer in Strasbourg, wrote a letter to the Burgermeister and Council at Horb in May 1527 warning about the Anabaptist leader Michael Sattler. He was worried that Sattler was bringing about “the beginning of a new monasticism.” (Yoder, 87) Both Anabaptism and “new monasticism” are being explored today as relevant expressions of the Christian faith in our post-Christendom environment. The connections between these two movements will be examined in a conference sponsored by the Anabaptist Association of Australia and New Zealand in January 2009 as they were in a recent conference in Great Britain called “New Habits for a New Era? Exploring New Monasticism,” co-sponsored by the British Anabaptist Network and the Northumbria Community. (See http://www.anabaptistnetwork.com/node/19 for papers from the conference.) The British gathering raised a number of questions for these movements: “We hear many stories of ‘emerging churches’ and ‘fresh expressions of church’, but Christians in many places are also rediscovering older forms of spirituality and discipleship. Some are drawing on the monastic traditions to find resources for a post- Christendom culture. ‘New monasticism’ is the term many are using to describe these attempts to re-work old rhythms, rules of life and liturgical resources in a new era.
    [Show full text]
  • Healing Memories: Reconciling in Christ Report of the Lutheran-Mennonite International Study Commission the Mennonite World Conference
    The Lutheran World FederationThe LutheranWorld The Lutheran World Federation The Mennonite World Conference Healing Reconciling Memories: in Christ Healing Memories: Reconciling in Christ Report of the Lutheran-Mennonite International Study Commission The Mennonite World Conference World Mennonite The The Lutheran World Federation 150, rte de Ferney CH-1211 Geneva 2 Switzerland ISBN 978-2-940459-00-1 OEA-Lutheran-Mennonites-2010-cov1 1 05/07/2010 17:21:53 PM Healing Memories: Reconciling in Christ Report of the Lutheran-Mennonite International Study Commission The Lutheran World Federation The Mennonite World Conference 2010 OEA-Lutheran-Mennonites-2010-EN.1 1 05/07/2010 17:57:29 PM Healing Memories: Reconciling in Christ Report of the Lutheran-Mennonite International Study Commission Published by: The Lutheran World Federation 150, route de Ferney, P.O. Box 2100 CH-1211 Geneva 2, Switzerland and Mennonite World Conference 8, rue du Fossé des Treize F-67000 Strasbourg, France Copyright © 2010 The Lutheran World Federation and The Mennonite World Conference Printed in Germany ISBN 978-2-940459-00-1 Publication of this book was made possible by a special gift from Prof. emeritus Dr Joachim Track, chairman of the Program Committee for Ecumenical Affairs of the Lutheran World Federation Council, 2003-10. OEA-Lutheran-Mennonites-2010-EN.2 2 05/07/2010 17:57:30 PM Contents 5 Preface 11 Part I Introduction 12 Origin and Mandate of the International Study Commission 13 Study Commission Members 13 The Commission and its Themes 19 Part 2 Telling
    [Show full text]
  • Erasmus of Rotterdam's Influence Upon Anabaptism: the Case of Balthasar Hubmaier
    Erasmus of Rotterdam's Influence upon Anabaptism: The Case of Balthasar Hubmaier Darren T. Williamson BA Lubbock Christian University 1993 MS Abilene Christian University 1996 MA Hardin-Simmons University 1997 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Department of History O Darren T. Williamson 2005 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2005 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author APPROVAL Name: Darren T. Williamson Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title of Thesis: Erasmus of Rotterdam's Influence upon Anabaptism: The Case of Balthasar Hubmaier Examining Committee: Chair: Dr. Mark Leier Associate Professor of History Dr. Hilmar M. Pabel Senior Supervisor Associate Professor of History Dr. John S. Craig Supervisor Associate Professor of History Dr. Paul E. Dutton Internal External Examiner Professor of Humanities Dr. Mark Vessey External Examiner Associate Professor of English University of British Columbia Date Defended: SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENCE The author, whose copyright is declared on the title page of this work, has granted to Simon Fraser University the right to lend this thesis, project or extended essay to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. The author has further granted permission to Simon Fraser University to keep or make a digital copy for use in its circulating collection.
    [Show full text]
  • Pentecostal Aspects of Early Sixteenth Century Anabaptism
    PENTECOSTAL ASPECTS OF EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY ANABAPTISM By CHARLES HANNON BYRD II A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Theology and Religion School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham September 2009 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract Early sixteenth century radical Anabaptism emanated in Switzerland during Huldrych Zwingli’s protest against the Roman Catholic Church. Much like Martin Luther, Zwingli founded his reform effort on the Bible being the final arbiter of the faith, sola scriptura, and the sufficiency of the shed blood of Christ plus nothing for eternal salvation, sola fide. Based on these principles both adopted the doctrine of the Priesthood of the Believer which recognized every believer’s Spirit empowered ability to read and interpret the Bible for themselves. These initial theological tenets resulted in the literal reading of the Bible and a very pragmatic Christian praxis including a Pauline pneumatology that recognized the efficacy of the manifestation of the charismata. Radical adherents of Zwingli rejected infant baptism as being totally unbiblical and insisted upon the rebaptism of adults, but only on a personal confession of faith, thus the term Anabaptist.
    [Show full text]
  • Anabaptism and James Arminius: a Study in Soteriological Kinship and Its Implications 1
    Midwestern Journal of Theology 11.2 (2012): 54-87 Anabaptism and James Arminius: A Study in Soteriological Kinship and Its Implications 1 JERRY SUTTON Academic Dean Midwestern Baptist Theological Seminary Kansas City, MO 64118 [email protected] As research progresses many links are being discovered between English General Baptists as they emerged in the seventeenth century, and Continental Anabaptistism, particularly the Mennonites. The factuality of relationships of John Smyth, Thomas Helwys and others with the Dutch Mennonites are incontestable. Irvin Horst has done much spade-work to establish the presence and identity of Anabaptists in England during the Reformation era on the other side of the English Channel. 2 Nonetheless many scholars and particularly British scholars contend that the rise of the English Baptists was essentially independent from any Anabaptist influence. If anything, the theology of the English General Baptists-the most probable link to Anabaptists by either of the two ear­ ly branches-was molded not by the European Radical Reformation but 1 This article is based on research conducted by Dr. Sutton while studying with William R. Estep, noted Baptist historian of the Reformation and Anabap­ tist movements. 2 Tom Nettles, "Smyth and Helwys: The Key to Anabaptist-Baptist Rela­ tions," Southwestern Journal of Theology 19 (Fall 1976) :101-104; W.R. Estep, "On the Origin of the English Baptists," Southwestern Baptist Theological Sem­ inary, Fort Worth, TX, 1979 (mimeographed); Irvin B. Horst, The Radical Brethren (Nieuwkoop: B. De Graaf, 1972). SUTTON: Soteriological Kinship 55 rather by the Magisterial Reform referring to the Dutch theologian, James Arminius. Much evidence exists to support the contention that the English General Baptists were Arminian with respect to their theology.
    [Show full text]
  • An Examination of the Visions of Ursula Jost in the Context of Early Anabaptism and Late Medieval Christianity
    An Examination of the Visions of Ursula Jost in the Context of Early Anabaptism and Late Medieval Christianity by Christina Moss A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2013 © Christina Moss 2013 Author’s Declaration I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of my thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that this thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract In early 1530, the lay preacher and recent Anabaptist convert Melchior Hoffman published a series of seventy-seven visions by the Strasbourg butcher’s wife Ursula Jost. In its own day this series of visions, which is the longest extant sixteenth-century document written from the perspective of an Anabaptist woman, attracted the attention of Strasbourg’s authorities and became popular among Dutch Anabaptists who followed Hoffman. In the twentieth century the visions have been studied by Klaus Deppermann and Lois Barrett, who came to widely diverging conclusions on Ursula’s values and her place in the Anabaptist movement. Deppermann saw her as an angry, even bloodthirsty woman whose visions revealed “a murderous hatred of existing society” and inspired violent actions of the part of other Anabaptists, while Barrett argued that Ursula’s visions reflected “the Anabaptist-Mennonite ethic of establishing the reign of God nonviolently.” In light of the radically different conclusions reached by Deppermann and Barrett, this study conducts a fresh re-examination of the visions of Ursula Jost in order to determine what Ursula’s example reveals about sixteenth-century Anabaptism.
    [Show full text]
  • Henry VIII: Supremacy, Religion, and the Anabaptists
    Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU All Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 12-2008 Henry VIII: Supremacy, Religion, And The Anabaptists Joel Martin Gillaspie Utah State University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Gillaspie, Joel Martin, "Henry VIII: Supremacy, Religion, And The Anabaptists" (2008). All Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 204. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/204 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HENRY VIII: SUPREMACY, RELIGION, AND THE ANABAPTISTS by Joel Gillaspie A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Approved: ________________________ ________________________ Norman Jones Leonard Rosenband Major Professor Committee Member ________________________ ________________________ Phebe Jenson Byron R. Burnham Committee Member Dean of Graduate Studies UTAH STATE UNIVERSITY Logan, Utah 2008 ii Copyright © Joel Gillaspie 2008 All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Henry VIII: Supremacy, Religion, and the Anabaptists by Joel Gillaspie, Master of Arts Utah State University, 2008 Major Professor: Dr. Norman Jones Department: History In 1534, the English Parliament passed the Act of Supremacy. This effectively stripped all of the authority the Pope held in England and gave it to Henry VIII. Also because of the Act of Supremacy Henry VIII gained a new title: Supreme Head of the Church of England. However, there was a problem. The Act of Supremacy only vaguely defined the new powers that had been given to the King.
    [Show full text]