DOCSLIB.ORG

Le Duc Tho Brian D

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Le Duc Tho Brian D Iowa State University From the SelectedWorks of Brian D. Behnken 2007 Le Duc Tho Brian D. Behnken, Texas A&M University Available at: https://works.bepress.com/brian_behnken/4/ Lernass,Sean 767 References See also Gaulle, Charles de. The War Memoirs ofCharles de Gaulle, Vol. 3, Ho Chi Minh; Indochina War; Kissinger, Henry; Nguyen Van Thieu; Salvation, 1944-1946. Translated by Richard Howard. New York: Pham Van Dong; Viet Minh; Vietnam; Vietnam War Simon and Schuster, 1960. References Hammer, Ellen J. The Struggle for Indochina. Stanford, CA: Stanford Kolko, Gabriel. Anatomy ofa War: Vietnam, the United States, and University Press, 1954. the Modern Historical Experience. New York: New Press, 1994. Tucker, Spencer C. Vietnam. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1999. Young, Marilyn. The Vietnam Wars, 1945-1990. New York: HarperPerennial, 1991. Le Due Tho (1911-1990) Vietnamese revolutionary, member of the Vietnamese Com­ munist Party's Political Bureau, and chief negotiator at the Lemass, Sean (1899-1971) Paris Peace Talks. Le Due Tho was born Phan Dinh Khai in Irish politician, cofounder and leader of Fianna F<iil (the Nam Ha Province on 14 October 1911. He became active in Republican Party), and Irish prime minister (1959-1966). communist political circles at a young age and in 1930 helped Born on 15 July 1899 as John Francis Lemass in Dublin, found the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP). During the Ireland, Sean Lemass joined the Irish Volunteers in January 1930s he spent nearly a decade in prison for his anti-French 1915, where he met his future political companion, Eamon political activities. In 1945 he helped form the nationalist Viet De Valera. Involved in the 1916 Easter Rising, the Anglo­ Minh organization with Ho Chi Minh and from the late 1950s Irish War (1919-1921), and the Irish Civil War (1922-1923), largely directed the war in the Republic of Vietnam (RVN, Lemass went to prison three times. After his final release, South Vietnam). According to some sources, Le' s views actu­ he was elected to the Irish parliament as a Sinn Fein party ally prevailed over those ofHo. member in November 1924. In March 1926 he resigned from Le is primarily remembered for his role in the Paris Peace the party because of ideological differences. Togeth,er with Talks with the United States, which began in May 1968. He De Valera he formed a new party, Fianna Fail, in 1930. demanded an immediate halt to U.S. bombing of the Demo­ When Fianna Fail won power in 1932, Lemass became cratic Republic of Vietnam (DRY, North Vietnam) and the minister for industry and commerce in De Valera's cabinet dismantlement of South Vietnam's government. American and remained in this position until1939, when he became negotiators, especially National Security Advisor Henry minister for supplies during World War II. Lemass' s success Kissinger, refused these demands. The negotiations and at provisioning Ireland, which was a neutral power during the bombings continued until1972, when Le and Kissinger the war, convinced De Valera to name him deputy prime min­ agreed to a cease-fire. Le again requested a halt to the ister in 1945. Fianna Fail lost the 1948 election but won again bombings, but he softened his stance on Vietnam's political in 1951. With De Valera again as prime minister, Lemass self-determination. He eventually accepted a cease-fire that served once more as minister for industry and commerce would leave South Vietnam's President Nguyen Van Thieu in during 1951-1954 and 1957-1959. On 23 June 1959, Lemass power but that also allowed North Vietnam's People's Army succeeded the retiring De Valera as prime minister and party of Vietnam (PA VN) troops to remain in parts of South Viet­ leader. nam. The fmal peace agreement was signed in early January The Lemass government's successful economic policies 1973. The United States withdrew its troops in March of that went along with continued progress in international affairs. year. Late in 1973 the Nobel Prize Committee awarded both Ireland was elected to the United Nations (UN) SecurityCoun­ Le and Kissinger its peace prize, which Le refused to accept cilin 1962 and was visited by U.S. President John F. Kennedy because the war continued. in 1963. Moreover, Lemass's more moderate stance on the In 1975 Le traveled to South Vietnam to oversee the final Irish partitioning issue enabled him to improve relations with offensive there, which resulted in the unification of the coun­ Northern Ireland. He resigned as prime minister and party try in April1975. Between 1975 and 1986 he continued as a leader on 10 November 1966 but remained a member of par­ member of the Vietnamese Communist Party Central Com­ liament until1969. Lemass died on 11 May 1971 in Dublin. mittee. In 1978 he oversaw Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia. Matthias Trefs His power diminished in the mid-1980s, and following the See also economic reforms of 1986 he resigned his posts. Le died in Aiken, Frank; De Valera, Eamon; Ireland, Northern; Ireland, Hanoi on 13 October 1990. Republic of; Irish Republican Army; Lynch, John; Nationalism; Brian D. Behnken Sinn Fein; United Kingdom .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a Selection Of
    History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History www.hist.ie Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a selection of documents, 1913–72 CONTENTS Introduction 2 Biographical notes 3 Glossary 5 Documents used 7 Biographical note on Eamon de Valera 8 1. De Valera the revolutionary: Irish Volunteers and 1916 9 2. De Valera’s mission to the USA, 1919–20 13 3. De Valera and the Anglo–Irish Treaty negotiations, 1921 14 4. De Valera and Fianna Fáil, 1926–7 20 5. 1937 Constitution, comments on the status of women 22 6. 1937 Constitution, comment of John Charles McQuaid 25 7. Economic War, 1932–8 26 8. Neutrality, 1939–45 28 9. De Valera, the statesman, 1948 33 10. De Valera on the Irish language and emigration, 1951 34 11. De Valera on rugby, the GAA, and ‘the ban’, 1957 36 12. De Valera as president, 1959–73 38 13. Cartoons and election posters 42 14. Photographs of de Valera 48 This material is intended for educational, classroom use only, not to be reproduced in any other medium or forum without permission. Every effort has been made to trace, and acknowledge, copyright holders. In the case where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the Publications Office, Royal Irish Academy, 19 Dawson Street, Dublin 2. Tel: 01 6762570 Fax: 01 6762346 email: [email protected] web site: www.ria.ie © 2007 History In-Service Team, Monaghan Education Centre, Monaghan, Co. Monaghan Tel: 047 74008 Fax: 047 74029 email: [email protected] web site: www.hist.ie Introduction De Valera is the most prominent personality in twentieth-century Irish history, with a career stretching over six decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Eamon De Valera's Contributions to Modern Ireland
    Nation and State: Eamon de Valera’s Contributions to Modern Ireland Marshall Bursis Ireland in the 20th Century Trinity College Dublin Dr. Anne Dolan Bursis 2 Eamon de Valera dominated Irish politics in the 20th century. 1 But, despite de Valera’s electoral success and decades as Taoiseach and President, many describe his policies as failed, isolationist, and reactionary. In contrast with de Valera’s traditionalism, his successor as leader of Fianna Fáil and Taoiseach, Sean Lemass, receives praise for his efforts to reform and modernize the Irish economy. 2 As early as 1969, a popular magazine had declared “one of the great tragedies of modern Ireland is that Lemass did not become Taoiseach immediately after the war.” 3 While there is no doubt Lemass merits much of the credit for Ireland’s development in the sixties, this historical narrative devalues de Valera’s crucial contribution to Irish identity and government. Lemass modernized the Irish economy and radically redefined the state for the better, but de Valera’s premiership was not the Irish dark age many consider it to be. Despite his shortcomings, de Valera created an Irish identity necessary for the formation of the state and founded a comparatively liberal and democratic political system that has persisted for almost one hundred years. I. Historical Contempt for ‘de Valera’s Ireland’ In many historical accounts, the phrase “de Valera’s Ireland” usually carries a connotation of sarcasm and derision. For some assessing the island after independence, it “became shorthand for all the shortcomings of twentieth-century Ireland.” 4 Borrowing from James Joyce, one academic makes the expression’s subtext clear, characterizing the period as “the Devil Era.” 5 To his critics, de Valera left a legacy of economic stagnation, poverty, and generational emigration and conservative, theocratic politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Consumption, Catholicism and the Birth of the Free State (1922-1937)
    1 Searching Ireland’s Soul: Consumption, Catholicism and the Birth of the Free State (1922-1937) By John Hugh Porter In 1924 the newly formed Irish Free State government adopted the “traditional” Irish harp as the great seal for the nation. The harp had been symbolic of Eire for centuries, and was, therefore, an obvious emblem for the Free State.1 However, the harp already served as the emblem for another great Irish institution, perhaps greater than the government itself; the Guinness company. The iconic Irish drink had adopted the Irish harp as its logo in 1862.2 Thus, in 1924 there began considerable correspondence between the government and the Guinness Company as to the right of use of the harp symbol.3 Arthur Guinness, Son and Company, was unwilling to let the Free State appropriate the use of the harp. Eventually the matter was resolved when it appeared that the harp on the great seal would be presented with the back facing to the right, whereas, when it appeared on the Guinness Trade Mark the back of the harp faced towards the left.4 This resolution only came after a considerable amount of legal wrangling, demonstrating the contested territory of symbolic consumption. The harp had, by 1924, already become a symbol of consumerism, with its connection to the most recognisable of Irish brands. Yet, the nexus between consumerism and nation building has been somewhat neglected in Irish historiography.5 We see a lack of analysis into concepts such as the “consumer”, the ways in which such concepts have been constructed, and what impact they may have had upon Irish social and political discourse.6 This is especially true for the Irish Free State, as historiography on the period has tended to focus on political and economic concerns to the detriment of significant concepts, such as, the 1 In folklore the harp was said to belong to Brian Boru and later to the O’Neill family.
    [Show full text]
  • Ireland Between the Two World Wars 1916-1949, the Irish Political
    People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research University of Oran Faculty of Letters, Arts and Foreign Languages, Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages Section of English THE IRISH QUESTION FROM HOME RULE TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND, 1891-1949 Thesis submitted to the Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages in candidature for the Degree of Doctorate in British Civilization Presented by: Supervised by: Mr. Abdelkrim Moussaoui Prof. Badra Lahouel Board of examiners: President: Dr. Belkacem Belmekki……………………….. (University of Oran) Supervisor: Prof. Badra Lahouel…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Prof. Abbès Bahous………………….. (University of Mostaganem) Examiner: Prof. Smail Benmoussat …………………..(University of Tlemcen) Examiner: Dr. Zoulikha Mostefa…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Dr. Faiza Meberbech……………………… (University of Tlemcen) 2013-2014 1 DEDICATION …To the Memory of My Beloved Tender Mother… 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS By the Name of God the Clement and the Merciful First and foremost, I would like to thank my mentor and supervisor, the distinguished teacher, Professor Badra LAHOUEL, to whom I am so grateful and will be eternally indebted for her guidance, pieces of advice, encouragement and above all, her proverbial patience and comprehension throughout the preparation of this humble research paper. I am also profoundly thankful to whom I consider as a spiritual father, Professor, El Hadj Fawzi Borsali may God preserve him, for his inestimable support and instructive remarks. Special thanks to all my previous teachers through my graduation years: Lakhdar Barka, Moulfi, Maghni, Mostefa, Sebbane, Boutaleb, Layadi, Chami, Rahal, and those we lost Mr Bouamrane and Mr Benali may their souls rest in peace. I would also like to express my gratitude to Mr Moukaddess from England, for his valuable help, and to my friend Abdelkader Kourdouli for being very willing to help.
    [Show full text]
  • Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
    Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded 2021-09-26T08:18:34Z
    Provided by the author(s) and University College Dublin Library in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title Speeches of Seán Lemass as Taoiseach Authors(s) Cullen, Clara Publication date 2010 Series UCD Irish Virtual Research Library and Archive Research Report Series; 8 Publisher UCD Irish Virtual Research Library and Archive Item record/more information http://hdl.handle.net/10197/2489 Downloaded 2021-09-26T08:18:34Z The UCD community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters! (@ucd_oa) © Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. IVRLA1 RESEARCH REPORT: SPEECHES OF SEÁN LEMASS AS TAOISEACH Dr Clara Cullen (Researcher) 1. CONTEXT Seán Francis Lemass (1899-1971) was an active contributor to Irish national and political life from 1916, when he fought in Dublin’s General Post Office in the Easter Rising, until his retirement from the post of Taoiseach in 1966. His life and political career mirror those of the emerging Irish state, starting with armed opposition, moving into an acceptance of constitutional politics, and finally embracing the challenges of political, economic and industrial modernisation. As a boy of sixteen he was briefly imprisoned after the Rising and some years later he was interned at Ballykinlar Camp during the War of Independence. He was a member of the Four Courts garrison in 1922 and was subsequently interned by the Irish Free State government. Described by one of his biographers as Eamon de Valera’s “loyal lieutenant for four decades” (Horgan), Lemass was first elected to Dáil Eireann for Sinn Féin in 1924, representing Dublin South City, although he followed the Sinn Féin abstentionist policy and did not take his seat there.
    [Show full text]
  • Irish Literature Since 1990: Diverse Voices
    9780719075636_4_005.qxd 16/2/09 9:24 AM Page 79 5 The stuff of tragedy? Representations of Irish political leaders in the ‘Haughey’ plays of Carr, Barry and Breen Anthony Roche Plays which deal directly with political life are rare in the Irish canon. Mostly, the emphasis is on family relations, with the direct political con- text placed in the background, if not almost entirely effaced. But there are those exceptional occasions when contemporary playwrights have felt the need to address the state of the nation more directly by placing politicians squarely on the stage. Brian Friel did so in his 1969 play The Mundy Scheme, with its mendacious Taoiseach F.X. Ryan and his scheme to repopulate the west of Ireland by filling it with the dead bodies of rich foreigners; and in 1982’s The Communication Cord the equally corrupt Senator Donovan mouths as hypocritical pieties many of the views of Irish identity seriously promulgated two years earlier in Translations: ‘This determined our first priorities! This is our native simplicity! Don’t give me that shit!’1 Both plays were unusual in Friel’s oeuvre in being ferocious satires; neither did well commercially or crit- ically, neither has been much revived (if at all) and The Mundy Scheme is not currently in print. In 1982, Hugh Leonard followed his autobiographical plays of the 1970s, Da and A Life, with his black comedy, Kill, whose central politician Wade is a thinly disguised version of then-Taoiseach Charles Haughey. Leonard’s play was neither a critical nor commercial success. With such antecedents it can hardly have been on commercial grounds that in the concentrated period of 2002–03 three Irish playwrights staged dramas which centred on a political leader who bore in varying degrees a recognisable resemblance to Charles J.
    [Show full text]
  • W.T. Cosgrave Papers P285 Ucd Archives
    W.T. COSGRAVE PAPERS P285 UCD ARCHIVES [email protected] www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 F + 353 1 716 1146 © 2015 University College Dublin. All Rights Reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Biographical History iv Archival History vi CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and Content vii System of Arrangement viii CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access ix Language ix Finding Aid ix DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note ix iii CONTEXT Biographical history William Thomas Cosgrave was born on 6 June 1880 at 174 James’ Street, Dublin. He attended the Christian Brothers School in Marino, and later worked in the family business, a grocers and licensed premises. His first brush with politics came in 1905 when, with his brother Phil and uncle P.J., he attended the first Sinn Féin convention in 1905. Serving as a Sinn Féin councillor on Dublin Corporation from 1909 until 1922, he joined the Irish Volunteers in 1913, although he never joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood. During the Easter 1916 Rising, Cosgrave served under Eamonn Ceannt at the South Dublin Union. His was not a minor role, and after the Rising he was sentenced to death. This was later commuted to penal servitude for life, and he was transported to Frongoch in Wales along with many other rebels. As public opinion began to favour the rebels, Cosgrave stood for election in the 1917 Kilkenny city by-election, and won despite being imprisoned. This was followed by another win the following year in Kilkenny North. Cosgrave took his seat in the First Dáil on his release from prison in 1919.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture Revised Jan09
    The 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture of the Irish Association for Industrial Relations, Delivered at Trinity College, Dublin, on the 25th November 2008. Social Partnership: From Lemass to Cowen Bill Roche Professor of Industrial Relations and Human Resources School of Business, University College Dublin I am honoured to present the 2008 Countess Markievicz Memorial Lecture. The first woman elected to the House of Commons and Minister for Labour in the First Dail, Constance Markievicz lived in tumultuous times. I well remember, some years ago, reading through the rather slim file in the State Papers’ Office on the early work of the Department of Labour, where I came across Constance Markievicz’s famous warning in 1921 of the imminence of social revolution in Ireland.1 This was an era when the very basis and character of Irish society seemed ‘up for grabs’. The dislocation to civil order caused by the War of Independence, combined with the new-found strength and confidence of workers in the booming rural economy of the First World War, had fuelled a surge in industrial militancy, as well as a spate of factory and land seizures throughout the country. Creamery workers plied their trade under the banner ‘we make butter not profits’ while the establishment of a co-operative fishery in Castleconnel inspired the newspaper headline: ‘Soviet eels in the Shannon’!2 We live in less tumultuous times than these. Indeed the subject of my lecture this evening, social partnership, has been associated with ‘low voltage’ politics, or what Peter Katzenstein has described as a ‘relatively dull and predictable kind of politics’.3 Dull and predictable though it may be, especially when contrasted with the ‘heroic’ era of labour and industrial 1 For details of Markievicz’s memorandum to the cabinet see Arthur Mitchell, Labour in Irish Politics 1890-1930, Dublin: Irish University Press, 1974, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne 57
    Irish Marxist Review Editor: John Molyneux Deputy Editor: Dave O’Farrell Website Editor: Memet Uludag Editorial Board: Marnie Holborow, Sinéad Kennedy, Tina MacVeigh, Paul O’Brien, Peadar O’Grady Cover Design: Daryl Southern Published: November 2016 SWP PO.Box 1648 Dublin 8 Phone: John Molyneux 085 735 6424 Email: [email protected] Website: www.irishmarxistreview.net Irish Marxist Review is published in association with the Socialist Workers Party (Ireland), but articles express the opinions of individual authors unless otherwise stated. We welcome proposals for articles and reviews for IMR. If you have a suggestion please phone or email as above. i Irish Marxist Review 16 Contents Editorial 1 Equality, Democracy, Solidarity: The Politics of Abortion Melisa Halpin and Peadar O’Grady 3 Into the limelight: tax haven Ireland Kieran Allen 14 Can the European Union be reformed? Marnie Holborow 28 Secularism, Islamophobia and the politics of religion John Molyneux 41 A Socialist in Stormont An interview with Gerry Carroll MLA 52 Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne 57 The socialist tradition in the disability movement: Lessons for contemporary activists Ivanka Antova 65 Science, Politics and Public Policy Dave O’Farrell 70 The Starry Plough – a historical note Damian Lawlor 76 Review: Kieran Allen, The Politics of James Connolly Shaun Doherty 78 Review: Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, From #Black Lives Matter to Black Liberation Conor Kennelly 80 ii Editorial: Interesting Times ‘May you live in interesting times’ is a lishment’s talk of recovery has given rise, well known Chinese curse. These are cer- not surprisingly, to workers demanding their tainly interesting times in Ireland at the mo- share.
    [Show full text]
  • Graves of Historical Interest in Dean's Grange Cemetery
    Graves of historical interest in Dean’s Grange Cemetery (Opened in 1865) First burial: Anastasia Carey, 41 years, Servant, St. Joseph’s Orphange on 27/1/1865. John McCormack (1884 – 1945): 120 – E – St. Patrick John McCormack was a world-famous Irish tenor and recording artist, celebrated for his performances of the operatic and popular song repertoires and renowned for his flawless diction and superb breath control. He ended his career at the Royal Albert Hall in London in 1938. His greatest honour came in 1928 when he received the title of Papal Count from Pope Pius XI in recognition for his work for Catholic charities. To many the highlight of his career was his singing of Cesar Franck’s Panis Angelicus to the thousands who thronged Dublin’s Phoenix Park for the 1932 Eucharistic Congress. Sean Lemass (1899 – 1971): 38/39 – R – St. Patrick Sean Lemas was an Irish Fianna Fáil politican and third Taoiseach of Ireland from 1959 – 1966. He was born in Ballybrack, Co. Dublin. Lemass is remembered for his tireless work to develop Irish industry and for forging new links between the Republic and Northern Ireland in the 1960’s. He is regarded by many as the finest Taoiseach in the history of the Irish state and as “the architect of modern Ireland”. John A Costello (1891 – 1976): 119/120 – M – St. Patrick John Costello was a successful barrister, was one of the main legal advisors to the government of the Irish Free State after independence, Attorney General of Ireland from 1926 – 1932 and Taoiseach from 1948 – 1951 and 1954 – 1957.
    [Show full text]
  • Archives of the Football Association of Ireland P137 UCD Archives
    Archives of the Football Association of Ireland P137 UCD Archives archives @ucd.ie www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 F + 353 1 716 1146 © 2010 University College Dublin and the Football Association of Ireland. All rights reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Institutional History iv Archival History vii CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and content viii System of arrangement viii CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access ix Language ix Finding Aid ix DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note ix iii CONTEXT Institutional history Early years Although football was being played in Ireland since the 1860s, it was mainly based in Ulster and it was not until the 1880s that the game spread to other areas of the country. The first club outside Ulster was Dublin Association Football Club which was formed in 1883. At the time, the Irish Football Association (IFA) was the governing body. Based in Belfast, it found it difficult to promote football throughout the country. This led to the formation of the Leinster Football Association in 1892 as the game became more popular in the area. However, there was always a feeling among clubs from outside the Belfast area that the IFA favoured Ulster based clubs-especially when selecting sides for international matches. Despite this, it was not until after the 1916 Rising and the rise of Nationalism that southern affiliates, such as the Leinster FA, took an aggressive approach in their dealings with the IFA. The clubs often threatened to break away, and in early 1921, Bohemians, St. James's Gate and Shelbourne all withdrew from the Irish League, though all three sides decided to remain involved in Cup competitions.
    [Show full text]