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History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a Selection Of
History In-Service Team, Supporting Leaving Certificate History www.hist.ie Later Modern Ireland Judging Dev: a selection of documents, 1913–72 CONTENTS Introduction 2 Biographical notes 3 Glossary 5 Documents used 7 Biographical note on Eamon de Valera 8 1. De Valera the revolutionary: Irish Volunteers and 1916 9 2. De Valera’s mission to the USA, 1919–20 13 3. De Valera and the Anglo–Irish Treaty negotiations, 1921 14 4. De Valera and Fianna Fáil, 1926–7 20 5. 1937 Constitution, comments on the status of women 22 6. 1937 Constitution, comment of John Charles McQuaid 25 7. Economic War, 1932–8 26 8. Neutrality, 1939–45 28 9. De Valera, the statesman, 1948 33 10. De Valera on the Irish language and emigration, 1951 34 11. De Valera on rugby, the GAA, and ‘the ban’, 1957 36 12. De Valera as president, 1959–73 38 13. Cartoons and election posters 42 14. Photographs of de Valera 48 This material is intended for educational, classroom use only, not to be reproduced in any other medium or forum without permission. Every effort has been made to trace, and acknowledge, copyright holders. In the case where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the Publications Office, Royal Irish Academy, 19 Dawson Street, Dublin 2. Tel: 01 6762570 Fax: 01 6762346 email: [email protected] web site: www.ria.ie © 2007 History In-Service Team, Monaghan Education Centre, Monaghan, Co. Monaghan Tel: 047 74008 Fax: 047 74029 email: [email protected] web site: www.hist.ie Introduction De Valera is the most prominent personality in twentieth-century Irish history, with a career stretching over six decades. -
Eamon De Valera's Contributions to Modern Ireland
Nation and State: Eamon de Valera’s Contributions to Modern Ireland Marshall Bursis Ireland in the 20th Century Trinity College Dublin Dr. Anne Dolan Bursis 2 Eamon de Valera dominated Irish politics in the 20th century. 1 But, despite de Valera’s electoral success and decades as Taoiseach and President, many describe his policies as failed, isolationist, and reactionary. In contrast with de Valera’s traditionalism, his successor as leader of Fianna Fáil and Taoiseach, Sean Lemass, receives praise for his efforts to reform and modernize the Irish economy. 2 As early as 1969, a popular magazine had declared “one of the great tragedies of modern Ireland is that Lemass did not become Taoiseach immediately after the war.” 3 While there is no doubt Lemass merits much of the credit for Ireland’s development in the sixties, this historical narrative devalues de Valera’s crucial contribution to Irish identity and government. Lemass modernized the Irish economy and radically redefined the state for the better, but de Valera’s premiership was not the Irish dark age many consider it to be. Despite his shortcomings, de Valera created an Irish identity necessary for the formation of the state and founded a comparatively liberal and democratic political system that has persisted for almost one hundred years. I. Historical Contempt for ‘de Valera’s Ireland’ In many historical accounts, the phrase “de Valera’s Ireland” usually carries a connotation of sarcasm and derision. For some assessing the island after independence, it “became shorthand for all the shortcomings of twentieth-century Ireland.” 4 Borrowing from James Joyce, one academic makes the expression’s subtext clear, characterizing the period as “the Devil Era.” 5 To his critics, de Valera left a legacy of economic stagnation, poverty, and generational emigration and conservative, theocratic politics. -
Consumption, Catholicism and the Birth of the Free State (1922-1937)
1 Searching Ireland’s Soul: Consumption, Catholicism and the Birth of the Free State (1922-1937) By John Hugh Porter In 1924 the newly formed Irish Free State government adopted the “traditional” Irish harp as the great seal for the nation. The harp had been symbolic of Eire for centuries, and was, therefore, an obvious emblem for the Free State.1 However, the harp already served as the emblem for another great Irish institution, perhaps greater than the government itself; the Guinness company. The iconic Irish drink had adopted the Irish harp as its logo in 1862.2 Thus, in 1924 there began considerable correspondence between the government and the Guinness Company as to the right of use of the harp symbol.3 Arthur Guinness, Son and Company, was unwilling to let the Free State appropriate the use of the harp. Eventually the matter was resolved when it appeared that the harp on the great seal would be presented with the back facing to the right, whereas, when it appeared on the Guinness Trade Mark the back of the harp faced towards the left.4 This resolution only came after a considerable amount of legal wrangling, demonstrating the contested territory of symbolic consumption. The harp had, by 1924, already become a symbol of consumerism, with its connection to the most recognisable of Irish brands. Yet, the nexus between consumerism and nation building has been somewhat neglected in Irish historiography.5 We see a lack of analysis into concepts such as the “consumer”, the ways in which such concepts have been constructed, and what impact they may have had upon Irish social and political discourse.6 This is especially true for the Irish Free State, as historiography on the period has tended to focus on political and economic concerns to the detriment of significant concepts, such as, the 1 In folklore the harp was said to belong to Brian Boru and later to the O’Neill family. -
Four Courts, 1922
The shock generated by the loss of the Custom House was compounded just Four Courts, 1922 thirteen months later by the destruction of the Four Courts, an event which the Irish Builder ranked ‘among the worst outrages in the history of architecture’. At the end of June 1922, the group of buildings known as the Shelling began at 4 am on Wednesday 28 June 1922. Fighting continued until the Four Courts, which has for some weeks – since 14th April 1922 afternoon of Friday 29 June. Despite the OPW Report’s assertion that the loss of the building c omplex was due to explosions caused by the anti-Treaty forces, the – been occupied by Irregulars under Roderick O’Connor, was precise cause of the final calamitous mine explosion which destroyed the besieged and taken, and in the process was almost completely Treasury of the Public Records Offices adjacent to the Four Courts remains a ruined (principally by explosions caused by the besieged forces). matter of contention. OPWANNUALREPORT NO. 91, 1922-1923, P. 7 The business of the courts was relocated briefly to the King’s Inns in Henrietta Street and then more Four Courts, evaluating the remains, July 1922 IAA T.J. Byrne Collection, 2012/51.2/30 permanently to the State Apartments in Dublin Castle, but by March 1923 the OPW was ‘carrying out works of repair whose purpose is to restore the outer shell of the central part of the building, viz., the portico, the central hall, and the drum and roof over it, to something like their original appearance’. -
Report of the Director of the National Archives for 2013
Report of the Director of the National Archives for 2013 15 May 2014 CONTENTS 1. Legislation 1.1 National Archives Act 1986 1.8 New legislation 1.13 Records management 1.15 Freedom of Information Acts 1997 and 2003 1.19 Data Protection (Amendment) Act 2003 2. Resources 2.1 Financial allocations 2.2 Staff 2.8 Information and Communications Technology (ICT) 2.16 Urgent need for new accommodation 2.19 Premises at Bishop Street 2.23 Premises at Four Courts 2.25 Fire safety and health and safety 3. Acquisition 3.1 Departmental records 3.2 Main provisions of the National Archives Act and Regulations 3.6 Advice and training given to Government Departments and Courts Service 3.8 Appraisal of Departmental records proposed for destruction 3.10 Transfer of records by Government Departments 3.14 Transfer of court and probate records 3.17 Transfer of records by scheduled bodies 3.21 Recalls system 3.22 Non-Departmental records 3.26 Hospital records 3.28 Records accessioned from other public and private sources 3.30 Business Records Survey 3.32 Church of Ireland records 3.33 Electronic records 4. Preservation 4.1 Preservation of archives 4.10 Conservation of archives 4.14 In-house microfilming and digitisation of archives 5. Services 5.1 Reading Room 5.12 Correspondence and comments by users 5.14 Information and website 5.19 Outreach and lectures 5.23 Official visits 6. Finding aids, special projects and digitisation 6.1 Finding aids, 6.6 Special projects and digitisation 7. Co-operation, training and media 7.1 Council of National Cultural Institutions 7.4 European Union – co-operation on archives 7.11 Meetings held during Irish Presidency of the Council of the European Union, 2013 7.19 Co-operation 7.23 Publications 7.24 Participation in training 7.25 Media coverage and television programmes 7.29 Membership and conferences Appendixes A. -
Ireland Between the Two World Wars 1916-1949, the Irish Political
People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research University of Oran Faculty of Letters, Arts and Foreign Languages, Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages Section of English THE IRISH QUESTION FROM HOME RULE TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND, 1891-1949 Thesis submitted to the Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages in candidature for the Degree of Doctorate in British Civilization Presented by: Supervised by: Mr. Abdelkrim Moussaoui Prof. Badra Lahouel Board of examiners: President: Dr. Belkacem Belmekki……………………….. (University of Oran) Supervisor: Prof. Badra Lahouel…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Prof. Abbès Bahous………………….. (University of Mostaganem) Examiner: Prof. Smail Benmoussat …………………..(University of Tlemcen) Examiner: Dr. Zoulikha Mostefa…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Dr. Faiza Meberbech……………………… (University of Tlemcen) 2013-2014 1 DEDICATION …To the Memory of My Beloved Tender Mother… 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS By the Name of God the Clement and the Merciful First and foremost, I would like to thank my mentor and supervisor, the distinguished teacher, Professor Badra LAHOUEL, to whom I am so grateful and will be eternally indebted for her guidance, pieces of advice, encouragement and above all, her proverbial patience and comprehension throughout the preparation of this humble research paper. I am also profoundly thankful to whom I consider as a spiritual father, Professor, El Hadj Fawzi Borsali may God preserve him, for his inestimable support and instructive remarks. Special thanks to all my previous teachers through my graduation years: Lakhdar Barka, Moulfi, Maghni, Mostefa, Sebbane, Boutaleb, Layadi, Chami, Rahal, and those we lost Mr Bouamrane and Mr Benali may their souls rest in peace. I would also like to express my gratitude to Mr Moukaddess from England, for his valuable help, and to my friend Abdelkader Kourdouli for being very willing to help. -
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain. -
Four Courts Press Catalogue 2019.2.Indd
Contents Customer Service Information 2 Medieval Studies 3–11 Celtic Studies 6 Early Modern Studies 11–13 18th- and 19th-Century Studies 14–16, 18–19 Local History 17 Dublin City Council Series 20–1 20th-Century Studies 22–5, 29–31 Legal History 26–8 Media Studies 32 Literature 32–3 Italian Studies 33 Music 34 Art 35 Folklore 36–7 Theology 37 National University of Ireland Publications 37 Select Backlist 38–9 Order Form 40 02 7 Malpas Street Four Courts Press Four Courts Dublin 8 Ireland Tel.: International + 353-1-4534668 Web: www.fourcourtspress.ie Four Courts Press Email: [email protected] Welcome to our 2019 catalogue … This year we present some 40 new offerings for your delectation. From medieval households of God (p. 9), to leisure pursuits in the country house (pp 18 & 19), from Gaelic Ulster in the Middle Ages (p. 3), to the Caribbean in the eighteenth century (pp 14 & 15) we range far and wide across time and space. In our list this year, close studies of Moygara Castle, County Sligo, Carrick, County Wexford (p. 10), the Egan Irish harp (p. 24), the writings of Standish O’Grady and J.G. Farrell (p. 32), the Irish Red Cross (p. 30), the Museum Building of Trinity College Dublin (p. 16) and Dublin City University (p. 31), rub shoulders with works on the archives of the Tholsell Court (p. 20) and the Irish House of Commons in the seventeenth century (p. 28), Dublin’s twentieth-century buildings (p. 29) and life at University College Galway (p. -
Family Activities Sandymount a Beautiful Seaside Residential Suburb Just a Short Drive from the Hotel
Tel: +353 (0)1 6681111 Web: www.claytonhotels.com Family Activities Sandymount A beautiful seaside residential suburb just a short drive from the Hotel. It is known for its long, breezy beach at Sandymount Strand, overlooked by a 19th- century Martello tower built for coastal defence. It’s a popular spot for fishing, kayaking, and weekend walks with views across Dublin Bay, also drawing crowds for summer swims in the Irish Sea. Inland, the village has upscale boutiques, delis, and gastropubs serving local oysters and mussels. DunLaoghaire This seaside town and a popular destination for locals and tourists alike. Ireland’s first ever railway connected the town to Dublin. Wonderfully located on the glistening south coast of Dublin bay, it can be reached by car or public transport. The local DART Station is only a 5-minute walk, or should you wish to drive – it is a 15-minute drive. Walk along the famous 2.6km East Pier all the way to the lighthouse. The pier has featured in films such as Michael Collins (1996) and Sing Street (2016). Enjoy traditional fish & chips with the family or grab an ice-cream and chose a romantic stroll instead. Bray This is a popular seaside resort, situated 21km from Dublin City centre. It is an ideal place to visit because of its proximity to both Dublin and the sites in Wicklow. Bray is the longest established seaside town in Ireland and enjoys a mile long beachfront promenade. Enjoy a leisurely stroll along the beach and scenic walks on Bray Head. Two of the highlights in the area are Kilruddery House & Gardens, one of Irelands great houses and National Sea Life Centre, an all-weather marine and freshwater zoo. -
Irish Literature Since 1990: Diverse Voices
9780719075636_4_005.qxd 16/2/09 9:24 AM Page 79 5 The stuff of tragedy? Representations of Irish political leaders in the ‘Haughey’ plays of Carr, Barry and Breen Anthony Roche Plays which deal directly with political life are rare in the Irish canon. Mostly, the emphasis is on family relations, with the direct political con- text placed in the background, if not almost entirely effaced. But there are those exceptional occasions when contemporary playwrights have felt the need to address the state of the nation more directly by placing politicians squarely on the stage. Brian Friel did so in his 1969 play The Mundy Scheme, with its mendacious Taoiseach F.X. Ryan and his scheme to repopulate the west of Ireland by filling it with the dead bodies of rich foreigners; and in 1982’s The Communication Cord the equally corrupt Senator Donovan mouths as hypocritical pieties many of the views of Irish identity seriously promulgated two years earlier in Translations: ‘This determined our first priorities! This is our native simplicity! Don’t give me that shit!’1 Both plays were unusual in Friel’s oeuvre in being ferocious satires; neither did well commercially or crit- ically, neither has been much revived (if at all) and The Mundy Scheme is not currently in print. In 1982, Hugh Leonard followed his autobiographical plays of the 1970s, Da and A Life, with his black comedy, Kill, whose central politician Wade is a thinly disguised version of then-Taoiseach Charles Haughey. Leonard’s play was neither a critical nor commercial success. With such antecedents it can hardly have been on commercial grounds that in the concentrated period of 2002–03 three Irish playwrights staged dramas which centred on a political leader who bore in varying degrees a recognisable resemblance to Charles J. -
IRELAND Akenson, Donald H
IRELAND Akenson, Donald H. Half the Globe's our Home; America's Century. Montr?eal: McGill-Queens University Press, 2005. Online URL Asch, Ronald. Three Nations--a Common History?: England, Scotland, Ireland and British History c. 1600-1920. Bochum: Universiteatsverlag N. Brockmeyer, 1993. DA 300 .T47 1993 Bardon, Jonathan. A History of Ireland in 250 Episodes. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2008. DA 910 .B368 2008 Barlow, Stephen. The History of Ireland, from the Earliest Period to the Present Time: Embracing also a Statistical and Geographical Account of that Kingdom. London: Printed for Sherwood Neely and Jones, 1814. Online URL Bartlett, Thomas. Ireland: a History. Cambridge ;New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. DA 910 .B375 2010 Beckett, J. C. Confrontations: Studies in Irish History. Totowa NJ: Rowman & Littlefield, 1972. DA 910 .B4 1972 Beckett, J. C. A Short History of Ireland. 3rd ed. ed. London: Hutchinson, 1966. DA 912 .B4 1966 Black, J. Anderson. Your Irish Ancestors. [New York]: Paddington Press, [1974]. Family History Reference CS 483 .B55 1974 Black, Jeremy. A History of the British Isles. 2nd ed. ed. Houndmills Basingstoke Hampshire; New York N.Y.: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. DA 30 .B6 2003 Bottigheimer, Karl S. Ireland and the Irish: a Short History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982. DA 910 .B67 Burke, Thomas Nicholas. Ireland and the Irish: Lectures on Irish History and Biography. New York: Lynch Cole & Meehan, 1873. DA 910 .B87x 1873 Collins, Kevin. The Cultural Conquest of Ireland. Dublin: Mercier Press, 1990. DA 925 .C62 1990 Comerford, R. V. Ireland. London : Arnold ; New York : distributed in the United States of America by Oxford University Press, 2003. -
W.T. Cosgrave Papers P285 Ucd Archives
W.T. COSGRAVE PAPERS P285 UCD ARCHIVES [email protected] www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 F + 353 1 716 1146 © 2015 University College Dublin. All Rights Reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Biographical History iv Archival History vi CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and Content vii System of Arrangement viii CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access ix Language ix Finding Aid ix DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note ix iii CONTEXT Biographical history William Thomas Cosgrave was born on 6 June 1880 at 174 James’ Street, Dublin. He attended the Christian Brothers School in Marino, and later worked in the family business, a grocers and licensed premises. His first brush with politics came in 1905 when, with his brother Phil and uncle P.J., he attended the first Sinn Féin convention in 1905. Serving as a Sinn Féin councillor on Dublin Corporation from 1909 until 1922, he joined the Irish Volunteers in 1913, although he never joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood. During the Easter 1916 Rising, Cosgrave served under Eamonn Ceannt at the South Dublin Union. His was not a minor role, and after the Rising he was sentenced to death. This was later commuted to penal servitude for life, and he was transported to Frongoch in Wales along with many other rebels. As public opinion began to favour the rebels, Cosgrave stood for election in the 1917 Kilkenny city by-election, and won despite being imprisoned. This was followed by another win the following year in Kilkenny North. Cosgrave took his seat in the First Dáil on his release from prison in 1919.