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Être Motard: Hells Angels Malgré Tout Université de Montréal Être motard: Hells Angels malgré tout par Sévrine Petit École de criminologie Faculté des arts et des sciences Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures En vue de l‟obtention du grade de Philisophiae doctor (Ph.D.) en criminologie Septembre 2011 © Sévrine Petit, 2011 Université de Montréal Faculté des études supérieures Cette thèse intitulée : Être motard : Hells Angels malgré tout Présentée par : : Sévrine Petit a été évaluée par un jury composé des personnes suivantes : Marion Vacheret ……………………………………….. président-rapporteur Carlo Morselli ……………………………………….. directeur de recherche Pierre Tremblay ……………………………………….. membre du jury Frederick J.Desroches ……………………………………….. examinateur externe Luc Duhamel ……………………………………….. représentant du doyen de la FES iii Résumé Les Hells Angels (HA) sont un groupe de motards qui surprennent par leur longévité. Implantés dans la province en 1977, ils sont toujours présents et actifs. Pourtant, ils ont évolué dans un contexte où les risques endogènes et exogènes furent croissants : conflits internes chez les motards, hostilités et rivalités inter groupes, opérations policières, incarcérations massives et changements législatifs sont autant d‟obstacles qui se sont dressés devant eux. Que signifie être un motard et comment sont-ils demeurés résilients? Bien que différentes forces matérielles et organisationnelles aident les HA à surmonter les difficultés, nous avançons que l‟élément clé de cette continuité réside dans leur réputation. En ce sens, nous adhérons à la thèse de Gambetta (2009) qui affirme que la persistance de la croyance en l‟immortalité de la mafia provoque un phénomène de self- fulfilling prophecy qui rend l‟organisation effectivement résiliente. Cet argument est ici appliqué aux Hells du Québec. Des entrevues auprès de motards incarcérés et non incarcérés, de délinquants non motards et de membres du personnel du Service correctionnel du Canada, ont permis de constater que l‟étiquette de « Hells Angels » influence la vie des individus qui la portent. Les résultats supportent l‟hypothèse que la réputation d‟être une organisation dangereuse offre au groupe une valeur économique et symbolique. Néanmoins, la réputation des Hells Angels engendre des aspects négatifs pour les individus qui endossent ce nom. Il devient intéressant de comprendre l‟impact d‟une telle étiquette à travers différentes phases d‟une carrière collective. * Mots clés : Hells Angels, motards, réputation, résilience, crime organisé, prison iv Abstract Regardless of the intense public focus, members of the Hells Angels organization in Quebec continue to be active in illegal markets. What does it means to be a Hells Angels and how has the organization remained resilient to law enforcement and internal conflicts in the criminal underworld? Although financial and organizational strengths help the members overcome difficulties, the main argument in this study places a focus on the Hells Angels reputation as the key element accounting for their continuity. I embrace Gambetta‟s thesis (2009) which states that the persistence of belief in the immortality of the criminal group generates a self-fulfilling prophecy that renders the organization increasingly resilient. This thesis is extended to the Hells Angels context and applied to interviews conducted with bikers, non-biker inmates and staff members in Quebec penitentiaries. Findings support the main thesis in that the organization‟s reputation for being dangerous offers that group an effective economic and symbolic value. However, there is a drawback of this reputation that has to be considered. The Hells Angels label in Quebec generates negative aspects for individuals who endorse it. It is interesting to understand the impact of such a labelling phenomenon, through different phases of their collective career. * Key words: Hells Angels, bikers, reputation, resilience, organised crime, prison. v Table des matières Résumé .................................................................................................................... iii Abstract .................................................................................................................... iv Remerciements ..................................................................... Erreur ! Signet non défini. Introduction ............................................................................................................. 1 Chapitre 1.Le regard d’autrui : Impact et définition de la réputation ......................... 8 1. Le regard d’autrui ....................................................................................................... 9 1.1 L‟étiquette comme « amplificateur » ............................................................................................ 11 1.2 L‟étiqueté proactif ........................................................................................................................ 12 1.3 La réputation qui persiste dans le temps ....................................................................................... 14 2. Comment qualifier la réputation criminelle ? ............................................................ 15 2.1 La force de la réputation : faible vs forte ...................................................................................... 15 2.2 L‟agrégation : réputation individuelle vs réputation collective .................................................... 15 2.2.1 Force et agrégation : croisements possibles et leurs implications........................................ 16 2.3 Vrai ou faux ? Une réputation « justifiée » ou « injustifiée » ....................................................... 19 2.4 Une quatrième découpe : la réputation par rapport à qui ? ........................................................... 21 3. Les effets de la réputation .......................................................................................... 22 3.1 Une réputation comme capital criminel ........................................................................................ 23 3.2 Une réputation qui nuit ................................................................................................................. 26 4. Réputation et Hells Angels ......................................................................................... 28 Chapitre 2. Démarches de recherche ........................................................................ 29 1. Les données secondaires ............................................................................................ 32 1.1 Les articles de journaux ................................................................................................................ 32 1.2 La preuve des mégaprocès ............................................................................................................ 33 1.3 Biographies, autobiographie et enquête journalistique sur les motards ........................................ 34 1.4 Les audiences ............................................................................................................................... 35 2. Les entretiens ............................................................................................................ 36 2.1 La parole donnée au motard ......................................................................................................... 36 2.1.1 Pour obtenir la collaboration de participants Hells Angels ................................................. 37 2.2 Entrevues auprès des acteurs non motards ................................................................................... 43 2.2.1 Les employés du Service correctionnel du Canada ............................................................... 43 2.2.2 Les détenus non motards ....................................................................................................... 44 2.3 L‟éthique et la confidentialité ....................................................................................................... 45 2.3.1 Ne laisser aucune trace de l’entrevue ................................................................................... 46 2.3.2 Camoufler l’identité .............................................................................................................. 47 3. L’échantillon ............................................................................................................. 48 vi 3.1 Les motards .................................................................................................................................. 49 3.2 Les détenus non motards .............................................................................................................. 55 3.3 Les employés du Service correctionnel du Canada ...................................................................... 56 3.3.1 Personnel de surveillance ..................................................................................................... 57 3.3.2 ALC et enseignants ................................................................................................................ 59 4. La validité des données .............................................................................................. 59 5. L’analyse des données................................................................................................ 60 Chapitre 3. Hells Angels : défis et résilience ............................................................. 62 1. Contexte d’évolution des Hells Angels au Québec
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