ISSN: 2705-4853 | e-ISSN: 2705-4861
Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research 2020, Vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 128-150 https://doi.org/10.3126/sijssr.v2i1.28912 Open Access
Article History: Received: 2 January 2020 | Revised: 6 April | Accepted: 8 April 2020
Original Article
Strained Identity: Cultural and Religious Rituals of a Musahar Community
Bhabani Pokhrel Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Bhaktapur Multiple Campus, Bhaktapur, Nepal Email: [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2429-0383
© 2020 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike (CC-BY-NC-SA) International Public License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/), which permits non- commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium or format, provided the original work is properly cited and such creations are licensed under the identical terms.
Strained Identity of Musahars 129 Abstract
This article portrays the Musahars, untouchable by tradition, as observing their cultural and religious rituals despite strains of change surrounding their identity. One of the diverse ethnic minorities of the Tarai plains of Nepal, the community exhibits a distinct set of characteristics, meriting ethnographic attention. Past studies have looked into their socio-economic situation but their cultural and religious practices, markers of their identity, are less studied. In that context, this paper has done the desk and field reviews of the cultural and religious traits seen in a small Musahar cluster of Province 1. The objectives were to describe the community’s everyday practices, what its members eat and drink, how they observe their life-cycle rituals, their feast and festivals, dresses and ornaments in light of literature, field observation and intensive interviews. The primary and secondary data are used to describe the everyday practices and strains of change in the Musahar identity. Interviews were held with four participants sampled purposively from Ward 1 of Biratnagar Metropolis, in Morang. The findings of this paper are expected to be useful for researchers interested in this particular community as well as for planners and policymakers who seek to bring the downtrodden community into the mainstream of development. Keywords: Musahar; Dalit; Minority; Cultural practice; Identity
Introduction term ‘minority’ is applied to various groups who hold a few or no positions of Sociologist Loues Wirth (1945) defined power. In Nepal, numerically, minorities ‘minority’ as a group of people who, are Raute, Chepang, Kusunda, Thakali, because of their physical or cultural Majhi, Duma, Lepcha, and so on. characteristics, are singled out from the Tamang, Gurung, Magar, Rai, Limbu others in the society in which they live and Tharu also lack access to state for differential and unequal treatments, privileges. Indigenous as well as women who therefore regard themselves as and Dalits are minorities from the objects of collective discrimination. The perspective of access in the exercise of
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130 | B. Pokhrel power, position and opportunity of the agricultural field basically as wage state (Tamang, 2062 BS, p. 3). Musahars labour. By this, it is known that also belong to the Tarai Dalit minorities. Musahars are also called Khatabe. They are low-caste groups and also fall Gyawali and Khanal (2062 BS) write in the untouchable category. They have about the situation of the hill Dalits, the practice of killing and eating musa mainly, Kami, Damai, Sarki, Dhobi, etc. (mouse or rat) because of which they are They say Terai Dalits, mainly, called Musahars, the ‘rat eaters’. Mushahar, Satar, Chamar and Dom etc. are suffering discrimination. (Gyawali & The Hindu religion places people in four Khanal, 2062 BS). categories in descending order of their ascribed social status; the Brahman, The Sanskritzed Musahars claim a Chhetri, Vaisya and Sudra. At the superior position in relation to the rest of bottom of the hierarchy are the people the community (Kunnath, 2013). from the group of Sudra, or the Kami, Musahars, one of the largest Mahadalit Sarki and Damai communities. These castes, is regarded as the lowest in the people are historically treated as caste hierarchy (Kunnath, 2013). In untouchable by higher caste groups and India, Musahars are designated as a are also known as the Dalit communities. scheduled caste. They are found in Communities of Musahar, Jhangar, abundant numbers in Purnea, Darbhanga Dhobi, Gaine, Satar and Chamar also and many other districts of northern belong to the Dalit groups of people Bihar. In Morang district, they are found (Pokhrel, 2016). Nesfield (1888) in places like Rangeli and Amgachhi suggests that Musahera (another variant (Dahal, 1978). In Ramayana, Ma Sabari of the term Musahar) derives from masu is mentioned as a devotee of Rama. The (flesh) and hera (seeker), possibly a Musahars claim her as one of their more comprehensive term than ‘rat ancestors (Kunnath, 2013). They are catcher’. Bista (1967), in the course of believed to have permanently settled in writing about Bahun, Rajput and other the region four centuries ago (Gautam & Tarai people, wrote that as a traditional Thapa Magar, 1994). occupation, Mallaha’s job is to do fishing, Koiri grows vegetables and sells In Nepal, the Austrian anthropologist them, Lohar makes halo and phali and Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf Khatabe or Musahar is engaged in the established an ethnographic writing
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Strained Identity of Musahars 131 tradition by way of his book (The citizens but the Musahars in the study Sherpas of Nepal, 1994). Likewise, Dor area are still facing discriminatory Bahadur Bista (1967) wrote a book behaviour from the high-caste people as People of Nepal, which is a rich well as from the state. After the ethnographic study of Nepal. Dahal restoration of democracy, people thought (1985) has made a study of social change there would be the overall development among Athpahariya Rais of Dhankuta. of the nation but they were wrong and the But these studies have focused on the conditions remained the same in general. socio-economic aspects more than the It has also been seen that the change in change in the cultural and religious their cultural and religious identity identity of the communities concerned. occurred under the influence of other The present study makes a case for caste and community over some time looking into this research gap. without any documentation as such. So, in this context, it was important to study A cursory review of the past studies about these Musahars and describe the shows that there is not much written strains of change in their cultural and about the change in cultural and religious religious identity even as it would only practices of the Musahar people of the be a small effort towards addressing a study area in Morang district. So the big gap in the literature. In this modest focus of this study is to delve into the effort, I have followed some theoretical pointers of cultural and religious identity perspectives as mentioned below. of Musahars, who belong to the minorities of the nation as well as being Several anthropologists have studied identified as Dalit and untouchable. different tribes, ethnic and caste groups, They also fall under the poverty line, as their cultures and cultural patterns and other studies have shown. However, changes. Malinowski (1922) was the even as they are economically poor, first anthropologist to conduct field work Musahars have their rich culture, custom through the native language of the and tradition. But the lack of knowledge community under study. Mead’s book about their culture and custom as well as Cultural Pattern and Technological their strained identity has placed them Change (1955) deals with the changing under the shadow of general inattention aspects of Manus life. Robert Redfield by researchers and policymakers. The wrote a book The Folk Culture of law gives equal opportunity to all Yucatan (1941). One of the
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132 | B. Pokhrel contemporary trends in cultural Rudmin, 2003), but at present, the term anthropology is studying native cultures connotes the loss of the culture of a from the native’s point of view. Jane minority group and its replacement by Collier and Milt Thomas combined the the culture of the majority group. I have ethnography of communication and also applied this approach to examine the social construction to frame the influence of high caste Hindus in the properties of cultural identity. High- Musahar community of the study area status individuals (or the perception of and what kind of change has been seen the higher status) influenced those of in their original culture. The cultural lower status (Berger et al., 1977). change is an individual as well as a According to the unilinear evolutionist collective process; in contact with other (Morgan, 1877; Tylor, 1871), culture cultures, individuals will survive and if evolves and develops in a unilinear way individuals have recognized similarities and from simple to complex. Using this between themselves and their original perspective, I found that these Musahars culture and the new culture (Richerson & developed from a tribal community to Boyd, 2005, p. 107). I have also used this being settled as a village community. perspective to know the changing This idea resonates with collective patterns of culture and religion of identify. According to Hall (1996), Musahars of the study area. “Collective identity is about how those notions of self- and other- ‘grouping” are The main purpose of this study is to formed inside and outside of the identify the Musahar community by their individual and impact the formation of own cultural and religious activities social categories of belonging” (as cited while examining any change in their in Urrieta, 2018, p. 4). cultural and religious practices.
Using this perspective, I have analysed This first section introduces the research the information about how these agenda and outlines its purpose. The Musahars have introduced themselves remaining sections of the paper are through their own traditional, cultural structured as follows. Methodology and religious activities. The meaning of section highlights the approach and acculturation has varied over time, procedure followed while undertaking within and outside of cultural this study. In the section that follows, I anthropology (Chun et al., 2003; have presented the research findings in
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Strained Identity of Musahars 133 line with the description of food and chosen as the participants for ease of drink, dress and ornaments, and rite and access and of establishing rapport. rituals of the community. This section also embeds my analysis and The duration of the fieldwork was 3 interpretation and intertwining of the months, covering the period from June 1 field text with relevant literature. In the to August 30, 2017. In the course of final section, I have summarized and fieldwork, I frequently observed the rites concluded the study on the strained and rituals, dress and ornament, food and identity of the Musahars in Biratnagar drinks, religion, feasts and festivals, etc. Metropolis. of the community under study.
Methodology I conducted in-depth interviews with four participants from whom I collected their cultural narratives, with a special Cultural anthropology studies culture, focus on one theme with each norms and values of any caste and participant. All the selected respondents community. In general, there are some were above 30 and married people. They anthropological data collection methods knew about their culture and religion. -- participant observation, in-depth The first participant was Jhunu Kumari interviews, focus group discussion and Sada, aged 35, housewife (5/6/2017), textual analysis. I have only used from whom I got focused narratives of participant observation and in-depth birth ritual. Likewise, the second interviews to study this community of participant was Ghurmy Rishidev, aged Biratnagar Metropolis. Moreover, as a 60 (10/7/2017) from whom, besides sociological researcher, I have also general cultural practices, I got detailed applied reflective and systematic information about food and drink and thinking (Dhakal, 2019) to understand death ritual and marriage ceremony. the social world of Musahars. Similarly, my third participant was The observation was schedule in the Kaluram Sada, aged 45, from whom I got field and carried out in various steps. Its information about the birth ritual and frequency differed over time during the ceremony as well as about the feast and fieldwork. Musahars from Ward One of festival (5/8/2017). Another respondent Biratnagar in Morang District were was Syam Sada Dhami, aged 70, who provided me with information about a
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134 | B. Pokhrel religious folk song and its meaning. p. 3). Going by these definitions of Adhering to “researcher integrity” and culture, the author of this article has “duty of care” (Dhakal, 2016), discussed the main cultural aspects of the pseudonyms are used to protect Musahars of the study area below. anonymity of my participants. Food and Drink All the collected data had been managed manually (including transcribing, Food is the most essential thing for translating, categorizing) and analysed human beings. Every society has its own thematically. Suitable photographs were food habits. Similarly, the participants in taken during the field visits with due the study area have certain food habits. permission from the participants for Their main food is rice but they also take illustration, reinforcement and other types of food like wheat, corn, etc., evaluation of the findings. although rare. A participant said:
Findings and Discussion We do not take rice, pulse, and vegetable at one go. If we cook pulse, First of all, I have tried to make sense of we do not cook the vegetable. the cultural aspects of the Musahar (Ghurmy Rishidev, July 10, 2017) community of the study area. The general cultural characteristics of these When I asked about the causes, he told Musahar people are food and drink, dress me that they had no time for ‘preparing and ornament, life cycle etc. The first so many things at one go’. They might classic definition of culture was given by have chosen to do so also because of E. B. Tylor, in his book entitled their poor economic condition. They ‘Primitive culture’. He defined ‘culture cook a lot of rice at one time and keep it as that complex whole which includes for another time. The lunch of children is custom, tradition, belief, art, moral, and prepared or cooked in the evening of the other capabilities and habits acquired by previous day. In this community, both man as a member of society (Tylor, men and women smoke bidi, a local 1871, p. 1). Cultural symbols consist of unrefined tobacco product, and they “tools, implements, utensils, clothing, sometimes smoke cigarettes, which cost ornaments, customs, institutions, beliefs, more. Generally, they cannot afford for rituals, art, language, etc.” (White, 1959, cigarettes and smoke ‘bidi’ and local ‘choor’ (unrefined tobacco). They drink Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research, Volume 2, Issue 1, 2020
Strained Identity of Musahars 135 alcohol. It is said that the main reason for not wear the cholo after she gives birth their poor economic condition is the to a child. She only wears phariya popularity of alcohol in their society. (saree) by which she covers her chest Generally, these Musahars are non- also. The other Tarai communities like vegetarian but some who call themselves Tharu, Danuwar etc. are also found to be ‘VAISNAB’ by religion are vegetarians. wearing somewhat similar dresses It is surprising that even though they are except for some fine distinctions that Dalits they do not take food and water their different cultures and customs touched by other castes. They follow the demanded. But nowadays most of the Vaisnab rules according to the Hindu married Musahar women have also religion. Vaishnav Musahars wear kanthi begun to wear cholo after giving birth to (garland made of basil plant) around a child. This may be because of the their neck. They thought themselves to influence of other high caste cultures of be pure and did not eat any kind of meat. the area. Because of their poor economic But the Hindu caste system has placed conditions, Musahars are not wearing them in the Untouchable Dalit caste ornaments, particularly of gold. But category. some can be seen wearing ornaments of silver and small pieces of wooden and Dress and Ornament bamboo artwork. The married Musahar women are decorated with the art of Dresses and ornaments are very ‘tattooing’ called kodha and godha. important aspects of the cultural identity of a caste or community. In the course of Figure 1: A participant showing her my observation, I have found that the tattoo. Musahars of the study area have their own kind of dress and ornament. Most Musahars, being flatland dwellers are seen dressing themselves in a way which is somewhat similar to that of the other inhabitants in the Tarai plains. Like most of the Tarai people, the Musahar males wear dhoti and kurtha while females wear phariya and cholo. But according to their social customs, a woman should
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136 | B. Pokhrel
Hindu culture, there are 16 types of ritual Tattooing is done in their different parts performed at various stages of life, such of the body like arms, wrists, chests and as birth, mundan, pasni, marriage and above the ankles, which includes the death. Most castes and communities of drawing of birds, money (paisa) and Nepal, however, have their own ways of trees etc. Traditionally it is done by the observing these rituals. Musahars also skilled, aged and experienced ladies of have their own distinct ways to mark Musahar, Tharu and Danuwar important rites and rituals such as birth, communities. In these communities, naming, marriage, and death. tattooing is the main trait which distinguishes a married woman from an One day, when I went to collect the unmarried girl. data in my field study, I found no respondent I had selected for my Rites and Rituals interview. After some time, I came to Rites and rituals are typically socio- know that they had gone to their cultural dynamics that shape the relative’s home for a birth ritual. I lifeworld of a particular community. also went there to find that Jhun Rites are the cultural celebration of Kumari Sada, one of the changes (e.g. birth, death, etc.). Ritual is respondents, had given birth to a the performance of ceremonial acts baby girl six days ago. She was prescribed by tradition, it is a specific, wearing a new sari and was getting observable mode of behaviour exhibited ready for worship, with a lota (water by all known societies (Penner, 2016). pot), and dubo (a type of grass), in Therefore, by ritual, I understand her hands. So, I waited for her to be specific cultural or traditional practices free for the interview for half an observed by different communities. In hour. When she had finished the my research context, it refers to the ritual, I asked her why she had to do specific ways of being, doing and it. She told me: ‘It’s our birth ritual experiencing different life-events by the for purifying me and my child from Musahar community. the birth pollution.’
Birth and death are universal rites for all To my other question as to why she beings. But human beings have so many was giving birth to a baby girl rites and rituals in their life period. In although she already had two
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Strained Identity of Musahars 137 daughters, she replied: ’The baby with dubo (a type of grass) and turmeric girl is a god’s gift for me so, how can plant in five places at the sources of I ignore her?’ water, such as wells and taps. Worship is offered in all five places and the lota is For Musahars like her, the birth of the emptied at the main source. ‘We believe child means the blessing of the god, no that the process until the mother empties matter whether it is a girl or a boy. They the pot should not be seen by others.’ hardly seem gender-biased. This indeed is a good practice in this community. Whatever the reason, this ritual allows Sadly, however, they are deprived of mothers to fetch water and give it to hospital facilities in most cases. Usually, others for drinking-meaning that the the community is found living in farms, mother is completely free of the birth away from city centres. Provided they pollution after the ritual. have transport, a few pregnant mothers are taken to hospitals for delivery. But Musahars also name their babies-but on normally it is the rural midwives who the sixth day itself. Names are often attend to women during their delivery at derived from the name of the day the home itself once they know for sure that baby is born or the month or so on. a child is being born around a certain Although there is not much to be done date. These midwives belong to the during the naming of a Musahar child, Chamar community. The same sudini the mother and the newborn are bathed (midwife) provides the mother and new and dressed in new robes. A delicacy baby with the pre-and-post-delivery care made by mixing different items (like such as removing the umbilical cord, maize, wheat, rice, barley, beans, etc.) cleaning the baby and the mother, and cereals is then distributed to washing their clothes and bathing them. relatives. The mother and the child are also given to eat the sweet food known According to respondent Kaluram Sada, as satanja in Musahar culture. they observe the birth practices ‘for six days, in some cases, for 12 days, and for The chhyawar (another ritual) offers a yet others, for a month. But all observe a boy his membership into manhood. ritual in which the mother of the Many cultures observe the ceremony for newborn baby keeps a lota (a water pot) boys in somewhat similar ways. with green paddy and ale plants along Musahars also observe this for the same
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138 | B. Pokhrel reasons but only a few complete the with a proposal and ends with the ritual. After the boy is old enough (that coming of the girl into the boy’s home. could be 6 or 7 years or more) his head For the generally poor Musahars, the 7- gets a clean shave amidst some rituals day marriage looks rather odd like worshiping the Musahar’s tantric economically (Gautam & Thapa Magar, deities along with other deities. The boy 1994). is kept on his mother’s lap and the barber begins to cut his hair. The belief is that About the steps of the marriage the hair should not fall on the ground. ceremony. Ghurmy Rishidev, one of the The mother, therefore, spreads her sari, respondents, explained to me that, in collects all hair and if possible, takes it to their community, first of all, the girl’s a river to be washed away. If there is no father goes to a prospective groom’s river nearby, the hair is taken to such house with friends and makes a proposal places as bamboo bushes where it is not with the groom’s guardians or parents. easily seen. In doing so, Musahars There they are given food before they believe, the boy’s hair will keep on return. Later, after both sides acquire growing as long as the river flows or the information and like each other’s family bamboo grows. On this occasion, they and home, a team of four to five people organize small feasts to feed their go to the girl’s house to see the girl. The relatives. This way the ritual ends like in prospective groom also accompanies. many other communities. Provided that the boy, from his side, likes the girl, a symbolic feast takes Marriage is “a more or less durable place where foods are served and both connection between male and female sides exchange clothes and some money. members lasting beyond the mere act of Before the boy’s group returns, a day is propagation till after the birth of fixed for the second step. While fixing offspring” (Bhushan & Sachdeva, 2003, the date, the difference in generations p. 74). Marriage has its own importance between the families of the girl and the and is indispensable for procreation. boy is found out and details are sought to Each race, society and community has its avoid blood relations. Although their own type of marriage and associated tradition, myths and tales say marriage culture to complete it. So, Musahars between two families within nine have their own ways of marriage. It familial generations has to be prevented normally takes seven days, which begins that has not been practical to adhere to.
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Strained Identity of Musahars 139 So Musahar marriages are found taking boy and the girl in their respective places place if the two sides are as far as four surrounded by singing women before generations away while ensuring that no they return home from the water source. marriage takes place within three The fourth day is the actual day of generations. After considering the family marriage. It is also called jantijane din, and generation factors, the two families the day of taking out the marriage are regarded bound in marital ties. Both procession. Accompanied by friends, the sides exchange gifts again, work on the boy and the girl go from door to door in date of marriage and discuss how it their respective villages where they are would take place. offered gifts of things like rice and money. As the boy arrives, along with Singing and dancing mark the first day, his team, he keeps the presents for the songs highlight love and wish a happy girl including ornaments, foods and conjugal life. On the second day, a lotion spices in the middle of the courtyard at of turmeric, pina (a by-product of the girl’s home. Villagers offer the boy mustard oil) and oil is prepared in each rice, money and other things in the gift. house. The lotion is applied to both the Perhaps, this is meant for villagers to see bride and the groom in a process which the girl’s match in a process called dura Musahars call aptan. Sisters and sisters- lagaune. Later the girl’s side gives the in-law handle the job, as well as bathing boy ornaments, shoes, umbrella, dhoti, the bride and groom in their respective shirt, and so on in the form of what is homes. It is usually the elder sister in the known as tilak. Most items are those girl’s home doing so. On the third day, already promised by the girl’s side. The the boy goes to the nearby source of exchange takes place in the jagge (or, water with a mixture of gram, fine grains mandap – the place where the marriage of rice (the aruwa variety), oil and takes place), which looks like a small vermillion powder. The girl does the hutment, built in a specific way. Some same in her home. Both take bath and get jagges are made of bamboo wickers ready to offer worship in their respective while others use the whole round places. They create a mound of the bamboo itself. Paddy stalks and straws mixture for worshipping in a process are also used to surround the mandap in called mitkor, when other women join in a few instances. Inside the mandap, the and sing dedicational and devotional girl puts on dresses presented by the boy songs. The revelry takes place with the based on ‘from up’ principle. What is Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research, Volume 2, Issue 1, 2020
140 | B. Pokhrel known as okhal is brought in the mandap sprinkle the contents over the girl. Then to carry on the rest of the ritual. oil is applied on to the girl’s hair to be combed clean leaving the partition called Fathers of both the bride and groom take siundo necessary for vermillion powder. out five grains each of rice and paddy The groom takes the powder in his left from the okhal to be tied to the end of hand and uses a wooden spoon with his their respective children’s clothes. right hand to apply the vermillion. What Interestingly, everyone looks on as to worries him is the fear that some of it who finishes first. Mandap’s work goes might fall on the ground which is against on. A branch of a mango tree is brought the belief. But as a caution, a wooden along with its leaves, a thin thread is used bowl is kept beneath the girl’s head to measure the height of the bride and the while the boy puts the powder on the thread is wound around the branch in the girl’s head for five times. belief that it would help maintain unity in the Musahar community. Then two The next is the barber’s turn. He is leaves are taken out. Names of fathers brought in the mandap where he cuts, and forefathers, up to three generations, instead of hair, a little rash from the are written down separate leaves on small fingers of both the bride and the behalf of the bride and the groom. The groom. The blood that comes out is leaf bearing the names on the girl’s side allowed to drop on betel leaves, banana is tied in the boy’s wrist and the other leaves and rice pudding. The groom has one is tied in the girl’s. Next, the actual to eat the ones with his bride’s blood and ceremony of putting vermillion powder the bride with her groom’s in a process follows in the auspicious time worked called li-chu. After that, the girl’s side out according to religion. Five of girl’s presents to the boy a new set of clothes relatives put above the girl’s head a 2- to replace the one he is wearing. The meter long white cloth without the girl barber is given the replaced set. With seeing it. Right then, the girl and the boy that, the work at the mandap is over and are given a bowl each of yoghurt, along the actual marriage is almost over too. with some dubo, paddy and turmeric. Five people from the boy’s side snatch But the jantis (the people of groom’s the bowl and sprinkle its content on the side) sing and dance as they stay at the boy and those from the girl’s side also girl’s house for three more days as take away the bowl from him and guests. They give betel and nuts in gifts
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Strained Identity of Musahars 141 to the women who sing and dance from years old at his marriage and his wife the girl’s side. The relatives of the girl was 14 years. also present nuts to the guests, who along with the groom, then return with the Jhunu Kumari, another participant, bride to the groom’s house. The bride is informed me that she had had a love made to stand at the gate with a tokari (a marriage at the age of 15 when her wicker basket), in her front. There in the would-be-husband was only 17 years. basket is burnt a crab’s bone. The heat of Musahar marriages, called sadhi, in their the fire is received by those near it and language, seem slightly different from the hot hands placed on the bride’s those of other castes and communities of cheeks. Five balls of rice pudding are the study area. The Musahars prefer made and thrown in various five arranged marriages to other types of directions. The newly-wed is now marriage. In recent times, they may no permitted into her husband’s home but longer be rigid about the type of she has a hurdle to cross. Groom’s sisters marriage. For practical reasons, of and others are there to slam the doors for difficulty and economy, they have her until the bride gives them gifts. Once reduced the genetic link conditions, from happy, they take the bride and the groom, nine generations to three generations, by washing their feet into the room where marriages are not permissible as where they have to offer worship to their well as bringing down the number of deities. With that, the entire marriage days they would need to complete their ends. marriage ceremonies, from seven to Ghurmy Rishidev also told me that this within three or four days. Some Musahar applies only in case of proposed or families are found conducting marriage arranged marriages among them. Love ceremonies in the traditional framework, marriage, marriage by theft, widow while significant changes are also marriage and child marriage are also occurring side by side over the passage found among them. Often marriages take of time. place between girls of 12 to 15and boys A strange sense of loss must have of 16 to 18. There is not much age gap gripped everyone while seeing a member between the bride and groom in this of the community suddenly become community. He himself was only 16 lifeless. It is for this reason that man has
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142 | B. Pokhrel taken death as a sad event which evokes for burning the corpse. If they can afford, some different type of feeling than the they cremate the body. As per Jhunu and living world has in store, especially since Raghav, a large majority, almost around the prehistoric and mid-stone ages. The 80% burn the dead, whereas others bury tradition of observing certain rites at the the dead (Fieldwork, 2017). death of a member of the community is believed to have started during this According to the participants of the period. Hindu religious scriptures have study area, first of all, the dead body is made some rigorous recommendations, bathed and wrapped in a new (normally which are generally accepted by all white) cloth. It is mounted on a stretcher- castes and communities when one of type structure of bamboo and taken to the their members dies. In Buddhist, Jain river banks, in particular, for burial and and other traditions, the rules could be cremation. A funeral pyre of wood is different. For aboriginal communities, made to burn the corpse. If it is to be the rules may be more different than the buried, the head is kept to the north of the rest, because they have their own grave and legs to the south. cultures. But Musahars have more A funeral procession is led by a man with similarities with Hindus than with others a clay pot containing a five-paisa coin, in the way they mourn death. Musahars oil, wheat, ale, basil plant etc. The pot is of the study area regard themselves as often carried by the one who puts fire in members of Hindu origin yet some the funeral pyre. Normally it is the son minor cultural differences are there. who burns the dead. If not, it is the Their view about death is that it is a brother or nephew of the dead. At the universal truth, that anyone can die any time of burning the pyre, camphor and a time if God so wishes, and that everyone silver coin or betel are kept in the mouth has to die once he is born. However, as of the dead body and fire lighted at the long as one is physically able, one of the end. The belief is that the physical body respondents, Raghav says, ‘One is not burns into ashes and the soul is freed to afraid of immediate death nor does one go to heaven or the world beyond. This wish live to forever’. means these people also believe in divine power like many others. The one who Generally, the Musahars bury the dead if sets the pyre afire does so after taking they are unable to buy the wood required three rounds of it and finally burning the
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Strained Identity of Musahars 143 mouth of the dead body to end the which he pours milk before throwing process. When the body is to be buried, them into the river or the well. Then he a grave is dug and five paisa each is kept returns home after taking a bath. in five directions. The clothes and other Shraddha, the worship for the dead, is things carried along with the dead body offered on the 12th day. On that day are thrown near the grave. The people twelve masses called pinda are prepared involved in the procession bathe and donations are made to the marath, themselves in the river and return home. their priest. On the 13th day, he can eat the prohibited terms such as wine and By the time the funeral procession meat. The house is believed to be freed returns, at home, women would have from death pollution from that day. finished cleaning the home with water. A Some of them, however, continue to karai (a type of cooking pot) with abstain from the prohibited items even burning coal, stones and chilli, kept after 13 days until as long as a year. All clockwise five times each, awaits those this shows these Musahars have similar returning after the funeral. Each of them ways of mourning on the death, like any has to eat some chili before entering the other Hindus, yet there is some influence house. On the fourth day, all of them and of other cultures as well. the male relatives of the dead go to the place of the funeral. Musahar Although religion and culture are Vaishnavs, who wear the kanthi, plant inseparable, beliefs and practices are basil at the mound and non-Vaishnav uniquely cultural. For example, religious Musahars make a mound of soil and rituals (one type of practice) unite leave it there. This is called believers in religion and separate ‘chortripalgarne. On that day, they nonbelievers. Simmel (1950) believed organize a feast to those who attended that religious and cultural beliefs the procession with drinks at the home of develop from one another. the dead person. Religion, Feast and On the seventh day kriyaputri, Festival especially, son of the dead is taken to the river or well. Ale and fire, among other Every caste and community has its own items, are carried in a banana leaf, five religion, feast and festival which they balls of the substances are created in perform according to their religious
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144 | B. Pokhrel rules. In Nepal, as elsewhere, festivals methods differ from those of other are celebrated in slightly different ways Hindus of Nepal. and with varying degrees of intensity depending upon the locality, economic These Musahars are found to be unable and social status, education, religious to trace their earliest ancestry. Some and family background and personal elders in the community claim that inclination (Anderson, 2010). Musahars are the descendants of sage Balmiki (the author of the Hindu Nepali people celebrate various types of religious scripture Ramayana). Possibly, feast and festival according to their Musahars entered Nepal in the third culture and custom. They worship century along with other communities various gods and goddesses and they that came from India. They must have enjoy eating, drinking, singing, and settled in the Tarai, which still is their dancing. Unlike the other ethnic groups home, by cleaning the forest. Today they of people, Musahars celebrate feast and are found practising their religion where festival that are not only related to Musahars appear more inclined to the merry-making and entertainment but female deity than her male counterpart. also reflect their cultural and religious They believe their goddess to be more life. The Musahar celebrate all festivals, powerful than the god. Their folk tales, but their style of performing a few songs and culture support this. festivals are different from that of other Especially, Musahars have been castes. Musahars mostly celebrate Hindu worshipping Luksiyar, Sursar, Giya, festivals. The main festivals celebrated Goriya, Dina and Bhadri as their gods by them are Dashain in October, Tihar in and goddesses. Of them, Dina Bhadr is November, Phagu in March, Maghe their ancestral deity which is regarded as Sankranti in February and Krishna the symbol of bravery in the community. Ashtami in September, etc. Except for Two types of deities are believed to be the females of a few households, they do there for Musahars to worship at home not worship regularly at home. Although and village. Lusiyar, Sursar, Giya, they are Hindus, they worship their own Goriya and other Hindu deities fall under types of deities, such as their kuldevata what they call Ghardevata or home (ancestral god) Dina Bhadri etc. At the deities. Each Musahar family keeps the same time, some of their worshipping idols of these deities in a corner of a
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Strained Identity of Musahars 145 room at home and worships them on a and go to the site where Dina Bhadri is regular basis. installed. They clean the area. Sweets and pudding are special delicacies in the Dina Bhadri is regarded as Gaundevata form of prasad for the day. (the village deity) which is placed in the middle of the village every year before Dina Bhadri is surrounded by the villagers offer worship with a lot of villagers irrespective of whether they are jubilation. The village deity, they young or old. Music of madal and dholak believe, is the protector of their race. (drumming instruments) accompanies the verses chanted by the villagers A Musahar worship is distinct in its amidst much fun and revelry. Three processes. But the community is also bamboo poles with red and white flags, found to invoke power in similar ways as put up as the symbol of three deities other communities do by offering goats namely Dina, Bhadri and Salahesh, and pigs in sacrifice, a ready–to- chew stand in the midst of all. They are betel nut holds special importance replaced, with new ones only in the among the materials necessary for following year on the day of Dina worship. The priest locally called dhami Bhadri. Once the poles are the replaced, chants verses in a process they call villagers offer worship with flowers, jhumar during the puja (worship). incense and so on, that they have brought Besides dhami, they have another priest for the puja. Then verses rent the air as called marar whose job is to conduct the villagers led by dhami (their priest) other social rituals. in front begins a journey to the jungles. In fact, they go to a certain place Dina Bhadri worship needs a special specified for the purpose and return all mention in Musahar worship. First of all, the while chanting the verses before the a month of Asar or Magh or Mangsir is worship is declared finished. The verses, chosen for a particular year as per the which obviously are long, rent the air convenience and consent of the throughout the day. A few lines read community to offer the worship. In that thus: particular month, villagers decide a particular day, by consent again, for se daiware jatara banlawai kataiya Dina Badri. On the day of the worship, jangal me villagers take bath early in the morning se daiware pitajika nam kalurama das
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146 | B. Pokhrel se daiware miya ki nam niraraso… centuries passed people took Dina nitya din sikar kataiya me khelaichhe Bhadri for a symbol of bravery from jogiya nagarme… generation to generation and they began kekro naithkjogiya nagarme to remember him in a festival. This later eksayaek kaisjan lanaksingh dhaniya assumed a religious dimension. The begar khataiwa dinaram bhadriaagan... Musahar settlements are separate clusters and every Musahar settlement Explaining briefly about this, Shyam has one thaan (the symbol of their deity Sada Dhami (one of the respondents) Dina Bhadri) where they keep three said that ‘Kaluram Das and Nirasu bamboo pillars with flags of different mentioned in the verses were the parents colors (Pokhrel, 2016). The Thaan is a of Dina Bhadri and were their ancestors. sacred palce where the Musahars people They were the dwellers of Jogiya Nagar. gather to worship their ancentral dieties They regularly went to the jungle of Dina Bhadhri and Salahesh once a year. Kataiya for hunting except when they worked for someone else. The residents Figure 2: The Thaan With Bamboo of Jogiya Nagar took the entire task of Pillars their security on their own. Youths used to be trained in duels (mallayuddha). One day enemies abruptly mounted an attack on Kataiya Khap. Jogiya Nagar dwellers fiercely fought against them and finally won the war. Unfortunately, however, while they were crossing a river to return to their village, revelling in their victory, their boat overturned in waves killing the boatman as well as Dina Bhadri. Villagers were grieved to hear the news. But they got the consolation to bear the tragedy when they remembered Dina Bhadri’s bravery to safeguard their ancestry. This folk tale shows that Dina Bhadri was a historic
man and not divine power. But then as
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Strained Identity of Musahars 147 When I asked why there is no monument Conclusion or temple in honour of their revered Dina Bhadri, most respondents said, ‘We Culturally, Nepal can be divided into have to cut our meal and collect pennies three parts: national, regional and local. to worship our idol even once a year.’ The present study has focused on the Even though they have so much of local group known as Musahars and their devotion for Dina Bhadri, they are cultural and religious activities in the unable to build a temple in their current face of forces creating strains for change situation. Talking about the temple, there in their identity. Literature relating to is one, a large temple of Dina Bhadri at ethnographic ideas has been used Ganapatanganj of India. Indian generally in support of the findings of Musahars gather there to offer worship. this study. Descriptive research design ‘But we cannot afford to make it to India has been followed for drawing an for worship due to lack of money. So, we ethnographic portrait of the community. put up a symbolic Dina Bhadri and Respondents were selected by using a worship it in our own village.’ purposive sampling method for the collection of information from the study One cannot help appreciating the area. community for its desire to keep its culture and religious tradition alive This article has analyzed the field data despite the financial hardship they have and discussed the findings in light of been facing, so much so that they have cursory desk reviews and frequent field not been able to put up a temple yet. So, works. Particularly, this article deals economically they are very poor but with the Musahars, their ethnohistory, culturally and religiously, they are rich. cultural characteristics, dress and Due to their poor economic condition ornament, food and drink, life cycle and changing priorities of the nation- ceremonies, feast and festival, religion, state, this minority Dailit community has while the author also tried to document found it hard to keep the culture and some strains of change in their way of religious activities alive and well today. life and identity. This study has not focused much on the social aspects of Musahars of the study area, as several studies before have undertaken to do so.
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The name Musahar might have come implementing the programs certain from the traditional occupation of these precautions should be taken. No program people who are still famous for killing can be successful and can give the and eating Musa (mouse or rat). But the desired result unless it respects the Musahar themselves do not agree with customs and culture of the targeted that, because their oral traditions and community. So, more studies are needed stories speak that they were the to know all cultural and religious aspects descendants of great sage Balmiki, who of this community’s identity as well as is believed to be the author of the Hindu the strains their changing conditions religious epic Ramayana. Musahars are cause on the identity before such Hindu by religion, so, most of their programs can work for their uplift. cultural and religious activities are related to the Hindu culture and tradition. Disclosure Statement Although they are Hindus, they worship their own types of deities such as Dina The author declares that no potential Bhadri, their ancestral deity. Some of conflict of interest exists. their worshipping methods differ from that of other communities of the study References area. Their feast and festival are not only related to entertainment but also show Anderson, M. M. (2010). The festivals their cultural and religious life. of Nepal (2nd ed.). Rupa Publications. Based on the findings, these Musahars of Bista, D. B. (1967). People of Nepal (5th the study area, who belong to Dalit and ed.). Ratna Pustak Bhandar. minorities, are poor and that places Berger, J. M., Fisek, M., Norman, R. Z, strains on their preserving their cultural & Zelditch, M. (1977). Status and religious practices, the markers of characteristics in social their identity, so, it seems necessary for interactions: Expectation status the Government and other NGOs and approach. Elsevier. INGOs involved in the welfare of Dalit Bhushan, V., & Sachdeva, D. R. (2003). and minority communities of the nation An introduction to sociology. Kitab to bring forward and implement special Mahal. programmes tailored to meet the needs Chun, K. M., Balls Organista, P. E., & of these Musahars. But before Marín, G. E. (2003). Acculturation:
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Author Biosketch
Bhabani Pokhrel is a faculty member of anthropology at Bhaktapur Multiple Campus, Tribhuvan University, Nepal. She is a PhD scholar at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu. She earned her master’s degree in anthropology as well as bachelors of law from Tribhuvan University. She has been supervising master’s level thesis in Anthropology/Sociology. She has published research articles in national peer reviewed journal and presented her work in national seminars. Her current research focuses on the changes in the culture of the Dalit minority in Nepal.
To cite this article: Pokhrel, B. (2020). Strained identity: Cultural and religious rituals of a Musahar community. Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research, 2(1), 128-150. https://doi.org/10.3126/sijssr.v2i1.28912
For other articles and journal archive, visit: 1. http://socialinquiryjournal.org/index.php 2. https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/sijssr/index
Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research, Volume 2, Issue 1, 2020