Chapter 3 Chapter 3

85 Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center

Aleksandra Borzecka Eero Kujanen Jalmari Sarla Katja Toivola Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

and developers of the malls want the com- Introduction plexes to be “apolitical,” in order to avoid social or political distractions (Loukai- Shopping centers (ostoskeskus) represent an tou-Sideris & Banerjee 1998, 291). Public older style of building service than con- spaces play a crucial part in enabling this temporary shopping malls (kauppakeskus) political interaction and serving as plat- and were typically built in the suburbs as forms for political discussions, as they are hearts of their neighborhoods. In the case essentially the spaces where people encoun- of Vantaa, this occurred since the fast ur- ter strangers, outside of their work and banization of the early 1960s until the mid- family spheres (Caramona 2010). 1980s (Heikkola 2014; Jalkanen et al. 2017). In our study, we concentrated on the The Hakunila Shopping Center (Figure 1) was Hakunila Shopping Center, illuminating the the last of these small shopping centers to role of the center as an important public be built in Vantaa (Laitinen & Huuhka 2012). space with local significance. Hakunila is a In contrast to covered and closed shopping neighborhood with 11,300 residents in east- malls, shopping centers usually have spac- ern Vantaa (Vantaan väestö… 2017) and the es for businesses opening outwards into the Hakunila Shopping Center provides the ma- public space (Jalkanen et al. 2017). Many of jority of its services. The shopping center these old shopping centers have since run was designed by Erkki Karvinen, built in two into problems due to the influence of the stages, in 1981 and 1986, and is defined as building of new malls, not being able to a locally significant example of architec- cater to the needs of contemporary consum- ture typical of its era (Laitinen & Huuhka ers, limited space, the changed role of the 2012). In our multidisciplinary study on 86 location, and most importantly, the complex market, space, identity, and power rela- ownership structures that prevent renovation tions, we chose to concentrate on Hakunila, and regeneration in times of economic vital- because it is the only important sub-center ity (Jalkanen et al. 2017). of Vantaa that lacks a rail connection and Helsinki has seen a trend in which big is thus an interesting outlier within the shopping malls have become increasingly pop- areas in the municipality. As we decided to ular, which has contributed to the decline focus on Hakunila, we focused our research of the old shopping centers. At the time of on the most focal point of the neighborhood, writing, in central Helsinki massive devel- the shopping center, where virtually all opments are taking place, adding hundreds of Hakunila’s services and social activity of thousands of new square meters of shop- are clustered. However, according to re- ping malls to the city (Toivonen 2015). As cent plans proposed by the city planners in old malls and their public squares are being Vantaa, in the next decade a new light rail replaced by these massive shopping malls, it will connect Hakunila to Mellunmäki and Tik- is important to consider the consequences. kurila. Consequently, now is an appropriate Kevin Mattson (1999) describes the malls as time to study the Hakunila Shopping Center, “total institutions,” as they are designed as the development plans also include a pro- for making people focus on consuming and posal to demolish the existing structure and shutting out distractions such as social- build a mixed-use block containing housing izing or engaging in political activities. and services in its stead. Shifting the public spaces from open squares In our research, we were sensitive to to these introverted complexes both affects the nuance and peculiarity that come with people’s opportunities for social interac- analyzing public spaces of a (suburban) tion and has an effect on how these spaces neighborhood. We treated the space produced support the democratic system of our socie- by the structure of the Hakunila Shopping ty. Public spaces play an important role in Center as a public square, and as this pa- facilitating civic interaction and political per will continue to prove, it provides the assembly, which the shopping malls do not qualities of a public square for its inhab- allow (Mattson 1999). The property owners itants. We hope that our study contributes Chapter 3

Figure 1. Hakunila Shopping Center. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

to the discussion on the character and sig- tions and intersections within our studies. nificance of the remaining shopping centers When approaching this topic, our ambition of the 1960s–1980s and helps the new plans was to capture the interplay between real to take their existing social and spatial estate development, architecturally created functions into account. spaces, and social structures. We made this The built structure of the shopping center the theme of our work by using mixed eth- produces a relatively large outdoor space, nographic and spatial observations instead around which a range of private and public of classic architectural site analysis. In services (tenants of the center) are con- addition, we compiled our observations with centrated. Even though the space is part of theoretical studies and statistical/docu- the real estate owned by the shopping center ments study to contextualize our observation owners, it is a square used for many activi- results. ties. To understand why this kind of prop- The methodology used for this study has erty can be seen as something like a public its limitations and should be read criti- square, we must think of it in the context cally. First, market analyses always lack of the suburban neighborhood, or in Finnish, information due to the characteristics of lähiö. real estate markets: the trading is decen- In his study, Public and private spaces tralized, the units are heterogeneous and of the city, Ali Madanipour (2003) analyzes costly, the properties have low liquidity, the character of public spaces in different the number of market actors in a specific parts of the city - the center, outskirts, time or location is low, market information neighborhoods, suburbs, et cetera. He for individual properties is lacking, and stresses the multi-layered division patterns there are opportunities for monopoly power 88 of the city - it is not only the classic (Wyatt 2013, 32). Also, we had to rely on public-private, but also various socio-eco- open source material for this study, when in nomic and cultural subdivisions. He claims a real development project there would be a that a neighborhood is “the main manifes- multitude of sources of interesting real es- tation of these patterns” (Madanipour 2003, tate information. Next, ethnographic obser- 119). In addition, he points out that: vations are limited to our four subjective perspectives, and do not directly include [O]n the one hand, neighborhoods show how the voice of the actors discussed (via in- identity and difference find a spatial terviews or such). shape, while on the other hand public-pri- Finally, though we focused on and contex- vate distinction works within and across tualized the case of Hakunila, we did not the neighborhoods to frame patterns of so- go into more detailed comparisons with other cial life. It is here that the universal- shopping centers in Vantaa or the Helsin- ity that is associated with public-private ki metropolitan area. Despite these limi- distinction finds a particular flavor, as tations, we claim that our approach gives it falls within the distinctive framework an excellent idea of the Hakunila Shopping of the neighborhood. At the intersection Center currently, and how the site could be of the public-private and neighborhood further developed to address the encountered systems of differentiation, publicness of issues. public spaces and privacy of the private sphere are both challenged. (Madanipour 2003, 119) REFERENCES Carmona, M. (2010). Contemporary public space: Critique and classification, part We have approached the shopping center and one: critique. Journal of Urban Design concept of public space from arrange of dis- 15(1), 123–148. ciplinary perspectives. As representatives of various fields of study, we have been Heikkola, J. (2014). Vantaan osta- especially sensitive to different connec- rit osana palveluverkkoa. 1.12.2017. Chapter 3

Jalkanen, R., Kajaste, T., Kauppinen, T., Pakkala, P. & Rosengren, C. (2017). Kau- punkisuunnittelu ja asuminen. Rakennusti- eto, Helsinki. Laitinen, K. & Huuhka, E. (2012). Van- taan ostoskeskukset. Aalto-yliopiston julkaisusarja, Aalto-TT 18/2012. Loukaitou-Sideris, A. & Banerjee, T. (1998). Urban design downtown: Poetics and politics of form. University of California Press, Berkeley. Madanipour, A. (2003). Public and Private Spaces of the City. Routledge, London. Mattson, K. (1999). Reclaiming and remaking public space: towards an architecture for American democracy, National Civic Renew- al 88(2), 133–144. 89 Toivonen, J. (2015). Pääkaupunkiseudulle rakennetaan kolmen Itiksen verran uutta kauppakeskustilaa – professori kummeksuu tahtia. Yle Uutiset 11.12.2015. Vantaan väestö 2016/2017 (2017). City of Vantaa. Wyatt, P. (2013). Property Valuation. 2nd ed. Wiley-Blackwell, Chichester. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

tion, and the focus is only on the housing, First Perspective: retail, and services options. However, this Market Analysis does not mean that there should be no office space in the area. The current economic situation in Finland and in the Helsinki metro- by Eero Kujanen politan area is also considered. The economic conditions are surveyed to gain insight into the externalities that could affect the Introduction future development (Wilkinson et al. 2008). We begin the Hakunila Shopping Center analysis from a real estate development point Current Land Use and Property Rights Situa- of view, starting with market research of tion the site. This type of market research is generally used in determining which uses are The Hakunila Shopping Center area consists appropriate for a specific site and in de- of six areas, totaling roughly 14,800 square lineating the markets supporting those uses meters. In the Vantaa master plan which was (Fanning 2005). confirmed in 2007, the area is marked as In property development, market research “C,” meaning an area of center activities is performed to determine the highest and such as apartments, workplace activities best use of the property (Wilkinson et that are suitable for the central area and al. 2008). The City of Vantaa has recently office, retail, and service space (Van- published a new plan frame for restructur- taa Map… 2017). The valid detailed plans of ing Hakunila and the shopping center, while the area were confirmed in 1983, 1985 and 90 at the same time the shopping center site 1988. In the detailed plans, the shopping stakeholders disagree with each other in center is determined as an area of retail defining how the site should be developed in and office buildings (K) with the addition the future (Salomaa 2016; Hakunilan keskus- of parking (LPA). The total floor area al- tan… 2017). However, it is assumed here that lowed in the detailed plan is 20,330 square all stakeholders seek the best use of the meters. This means that the efficiency ratio site. This is because the concept of highest allowed by the detailed plan in the shop- and best use is central in defining market ping center area is 20,330 / 14,800 = 1.37. value (Wyatt 2013, 180). Furthermore, market However, the current buildings have a total value is a basic concept in market research. floor area of 10,714 square meters, result- With proper market research the discussion ing in an efficiency of e = 10,714 / 14,800 concerning the development can be studied = 0.72. The valid detailed plan of the area from the perspective of factual productivity is depicted in Figure 2. of the space and the real estate. The two main owners of the shopping center The foundation of property value is are Hakunilan Keskus Oy and HakuCenter Oy. provided by the relationship between the The largest shareholder in the shopping economic situation, market activity, and center is Sirius Capital Partners, a real property productivity. The linkages are ex- estate investment company (Hakunilan ostosk- amined to determine the highest and best use eskus 2017). In addition, another real es- of a site (Fanning 2005). The most crucial tate investment company, EMP-Invest Oy owns part of the analysis is to measure market the smaller separate building next to Kyyt- support, by identifying the demand of poten- itie (Skjutsvägen in Figure 2). The market tial customers or tenants and the competi- square belongs to Hakunilan Keskus Oy, while tive supply of properties. The relationship the City of Vantaa owns the parking area between supply and demand, both currently (LPA) on the plan map. The city also owns and in the future, is examined to find the the small plot next to Hakunilantie, with a market support for a possible development. building right of 7,000 square meters and 14 To simplify this particular research, the floors, which has never been built (Vantaa development of offices is excluded as an op- Map… 2017). Chapter 3

Figure 2. The valid detail plan of the Hakunila Shopping Center. Green lines depict the real estate division (Vantaa Map… 91 2017).

The property rights can form a major ob- er inspection is made of the Hakunila major stacle in preventing the development of a region, district, and postal code area (de- certain area. In this case, there are four pending on the available information), which owners which most likely have four different is then compared to other areas in Vantaa or interests concerning the area. In addition, in Vantaa as a whole. these four owners each have multiple share- The Hakunila district had 11,250 inhab- holders or persons with their own ideas itants at the start of 2015, which makes it about how and what decisions should be made. the third largest and fifth densest district The City of Vantaa recognizes the problem in Vantaa. Most residents live in rent- of property rights by stating in the new al apartments and roughly 30 percent have Hakunila plan frame that one difficulty of a foreign native language (Vantaa alueit- large simultaneous changes is fitting them tain 2016). As we can see from the pop- to the land ownership situation (Hakunilan ulation density grid map (Figure 3), the keskustan… 2017). population in the Hakunila postal code area is clustered on a rather small area in the Demand Analysis center of Hakunila. The population growth in Hakunila is expected to be the slowest Statistical Overview on Hakunila in Vantaa from 2017 to 2026. Only 2,500 new inhabitants are expected in the major region In this part, I analyze the demand for dif- and 1,600 on the district scale (Vantaan ferent types of uses for the shopping center väestöennuste 2017). site through population, employment, macroeconomic, and other local factors. Clos- The unemployment rate in Vantaa has decreased to 9.9 percent in September 2017, Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

the lowest it has been in four years (Van- depict the household incomes, and Hakunila taan työttömyys… 2017c). At the end of 2016, is the second lowest income area, after the unemployment rate was 11.9 percent. The Koivukylä-Havukoski. By comparing Figures 3 unemployment rate was rising steadily from and 5 it can also be seen, that the peo- 2011 until 2015, when it started to decline. ple with the lowest incomes tend to live in The decline is about the same in each of the densest apartment building blocks. The the large areas of Vantaa (Tilastokatsaus… average usable annual income of Hakunila in- 2017). habitants has been growing slowly in recent The unemployment rate in the Hakunila years, from approximately 21,300 euros in large area is the highest in Vantaa, hav- 2012 to 21,550 euros in 2014. ing been 14.5 percent at the end of 2016 (Hakunilan keskustan… 2017). Figure 4 shows Macroeconomic Factors, Real Estate Market the distribution of unemployment rates in and the Future postal code areas in Vantaa in 2014. The Hakunila postal code area (01200) has the The economic conditions can also be ap- highest unemployment rate in Vantaa with 18 proached with other macroeconomic consider- percent of the workforce unemployed. ations in mind. The gross domestic product The average annual income of the people in (GDP) growth in Finland was strong in the the Hakunila postal code area in 2014 was € first half of 2017 and the GDP growth for 21,548. In Figure 5, the postal code areas the next three years is expected to be 2.1

Figure 3. The population in Vantaa (data: Statistics Finland 2016, 2017a). Chapter 3

Figure 4. Unemployment rates in Vantaa (data: Statistics Finland 2016, 2017a).

Figure 5. Average household incomes in Vantaa (data: Statistics Finland 2016, 2017a). Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

percent, 1.7 percent, and 1.4 percent re- gories are: globalization, action optimi- spectively. The economic growth will mainly zation, differentiation, technology as an be caused by private consumption and invest- enabler, urbanization, aging population, ment. There is also expected to be growth in environmental pressure, safety, and search inflation, though less than in the rest of of meaning. Europe (Economic outlook… 2017). Toivonen and Viitanen (2016) examined The real estate transaction volume in the subcategories of these nine categories Finland reached an all-time high in 2017. in their follow-up research with a method This was largely due to the increased in- called futures wheel, through which ultimate terest by foreign investors and the general future influences were found for the forces growth in macroeconomics (Market report…. of change. These influences were categorized 2017). Macroeconomics refers to the general into 14 themes that represent the future level of prices, employment, and output in themes of the commercial real estate market. the economy. Macroeconomic influences con- Furthermore, the 14 themes were divided into cern real estate markets in many ways. For three main themes: real estate, market, and example, the current stage of the economic ideological themes. cycle and the ratio of new to existing space The real estate future themes include: are dependent on the macroeconomic situation comfort, image, distinctive spaces and ele- (Wyatt 2013). ments, technicality, safety, and geographi- The commercial real estate market is con- cal location and transportation connectivity tinuously affected by different forces of (Toivonen & Viitanen 2016). In the Hakunila change, as Saija Toivonen and Kauko Viita- Shopping Center, comfort could mean in- nen (2015) point out. It faces threats in creasing recreational activities and cus- 94 the changing property requirements and the tomer satisfaction, or adding elements that changing environment. This is because the increase comfort and relaxation. The im- real estate market is usually slow and rigid age theme suggests that the shopping center in fulfilling new needs. However, through should consider standing out from the mass proper future research and knowledge about to attract tenants and customers, and also forces of change affecting future demand, take the virtual image into account by cre- owners of commercial real estate can be ating a certain image in social media and prepared for changing environments and stay keeping the website up to date. The Hakunila profitable and vital. Shopping Center must also highlight the dis- There is a risk that the owners of the tinctive spaces and elements in the shopping Hakunila Shopping Center will make un- center offerings, to satisfy the demand for sustainable decisions that would have distinctiveness. In addition, the techni- far-reaching consequences for the future. cal nature of real estate is ever increas- This is because of the possible lack of ing, and to answer to the future technical sufficient knowledge about future develop- requirements, the shopping center must not ment and the network of forces of changes. neglect this development. The safety theme The future commercial real estate market is relates to Hakunila by the need to feel safe a sum of a range of objectives, causes, and in the public spaces of the shopping center. events of many actors; development does not Finally, the Hakunila Shopping Center should take place in a vacuum (Toivonen & Viitanen acknowledge the geographical location and 2016). transportation connectivity theme, by emphasizing accessibility by pedestrians and Toivonen and Viitanen (2015) found nine cyclists and by taking into account the categories of the forces of change in com- public and private transportation connectiv- mercial real estate in the Helsinki metro- ity. Also, the shopping center stakeholders politan area. Each of these categories can should consider how to utilize the location also be seen to have meaning in the case of in image creation and marketing. the Hakunila Shopping Center and are related to the change of demand. These nine cate- The market themes include interaction, demand for services, segregation, and need Chapter 3

for special knowledge and expertise (Toivo- should be aware of the changing environment nen & Viitanen 2016). The interaction theme and be flexible for the changes of demand. means that people, products, and services physically interact with each other, which is a distinctive advantage of the Hakunila Supply Analysis Shopping Center, and real estate in general, Market Values and Ongoing Development and which should be emphasized. The demand for services is also highlighted in the fu- In supply analysis, the current retail, ser- ture, and the shopping center could tackle vice, and nearby housing stock are examined. this by distinctive and diverse services, Current tenants of the shopping center are individual customization, and entertainment. presented in Figures 6–8. In addition, va- The segregation theme refers to the special- cancy rates and market rents were studied to ization and segregation of real estate. Fi- get an overview of the current situation in nally, it is becoming increasingly important the Hakunila real estate and housing mar- to possess special knowledge and expertise. kets. The Hakunila Shopping Center should make The Hakunila Center is dominated by apart- sure that they have expertise in a range of ment buildings built mostly in the 1970s and fields to address the future demand and com- 1980s. When analyzing the apartment sales plicated market structures. from the past year in the Hakunila postal The last themes to be discussed are the area, it was found that the average price ideological themes, which include quality per square meter in 2016 was 2,127 euros and the redefinition of attractiveness, in- (96 sales). In Vantaa overall, the aver- tegration of space types, diversified demand age price per square meter was 2,400 euros and versatility of commercial real estates, (1,999 sales) (Statistics Finland 2017b). In 95 and owner occupancy vs. tenancy (Toivonen & the apartments sold during the past year, Viitanen 2016). High quality can be under- the prices varied between 1,914 and 2,848 stood differently by different people, thus euros per square meter. The average build- the shopping center should think about the ing year of these sold apartments is 1979 target customer groups and what would be (ARA… 2017). The average rent of non-subsi- high quality and attractiveness from their dized apartments in the area (Vantaa di- point of view. The shopping center should vided in half) in 2016 was 15.12 euros per also emphasize the flexibility of the new square meter; while in Vantaa overall it was spaces so that the spaces are not strict- 15.44 euros per square (Statistics Finland ly for one purpose, where new purposes are 2017c). No rental statistics are available not easily adaptable. Diversified demand on a smaller scale. These numbers indicate and versatility of commercial real estate that the general apartment price level in is also a future theme which in a shopping Hakunila is lower than in Vantaa overall. center case could mean that the space should New construction of retail space in the be planned and designed to be highly versa- Helsinki metropolitan area is now at its tile and flexible. Owner occupancy may not highest level of the decade, with some seem very relevant in shopping center real 265,000 m² under construction at the end of estate. However, the ownership situation in September 2017 (Market review… 2017). Howev- general is something that the Hakunila Shop- er, no new retail space is being constructed ping Center stakeholders should address. The or is proposed for construction in Hakunila. current situation with multiple owners might For many years, the City of Vantaa was not be the best when preparing for multiple planning a new retail center in the old bus future changes and decisions. plot between the two main roads, Lahdentie The stakeholders of the Hakunila Shopping and Lahdenväylä, very close to the Hakunila Center do not necessarily have to implement Shopping Center. This plan hindered the de- all of the ideas that are derived from the velopment of the Hakunila Shopping Center influences of the future forces of change for many years but has since been cast aside in real estate markets. Nevertheless, they (Hakunilan ostoskeskus 2017). Now there is Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

increasing demand for the development of the Thus, the demand in Hakunila is a lot lower shopping center site. than in other parts of Vantaa. More new apartment building constructions in Finland were started in 2017 than in any Use of Space in the Hakunila other year in the last 20 years (Market re- Shopping Center view… 2017). The aforementioned bus plot is now proposed as a place for housing, al- The Hakunila Shopping Center is the largest though there is not yet a detailed plan pro- retail center in the Hakunila major region cess. North of that bus plot, on the other (Figure 9). Other nearby places with mul- side of Kyytitie, there is a valid detailed tiple different service or retail provid- plan for 39,500 square meters of new hous- ers are the S-market grocery store building, which means approximately 900 new res- ing on Kannuskuja 2, and a small center of idents. The first of these apartment house two neighboring buildings on Heporinne 2a buildings is currently under construction. / Oritie 1a. The S-market building, located The developer is selling these apartments at 500 meters away from the Hakunila Shopping prices ranging from 3,300–3,800 euros per Center, was built in 1993. The two buildings square meter (Myytävät asunnot… 2017). The on Heporinne 2a / Oritie 1a were built in asking price for new non-regulated apart- 1977. There is also a large retail hub ap- ments in Vantaa in October 2017 was 4,660 proximately one kilometer away, in the Port- euros per square meter (Kortelainen 2017). tipuisto area, housing large stores such as

Figure 6. The Hakunila Shopping Center layout and 1st-level tenants (source: The drawn layouts and tenants are based on field observation, performed on the 16th of November 2017). Chapter 3

Figure 7. The Hakunila Shopping Center layout and 2nd-level tenant (source: The drawn layouts and tenants are based on field observation, performed on the 16th of November 97 2017).

Figure 8. The Hakunila Shopping Center layout and 0-level tenants. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

Figure 9. Retail locations in Hakunila (basemap: Paikkatietoik- kuna 2017).

IKEA, Tokmanni, Hong Kong, and several other last year, except in Vantaa. The occupancy furniture stores. rate in September in the HMA was 94.8 per- Joni Heikkola (2014) inventoried Vantaa’s cent, while in Vantaa it had dropped to un- shopping centers as part of the service der 92 percent. The overall retail occupancy network and found that the availability of rates are expected to increase in the HMA. grocery shops is poor in Hakunila, and that However, rents and occupancy rates are ex- changing the land use in the current retail pected to decline in the small and mid-sized centers would further weaken the availabil- shopping centers, among which the Hakunila ity. Furthermore, developing the Hakunila Shopping Center belongs. One trend in shop- Shopping Center for some other use would ping center premises is also the decreasing reduce the already low amount of retail demand for retail premises and increasing space in the area even more. The clos- demand for services like cafés and restau- est large grocery stores are in Tikkurila rants (Market review… 2017). and Jakomäki, several kilometers from the As of November 2017, there are current- Hakunila Shopping Center. Tikkurila is the ly two medium-sized vacant spaces in the most important retail and office center in Hakunila Shopping Center. Thus, the vacancy Vantaa. rate of the shopping center is approximate- Retail occupancy rates have increased in ly 4 percent. Some 25 percent of the spaces the Helsinki Metropolitan Area during the have changed users or tenants since 2011, when the situation in November was compared Chapter 3

to the situation documented by Karitta Lait- center website, the major stakeholders’ plan inen and Eija Huuhka (2012). currently is to develop the area based on The small retail or service building in existing buildings. Daily newspaper Hel- Heporinne 2a has two similar-sized spaces, singin Sanomat (Salomaa 2016, 2017) also of which one is currently vacant. This space mentioned the owners’ diverse opinions about formerly housed a Siwa grocery store which development as a challenging fact when try- was closed in spring 2017. Vacant space can ing to determine the future of the area. also be found in the S-market building. At The Hakunila major region has experienced least two of the upper-level retail/service the largest shift in grocery purchasing pow- spaces are empty. Combined, these spac- er in Vantaa to other areas, -43 million eu- es make the vacancy rate in Hakunila rather ros, of which a major part has been lost to high compared to the rates in Vantaa or the the large centers in Helsinki. Thus, as the HMA. City of Vantaa claims, Hakunila needs its The respondents of the Finnish Shopping own center for basic groceries which would Center Barometer expect the retail rents and attract the local people (Vantaan kaupan... occupancy rates to decrease in the small and 2015). Without further action, the money mid-sized shopping centers in Finland as a flowing to other areas will certainly in- whole. This is mostly due to the increasing crease because of the new residents. The new importance of location and public transport. plan frame of Hakunila proposes the addi- The expectations are exactly the opposite in tion of 2,000 square meters of grocery store large shopping centers in the HMA. (Market space until the year 2030, and 11,000 square review… 2017) meters of additional retail space (Hakunilan keskustan… 2017). The lease length of shopping center anchor tenants in Finland is usually between 5 Then again, the development of demand 99 and 10 years or even up to 15 years. In the towards larger centrally located shopping Hakunila case, the K-Supermarket is clearly centers would indicate that a small shop- the anchor tenant with the largest space and ping center would face troubles in any case, most customers. Other spaces have shorter whether it were to be renovated and refur- lease terms. This is evident through the ex- bished or not. In Hakunila, there is clearly ample of one medium-sized space in the shop- demand for both grocery and retail stores, ping center: in 2011 it was a Nordea branch, but the question remains: would that demand after which Kiinteistömaailma leased the materialize in a local shopping center like space, while in 2017 the space became vacant the Hakunila Shopping Center, or would peo- and has now been vacant for some time. Short ple prefer larger shopping malls after all? term leases and low rents increase the un- The objective of the private real es- certainty for both the shopping center com- tate owners of the Hakunila Shopping Center pany and the customers. is certainly to find the highest and best The supply and demand gap between large use of the property with as little effort and small shopping centers is evidently in- as possible. The City of Vantaa has stated creasing. Many new large shopping centers many times that it would be best to demolish have been built in the HMA, while many of the old center and start from scratch (e.g. the old small neighborhood shopping centers Vantaan kaupan… 2015; Hakunilan keskus- are either in decline or being demolished, tan… 2017). One could argue that developing to be rebuilt as apartments. the site on the basis of the rather untidy buildings built in the 1980s, while the surrounding area is being developed and densi- Future Development fied, cannot result in the highest and best possible use of the site. The recognizable fact is the need to develop the Hakunila Shopping Center, and the own- The planned light rail line, from Mel- ers acknowledge this (Hakunilan ostoskeskus lunkylä to Tikkurila through Hakunila, will 2017). However, according to the shopping also play an interesting role in the fu- Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

ture scenarios of Hakunila. The estimated development. Also, the centers are to be de- completion year is 2030, according to the veloped as distinctive and diverse urban en- deputy mayor of Vantaa, Hannu Penttilä. It vironments. Hakunila has plenty of inhabit- is believed that the light rail line would ants, but few commercial services and jobs. boost the development of Hakunila to anoth- The city aims to increase the number of er level (Kolehmainen 2017). So, what to do people living in the center of Hakunila by with the shopping center in the meantime? 40 percent. According to the plan frame, the When to time the possible re-development and services currently available are not enough make sure that the site and the buildings to satisfy the demand in Hakunila, thus the would be as flexible as possible for future purchasing power turns elsewhere (City of changes of demand? Because the development Vantaa 2017). cannot be postponed for 13 years, it is ev- The plan frame does not seem to have based ident that the solution should be flexible, the ideas of the new Hakunila on any mar- expanding if the light-rail line increases ket analysis. Of course, the city wants to customer flows, for example. provide plans that would enhance the area’s One could consider using the Real Options image, attract new residents, and make the method in analyzing and evaluating the in- life of the people living there more enjoy- vestment value of the property. Real options able. However, if the plan is too ambitious refer to the possible investment decisions and there is no business case for the land- made by firms during an investment project. owners and developers, some of the plans may The main contribution of the Real Options never materialize, hindering realistic de- theory is the recognition that investment velopment. For example, if an area has space projects can evolve and change over time and for new housing, it does not necessarily 100 more importantly, that the flexibility and mean that new housing should be planned for capacity to evolve has value. The conven- there: the market value for the new apart- tional discounted cash flow (DCF) methods ments would not necessarily meet the demands are one-time analyses, through which fu- of the developer to make the development ture possible modifications are not taken profitable. Instead, there could be demand into account (Krychowski & Quélin 2010). The for a detailed plan for a park, commercial Hakunila area has many interesting future services, or a sports center. Of course, new development options, thus the Real Options housing might be just the thing needed. method should probably be considered in ana- The objective of a plan frame is to pres- lyzing the investment value instead of the ent the vision and the direction for how the conventional DCF method. area should continue its development, which According to the new plan frame, the ex- is why it should not be taken too literal- isting shopping center buildings are to be ly. That is also perhaps why the city has demolished and replaced by five eight-floor not focused too much on the feasibility buildings and one 16-floor building. They of the plan frame. It is meant to provide would include 22,200 square meters of hous- guidelines, and it is not necessary to de- ing and 9,500 square meters of retail and velop each block the way it is sketched in service space (Hakunilan keskustan… 2017). the plan frame. In practice however, it is It is noticeable that the amount of retail inevitable that the plan frame will play a and service space is less than residential significant role in detailed planning and space, but nearly the same as in the current it is the ground for new detailed plans in buildings. The additional space is targeted Hakunila. at the surroundings of the current shopping center. In total, the C-area of central activities in the plan frame would have 30,000 Conclusions square meters of retail and service space. In the final stage of this Hakunila Shopping The introduction to the new Hakunila Center market research study, a SWOT analy- plan frame states that the vitality of the sis of the site is presented (Figure 10). It centers in Vantaa will be improved by infill shows that the Hakunila Shopping Center has Chapter 3

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Figure 10. SWOT-analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

pressure for development from many angles: unko> the buildings are deteriorating; the space Hakunilan ostoskeskus (2017). 23.11.2017. does not attract tenants; the people shop elsewhere; the detailed plan is outdated; the city has ambitious plans for the devel- Heikkola, J. (2014). Vantaan ostarit osa- opment of Hakunila; and the owners are seek- na palveluverkkoa. City of Vantaa. ing a high but safe profit. market research. It has been discovered that developing the site based on its current Kolehmainen, T. (2017). Vantaa rakentaa pi- buildings would be rather imprudent; the karatikan – kyytiin pääsee ehkä vuonna future of the Helsinki metropolitan area, of 2030. Yle uutiset 31.10.2017. other hand, the new plan frame seems to be Kortelainen, M. (2017). Rakenteilla ole- an exaggeration of growth. Thus, the answer via uusia asuntoja on myymättä lähes 3 is somewhere in the middle. 900 Helsingissä, Espoossa ja Vantaal- One thing is certain: the shopping center la – Rakentaminen on yhä rajua, mut- site will be a central and key location ta kaupat vähenivät. Helsingin Sanomat in the future of Hakunila, but only if the 10.11.2017. make rational decisions based on proper re- Krychowski, C. & Quélin B. (2010). Real op- search. Future forces of change and their tions and strategic investment decisions: possible influences on the Hakunila Shopping Can they be of use to scholars? Academy 102 Center were presented to provide an idea of of Management Perspectives 24(2), 65–78. the possible changes in future demand. In Laitinen, K. & Huuhka, E. (2012). Vantaan addition, the Real Options method was brief- ostoskeskukset. Aalto University, School ly introduced to evaluate possible future of Engineering, Department of Real Es- decisions in an investment analysis. These tate, Planning and Geoinformatics, Espoo. approaches provide key insights in under- Market report Finland, autumn 2017 (2017). standing the development needs of the shop- Newsec. 11.12.2017. other approaches in this Hakunila Shopping Center study. Market review – Autumn 2017 (2017). KTI Property Information Ltd, Helsinki. ARA: The Housing Finance and Development Myytävät asunnot ja uudiskohteet Van- Center of Finland (2017). 23.11.2017. taan Kaskelanrinteessä (2017). YIT. 23.11.2017. and gathers more debt (2017). Bank of Paikkatietoikkuna (2017). 11.12.2017. Finland. 5.12.2017. bulletin.fi/en/2017/3/finland-grows-and- Salomaa, M. (2017). Vantaalaislähiö saa gathers-more-debt/> kasvojenkohotuksen: Hakunilaan luvas- Fanning, S. F. (2005). Market analysis for sa uusi ostoskeskus ja asuntoja 6 000 real estate: Concepts and applications in ihmiselle Helsingin Sanomat 19.4.2017. valuation and highest and best use. Ap- Hakunilan keskustan kaavarunko 091600 Salomaa, M. (2016). Entinen ”nyrkkilähiö” (2017). City of Vantaa. 23.11.2017. saa kasvojenkohotuksen – Hakunilassa

Sanomat 26.2.2016. jään vuoteen (2017). City Of Vantaa. Statistics Finland (2016). Grid database, 1.12.2017. Statistics Finland (2017a). Paavo – Open Vantaan väestöennuste 2017 (2017). City of data by postal code area. 11.12.2017. Vantaa. beds/vantaawwwstructure/133808_Vaestoen- nuste_2017.pdf> Statistics Finland (2017b). Apartment prices. 11.12.2017. London. Statistics Finland (2017c). Apartment rents. Wyatt, P. (2013). Property Valuation. 2nd 11.12.2017. Tilastokatsaus 4:2017 (2017). City of Van- taa. Toivonen, S. & Viitanen, K. (2016). Envi- 103 ronmental scanning and futures wheels as tools to analyze the possible future themes of the commercial real estate market. Land Use Policy 52(March), 51–61. Toivonen, S. & Viitanen, K. (2015). Forc- es of change shaping the future commercial real estate market in the Helsinki Metropolitan Area in Finland. Land Use Policy 42(January), 471–478. Vantaa alueittain 2015 (2016). City of Van- taa. 1.12.2017. Vantaa Map Service (2017). Sito Aineistot & City of Vantaa. 11.12.2017. Vantaan kaupan palveluverkkoselvitys ja -suunnitelma 2040 (2015). City of Van- taa. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

maintain a better quality of public spaces. The Hakunila Shopping This dichotomy, however, does not provide an Center as a Liminal analysis nuanced enough to understand a context as complex as debates on the quality of Public Space public space. Some have also pointed out the need to broaden the understanding of what public by Jalmari Sarla space ultimately is (Banerjee 2001; Carmo- na 2011). The Gehlian point can be made, that designers of urban space should be Entering the Liminal Space increasingly focusing on the concept of public life, in addition to the public space This chapter deals with some classic and itself. This is because much of the social contemporary definitions of public space and functions we relate to liveliness and suc- different kinds of evaluation systems that cessful public spaces, take place in pri- have been proposed to measure the quali- vatized environments, such as bars, shops, ty of urban design in public spaces. The and other service locations (Banerjee 2001; Hakunila Shopping Center is analyzed here as Tonnelat 2010). Tridib Banerjee (2001) calls a public space based on the quality criteria these third places, while making an adequate discussed, and the concept of liminal space point about how the positive effects of so- has been used in understanding the nature of cial interactions in urban space can just as the Hakunila Shopping Center. In addition, easily be achieved in privately owned spaces several related study topics that arise from facilitating these activities. As a critical 104 the ideologies of shopping center designs note to the issue, it can be seen that civic and urban space debates are proposed. activity and previously-public functions The term public space has had many defi- (e.g. retail, banking, public, and offi- nitions throughout the years. The classi- cial affairs) are increasingly dealt with cal Greek agora was a realm for political by individuals in the private sector, which debates. Much later the modern concept of ultimately leads to a general recession of open space was introduced, consisting of public in favor of private (Carmona 2011). urban outdoor areas like streets and parks. Carmona (2010) looks into different ways In the contemporary context, we increasing- of characterizing neglected and non-regulat- ly operate with a somewhat blurry notion of ed urban space: for example, slack spaces generally accessible space, hosting social (Worpole & Knox 2007), in-between spaces functions that can be either publicly- or (Loukaitou-Sideris 1996) and liminal spac- privately-owned (Tonnelat 2010). The term es (Hajer & Reijndorp 2001). These terms are space, itself, is usually described in the overlapping in their definitions but for the urban design debates by its physical qual- purposes of this research, liminal space is ities and functions (Carmona 2011). This used. Liminal spaces are defined as spaces chapter will mostly deal with the public with poor management, a neglected appear- space-related analyses discussed by Matthew ance, and low social control. When public Carmona (2011) and Jan Gehl et alia (1971, space is poorly maintained, it is used by 2006). fewer people, which decreases the likelihood Carmona (2010) argues that critical dis- of it being prioritized in the public main- cussions on public space often establish two tenance processes of the municipality. These opposing standpoints regarding the role and two forces are interlinked and strengthen the extent of regulation. The first is that each other’s effect (Carmona et al. 2003, spaces should be regulated and increasing- 111). However, it appears that as liminality ly maintained in order to arrive at de- increases, the possibility of reclaiming the sired outcomes. The second contradicts that, space for non-commercial uses and activities stating that it is essential to decrease opens up. Additionally, these undermanaged municipal control when aiming to create or places can be socially important as they Chapter 3

are characterized by looser social control tential for the diversity of new encounters and, thus, enable different activities that and surprises. possibly need to be realized in society one Probably the most widely known system for way or another (Worpole & Knox 2007; Carmona public space quality assessment, upon which 2010). Carr et alia (1992) also build, is Jan Ge- According to Ken Worpole and Katharine hl’s 12 Quality Criteria. The criteria have Knox (2007), observational studies on urban since been refined, but the concepts which design and skateboarding exemplify this. were originally presented in his classic They found that park users did not expe- book Life Between Buildings (Gehl & Koch rience an increase in disturbance in parks 1971/2011, 129–182), deal with elements like that allow skateboarding anywhere, when com- protection from traffic and noise, walka- pared to parks with more strictly designated bility, and it being possible to linger and skating areas. Similarly, those parks with sit. In Gehl’s theory, the ground floor is designated skating areas did not in fact the most important part of a building from decrease the disturbance to other park us- a human’s perspective, as it is the point ers. These findings suggest that it might be where the city (understood as the life and socially advantageous to allow more organic totality of functions), and the built struc- use of public spaces instead of over-design- ture (the block or a building), coincide ing them. with each other (Gehl et al. 2006). Gehl et Subsequently, liminal space is pro- alia (2006) argue that the more varied a posed as a useful concept to aim to un- façade is, the better it connects the indoor derstand the nature of an urban space like spaces with the streets, by attracting and the Hakunila Shopping Center. The Hakunila facilitating important urban functions like Shopping Center is liminal in its physical lingering, relaxation, and other leisure 105 state as well as in its concept, represent- activities. Respectively, blank walls create ing a shopping center typology from a bygone blank urban experiences. era (the 1980s). Widely deemed outdated, The importance of the first floor can many of its counterparts are being or have be also understood through sensory experi- been regenerated with contemporary interpre- ence, as the closer you get to a building, tations of high quality public space that the more impressions you can get from it in provide services for their neighborhood. In addition to sight alone. Thus, the angle of the sections that follow, some of the pro- observation and the position of the observ- posed frameworks for evaluating public space er shape our spatial experience (Gehl et al. quality are discussed further and applied to 2006). According to Gehl et alia (2006), the Hakunila Shopping Center, in order to first floors have become increasingly closed understand its characteristics as a liminal and unimaginative due to the expansion of public space. the property spaces of retail units and other functions. This is part of a socio-political and consequently architectural process, Frameworks for Assessing Public Space Qual- where the connectivity between buildings, ity urban space, and the people is increasingly Urban scholars have proposed many systems lacking. It is also a believable hypothesis for evaluating the quality of public space. in the Finnish context, and can be recog- Many of these criteria can be useful in try- nized in the Hakunila Shopping Center (Fig- ing to understand the reality in a certain ure 11). space. Stephen Carr et alia (1992) discuss the responsiveness of a space with five im- The Site: the Hakunila Shopping Center portant qualities: aversion to danger, ability to experience calm, opprtunity to spend Several site visits and ethnographic obser- time without active participation in social vations were conducted during morning and functions, conversely the opportunity to afternoon hours on November weekdays. The take part in social functions, and the po- objective was to gain an understanding of Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

Figure 11. The northern edge of the square in the Hakunila Shop- ping Center is an illuminating example of the point made by Gehl et alia (2006) about large retail units creating closed facades (photo: Jalmari Sarla). 106

the spatial experience and overall current block some of the views from the edges. The state of the public space in the Hakunila tiling on the ground, walls, and pools are Shopping Center. Attention was paid to the visibly worn down, and their state becomes functions of the square, flows and activ- noticeable especially during rainy weath- ities of people, the edges, and the con- er as the uneven ground creates many pud- straints of the space. Public space quality dles around which people navigate. Some of was analyzed based on the frameworks dis- the murals painted on the worn-down surfaces cussed in this paper. are also already somewhat decayed. The mere The public space inside the Hakunila presence of the murals is an indicator of Shopping Center is a rectangular-shaped liminality that is lacking in contemporary non-covered square that is encircled by shopping malls, which is further discussed three building masses creating four edges on in the Conclusion. the southeastern, southwestern, northeast- Most of the facades in the square are ern, and northwestern sides of the space, open and create the capacity to see human each of which contain roof extensions to activity in and out of the built structures provide shelter from the rain. Behind them, (Figure 14). These open facades host a phar- one can see apartment high-rises and some macy, kiosk, hairdressers, and a pizzeria. other buildings, for example a church, that The flea market, which stretches along the create a backdrop to the facades. There are southeastern edge of the square, has its three entrances to the square in northern, front illuminated with a warm light, which southern and eastern corners (Figures 12, provides the square with the most capturing 13), the latter one being covered by a glass sights of people and activity. According- roof above the second floor. The northwest- ly, on many of the times observed, this edge ern portion of the square has five concrete of the square drew the most people linger- pools, with round evergreen bushes that ing and standing around. Next to it, there reach the height of an average human and is the longest closed façade of the square, Chapter 3

107

Figure 12. The Southern entrance to the Hakunila Shopping Center has some of the more open facades in the square (photo: Jalmari Sar- la).

Figure 13. Entrance to the square and directions of inward and out- ward flows. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

which is created by the supermarket (see Fig- provide important seating and wind cover. ure 11). Some of the edges contain semi-open In addition, as the only green elements in facades. For example, the shabby high-walled the square, they also offer important visual terrace of a bar on the northwestern edge stimuli, while having arguably relatively is constructed in such a way that prevents little value in terms of ecosystem services. any meaningful interaction with the square. While the framework proposed by Carr et All the while, it still represents a physi- alia (1992) is generally useful, a more com- cal extension to the public space and, thus, prehensive view can be achieved by using Jan functions as an obstacle rather than as an Gehl’s 12 quality criteria (2017) in evalu- active contributing element to public life. ating the public space quality. The criteria When it comes to the visibility of public are divided into three parts: protection; life, the overall appearance of the square comfort; and enjoyment. Each of these is was lively during site visits. The square further divided into 3-6 specific questions. was empty of people only on short and rare In applying this framework, one is able to occasions. Looking at the performance of the generate a holistic understanding of the square according to the qualities of respon- quality of the public space. The evaluation siveness proposed by Carr et alia (1992), of these criteria was conducted standing it can be argued that there is a relatively roughly in the middle of the square by the safe general feeling, due to the presence concrete pools. In this instance, the space and visibility of multiple people at all was not evaluated according to the pro- times, as well as the lack of very closed posed numeric scores, but rather the topics corners to the space. opportunities to linger described in the criteria were reflected and encounter other people are provided, as upon in the context of the Hakunila Shopping 108 there is only pedestrian traffic, which also Center. creates an atmosphere of ease and calm. As When observing the conditions through mentioned earlier, the bushes in the pools the first topic of protection, the Hakunila create obstacles, by preventing the sight Shopping Center performs quite well. There from one edge to another. On one hand, this is relatively little likelihood of be- might be of importance regarding the no- ing disturbed by traffic or being involved tion of safety, but on the other hand, might in an accident, as the space is accessible

Figure 14. Open (white line), semi-open (light red line), and closed (red line) facades. Chapter 3

for cars only through the relatively narrow the rain cover. Nevertheless, the seating southern entrance. During our observations, conditions could be better and more plenti- some cars (e.g. pizza delivery, taxi, and ful. Today, one can only sit on the decayed police cars) were present in the square, but concrete pools, but there is sufficient emp- their speed was sufficiently low to suggest ty space to increase the number of benches. that the drivers were aware they had en- Visibility of people and activities is quite tered a zone of active pedestrian use. The good in the square, as the majority of the space is also accessible to different types facades are either open or semi-open (see of people as it hosts general services like Figure 14). However, there is one poor- KELA, the social services office, a health ly-designed aspect of it: the only benches center, a grocery store, a youth center, present face each other in a circle-like and a flea market. Accordingly, users of fashion. This decreases views and does not all ages, many ethnicities, and both genders create a private-enough setting for spend- were observed during the studies. No obser- ing time in a group, when disturbing use vations were done at night when the impres- (like extensive drinking), takes place on sion might be different regarding the number the other side of the circle. The only truly of people, lighting, and the uses of the interesting storefront is the flea market, space. The only services that are open in which has put home light fixtures on display the late evening are the bars, which sug- by the window. Despite its upsides, when gests that the activities might be slightly considering the scope of generally possi- less diverse compared to the lively midday ble activities in urban space, The Hakunila scene. Shopping Center falls somewhat short as it Structurally, the buildings provide a is rather exclusively characterized by the activity of passing through, and there are functional cover from traffic noise and en- 109 able a pleasant soundscape, that is often virtually no attempts in the urban design to completed by an accordion player. The sound facilitate other activities like playing or from outside or inside the square is low social exchange. enough to enable conversations. Little pol- The last topic for observation is related lution is present in the square. Addition- to different aspects of enjoyment. When ob- ally, the building masses seemed to block serving the scale of the surrounding build- the harshest winds, and the roof extensions ings, it can be characterized as a very hu- circling the whole square provide shelter man scale. Two-story buildings encircle the from the rain. Flooding did not seem to be a square, and some high-rises are seen behind huge problem, but the decayed tiling on the them, which add to the visual experience ground easily created puddles which made the of the architecture. The distance from one overall appearance somewhat untidy. edge to another is so small that all humans The next theme in Gehl’s criteria is are easily visible from any place in the comfort. In terms of mobility and accessi- square. Climate protection is mostly consid- bility, the square is generally functional. ered by the aforementioned roof extensions There are three entrances, all of which are on the edges of the square. However, seat- accessible by wheelchair. Moving inside the ing opportunities are not provided under the square is effortless and all the paths lead extensions, but instead provide some wind to logical places without any irrelevant protection via proximity to the thick bush- turns or detours. The concrete pools, howev- es. As for the aesthetic experience of the er, create obstacles for some natural flows square, the major positive effect is created to and from the northern entrance. Still, by the mural art at the eastern entrance. the value they bring in seating and place- Otherwise, the quality of the materials and making arguably surpasses the obstructing design of the shapes seem quite outdated and aspects. decayed, but one is able to imagine their pleasing visual appearance in a newly built The square offers sufficient conditions or renovated state. for lingering and idle activities, like socializing and leaning on the walls under Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

Conclusion their storefront windows rather than tape them closed. This would allow the linger- By discussing public space debates and vis- ers to see other people and activity, and it iting the site several times, the goal of would increase positive social control, both this study was to understand and assess the inside and outside. Additional and improved public space quality of the Hakunila Shop- seating could be added in the middle of the ping Center. Based on the evaluations and square to facilitate social exchange. observations made as a part of this research paper, it can be concluded that the open The Hakunila Shopping Center and its space inside the Hakunila Shopping Center is public square are liminal places in their a socially functional urban square that is nature, as their distinctive quality is actively claimed by its users. In its own the decayed appearance of the materials in terms, it can be seen as a good quality pub- facades and tiling. It is also liminal in lic space that provides services and creates the sense that there seems to be uncertain- opportunities for active social life within ty about the future of the space. Will it be the neighborhood. replaced or regenerated? What is the current value to the residents and the businesses? There are several ways through which the The most visible signs of this liminality of quality of public space in the Hakunila the Hakunila Shopping Center are the color- Shopping Center could be improved. Based on ful murals on each “gate” to the eastern the values of public life discussed, the entrance alley (Figure 15). They are visual main improvement would be the opening of the representations of the notion that this closed facades. Supermarkets should make it property does not have a clearly set and possible to see products and people inside implemented vision of the future. Instead, 110 through the storefront and let the light it is an in-between sort of place, literally from the inside extend to the urban space. and figuratively; literally, in its outdated Following the example of the flea market and appearance, and figuratively with its posi- hairdresser, the bars especially should open tion in between many masters: the design,

Figure 15. The eastern entrance through an alley-like covered path has been painted with murals to increase the visual stimulus of the façade (photo: Jalmari Sarla). Chapter 3

the planner, and the owner. The art on de- ground level services. As the mixed-use cayed blank walls exemplify a citizen-driv- development gets realized, the intensi- en and non-commercial regeneration process ty of social control and the liminality that is not present in non-liminal semi-pub- of the previous urban space are likely to lic places of commerce (e.g. private shop- change. ping malls like Itäkeskus or Kamppi). It can even be argued that Finnish shopping centers built in the 1960s-1980s generally share REFERENCES these qualities and have entered a status 12 Quality Criteria (2017). Gehl Institute. of liminality through the change in main- 1.12.2017. transitions, and changing ideologies behind Banerjee, T. (2001). The future of public planning and development. space: beyond invented streets and re- Shopping center design represented by the invented places. Journal of the American Hakunila Shopping Center is characteristic Planning Association 67(1), 9–24. to Finnish and Helsinki region suburbs built Carmona, M. (2010). Contemporary public in the decades of Finnish urbanization span- space: Critique and classification, part ning from 1950s to 1980s. Studying Hakunila one: critique. Journal of Urban Design Shopping Center opened up interesting wider 15(1), 123–148. topics for further study: Carmona, M. (2010). Contemporary public space, part two: classification. Journal 1. Comparative analysis from a Geh- of Urban Design 15(2), 157–173. lian perspective emphasizing public life, Carmona, M., Heath, T., Oc, T. & Tiesdell, walkability, and human scale observations: 111 S. (2003). Public places urban spaces. the 1960s-1980s Finnish suburban shopping The dimensions of urban design. Architec- centers (case Hakunila/Kontula), early tural Press, Oxford. 2000s shopping centers (case Kamppi/Iso Omena), and contemporary mixed-use typolo- Carr, S., Francis, M., Rivlin, L. G. & gies (case Myllypuro). Stone, A. M. (1992). Public Space. Cam- bridge University Press. 2. Comparative analysis of different shopping center designs as facilitators Gehl, J., Kaefer, L. & Reigstad, S. (2006). of political and civic activity. Loukai- Close encounters with buildings. Urban tou-Sideris and Banerjee (1998, 291) dis- Design International 11(1), 29–47. cuss the commercialization of public space Gehl, J. & Koch, J. (2011). Life between leading to active suppression of political buildings. Island Press, Washington, D.C. activity in favor of consumption in pub- Hajer, M. & Reijndorp, A. (2001). In search lic spaces, which is a process driven by of new public domain. NAI, Rotterdam. the owners and developers of contemporary semi-public urban spaces. Studying how Loukaitou-Sideris, A. & Banerjee, T. (1998). this phenomenon is present in comparison Urban design downtown: Poetics and pol- to the 1960s-1980s-built open-air shopping itics of form. University of California centers (Hakunila, Kontula), and the com- Press, Berkeley. mercially exclusive indoor shopping mall Tonnelat, S. (2010). The sociology of urban designs (Kamppi, Pasila, Kalasatama). public spaces. In Hongyang, W., Michel, 3. Comparative analysis of the level S. & Guofang, Z. (eds.) Territorial evo- of social control in different shopping lution and planning solution: Experiences center designs. The plans proposed in from China and France. Atlantis Press, Hakunila follow the example of Myllypuro, Paris. where a transformation took place in the Worpole, K. & Knox, K. (2007). The social 2000s of a 1960s-built outdoor shopping value of public spaces. Joseph Rowntree center into a mixed-use housing block with Foundation, York. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

culture we live in, and which parts of it Design for Identity we see as our own, and subsequently want to adopt and express. Therefore, an important part of this chapter is understanding the by Katja Toivola mechanics of culture and how it is possible to dissect them into more easily observable, concrete examples. Introduction I intend to explore the behavior patterns of the people in the Hakunila Shop- The place where I am living has no signif- ping Center, based on a literature review icance for me as a geographical concept, and subsequent theories, a map analysis, as but as my home. (Schutz 1962) well as observational site visit field notes Understanding how the built environment (e.g. photos, sketches, et cetera). The main enables and influences human behavior and question, stemming from theoretical back- supports daily rituals and errands seems ground and literature review, is how people like an essential quality of space for a de- use the center, what activities take place, signer to understand. It is therefore quite and how the activities manifest themselves. surprising and sometimes troubling to real- ize that this understanding is lacking, and Theoretical Background sometimes missing, from the way in which designers approach our physical environments. Understanding the Socio-cultural Aspects of How is identity tied to a physical place? the Physical Environment How do people use spaces, and what makes a 112 space that encourages interaction, empower- The built environment functions as a ment, and enables people to go about their framework where conceptual systems can daily routines? The difficulty of answering exist. (Rapoport 1976) these questions means that there are lim- In attempting to understand sociocultural ited tools for designers to measure these aspects and their connections to the phys- abstract characteristics of physical envi- ical environments, it is necessary to turn ronments. In general, urban designers have to other scholarly fields, as understand- been very good at analyzing and understanding culture in its physical enclosure is an ing the physical aspects of the environment, interdisciplinary mission (Poyatos 1976). and perhaps parts of the cultural context Anthropology, sociology, cognitive neuro- they work in. Even so, the approach often sciences, and many other disciplines can focuses more on the physical traits of the all provide valuable ways for exploring the environment and the image of the city from human-environment relationship. In theory, an aesthetic point of view. The absence of all the designer would need to do is to take clear and well implemented theories for the this information and apply it to the design sociocultural aspects of spatial design be- process. comes more understandable when the reasons for these shortcomings become clearer. These Combining urban design with theories problems are discussed in this paper. about human behavior and cognitive functions at first glance might seem like an essen- This chapter focuses on the identity of tial combination of design and theory, but a space, and how it could be approached the connection is more difficult to accom- as a topic of analysis. Identity is close- plish than one might think. As Kimmo Lap- ly linked to culture, and in many respects intie (2017) puts it, the urban and regional understanding and mapping the identity of context is such a complex one, that when a place is also an understanding of the scientific theories attempt to generalize culture. In my opinion, identity is culture and create theories from phenomena relating manifested in some specific place/phenomena. to the urban context, the designer is faced It is the subjective interpretation of the with the abstract nature of those theo- Chapter 3

ries. That leads to struggles of bringing Experiencing space is a subjective prac- those principles into practice. Architect tice and is even affected by race and class and anthropologist Amos Rapoport (1976) also (Blokland 2009), which means that the hu- articulated this problem that arises when man perception of place is also connected trying to combine something conceptual with to social constructs, not only to physical something concrete, but that it means that things. This “individual experience” –ap- the answer we are seeking is to be found in proach takes us closer to the subjective the congruence of these two things. realm of the theories, which could be seen Several disciplines have advanced the way as being connected to the phenomenological in which people understand the relationship approach, another contribution of human-cen- between humans and the physical environment. tered geographers. This approach focuses Marco Lalli (1992) provides an extensive on the experience of the built space and overview of what the following theories have the emotional attachment to space and has provided over several decades: environmen- influenced work relating to place identity tal psychology, geographical psychology, and (Lalli 1992). Lalli sees the two most impor- urban sociology. The summary certainly makes tant contributions of the phenomenological it clear that there are many different ways approach as offering “insights into emo- of approaching this topic, whether it comes tional, cognitive or behavioral meanings of to variation in the spatial scales, or how things, environment or persons” (Lalli 1992, one defines experience. 287). Another highly subjective approach is the concept of person-in space, whereby the Environmental psychology has approached person and the environment in which she ex- the topic from a cognitive perspective, ists in is considered to be an “indissoluble exploring how humans orient themselves in unit.” This approach attempts to avoid the the space, and form cognitive maps of their dichotomy that the separation of the person 113 environments. It has been proven that people and environment creates, by conceptualizing strongly rely on their image of the city, a “unitary person-environment relationship,” which consists of memorable aspects of the suggesting that reality only exists as a built environment, such as nodes, memorable part of the human experience (Lalli 1992, edges, and landmarks (Lalli 1992). These are 287). theories that Kevin Lynch (1960) has drawn upon in his classic The Image of the City, This approach can be seen as being con- in which he defined the parts of the city nected to Hentilä’s and Wiik’s (2003) argu- that are important in order for it to be ments about the physical and conceptual en- easy for humans to navigate, as well as how vironment as being an extension of oneself, this image is created. In sort, this ap- where social constructs, such as networks proach is focused on how people orient them- and relationships, are also an integral selves in the environment, how they encode, part of the whole. A contemporary approach process, and organize information about to how the environment affects people has their environment. begun to emerge, as cognitive neuroscience has advanced and made it possible to get It is also important to both condense our empirical results on how human minds are experiences of space down to this image, as influenced and shaped by our physical habi- Talja Blokland (2009) and Maarit Wiik and tats (Goldhagen 2017). This approach can be Helka-Liisa Hentilä (2003) point out, and to seen, in part, as building on Lynch’s (1960) understand that the space does not remain to theories about how human minds process and us as tangible monuments and edges. Instead, store information about location and space. we create a sentimental bond to places, Additionally, it makes a strong case for shifting the emphasis from the physical to the person-in-environment concept: “humans the social aspects of the environment. The are pervasively integrated in their environ- more familiar one becomes to a place, the ments,” (Goldhagen 2017, 29) arguing that we more one perceives the environment as an ex- have more knowledge now than ever before on tension of oneself (Hentilä & Wiik 2003). how our environment constantly shapes us. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

Congruence of the Physical, and the Concep- the central theme in his attempt to breach tual Environment this gap, and he divides the term into four different sections, that also include some The phenomenological approach is tied to the connecting questions. For this study, Rapo- specific subject who experiences the space. port’s section 2 (1976, 14) is perhaps the When approaching the context from this most relevant one: phenomenological approach, by using ethnographic methods in order to understand the In this section we are interested in how Hakunila Shopping Center square, it cre- various forms are used. We would want to ates certain problems that need to be taken have a description of space organization into account. One of the challenges with in terms of differences in uses. The gen- the subjective approach is erasure, which eral purpose of this area of concern is to means that parts of the observed or surveyed relate regularities of behavior to those community does not become represented for of space organization and specifically to one reason or another, either by being left discover behavior settings, where various out of the “narrative” of the neighborhood, activities occur, and the rules defin- or simply not being physically present and ing when places are used, by whom, how, therefore not being observed. Talja Blokland and under what conditions. For example, (2009) concluded in her research concerning what are the domains and places used by the identity of a New York neighborhood, how sex groups, age groups, and various other damaging this erasure can be as a phenom- (which?) special groups? What is the use enon. In her research, the ones being left of different parts of the environment by outside the identity of the neighborhood different groups at different times, and were the members of the black community, the what is the relation of the rules about 114 reason partly being that they did not feel space organization to rules about manners, a part of, or welcome in certain parts of behavior, avoidance, and so on? the neighborhood, because of having a strong stigma associated with them. Another rea- Question 2 How is this unit used — who son for the black community being left out uses which parts for what, when, and under was the fact that the white middle class and what conditions? Are there rules which re- the Italian community had stronger voices strict the use of various parts by various and participated more in the building of the groups and individuals? community, which Blokland calls placemaking. The question of who has the loudest voice in community meetings, or who is overrep- To further aid the process of picking resented, is a common concern that needs apart some of the abstraction, Rapoport cat- to be considered when drawing conclusions egorizes culture depending on the level of regarding a place such as a neighborhood. As granularity, providing a possible framework Blokland describes it, the risk is the sys- to understand how culture manifests in space tematic exclusion that occurs when certain (Figure 16). ethnic groups are left out of the narrative of the neighborhood, and therefore are easi- Rapoport (1976) also indicates that peo- ly left out of the political decision making ple in fact behave differently in various process (2009, 1595). settings, depending on what is appropriate in that cultural context. A good example Rapoport (1976) has advanced the under- would be napping in public space, which in standing of the social functions of the some cultures is common, whereas in oth- built environment by lowering the level of ers it would be quite an unusual sight and abstraction, in order to connect the concep- an activity mainly done by homeless people. tual and the concrete environment. Rapoport According to Rapoport, this means that the defines and dismantles the theories to make built environment actually provides “cues it easier to connect them with real-life for behavior” (1976, 10), and that the envi- examples, and to understand the congruence ronment therefore conveys a form of nonver- between theory and practice. Culture is Chapter 3

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Figure 16. Aspects of culture and their relation to the built environment (Rapoport 1976). Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

bal communication which the users interpret. For defining identity, analyzing the sym- This means that the process of design is in bolic characteristics of the activities in part coding information, which the user then particular could provide one way of under- decodes in the space (Figure 17). standing why these activities take place, A designer is most probably familiar with and the significance they hold to the in- what the physical environment necessitates, dividual. The other categories also provide but the conceptual environment is not nec- valuable information that could be important essarily so well known. In order to connect in order to understand the social and cul- the conceptual and the physical environ- tural dimensions of the place. These clas- ment, Rapoport (1976) distills the cultural sifications are also useful ways of distin- domain down to activities. These activities guishing between which activities are latent are further divided into the following four (present but not visible), and which are components, by which they can be analyzed: manifest (visible to the eye). (1) the activity proper; (2) the specific way of doing it; (3) additional, adjacent, Field Study Observations & Map or associated activities that become part of an activity system; and (4) symbolic aspects The field study in Hakunila included ethno- of the activity. graphic observations at the site on two sep- If we consider an example like shopping, arate days, which were each divided into two the activity proper could be shopping for separate intervals. The purpose of the visit groceries, for instance, and the details was to map the activities of the shopping about the specific way of doing it would center square, and thereby draw conclusions involve what products were bought, how long on how the activities taking place in the 116 is spent in the store, and what means of square relate to the identity of the place. payment was used, et cetera. The associated A conceptual identity map was produced based activities could be: socializing, listening on the observations, in order to tie the ob- to music, or any other activity one might do servations to the site. while shopping. The symbolic meanings could Time constraints restricted the visits be numerous; some could be more mundane, to two, both on weekdays. This means that like providing food for the household or some groups such as pensioners, unemployed, buying beer for the weekend, but the activi- and people on parental leave were overrep- ty could also relate to status, if the store resented. However, these are groups which in question would be a higher end store. need services the most, especially since What is also useful to understand about there are many services used by these groups these categories is that the variability, (Kela, flea markets, the public health ser- the number of different possible “answers” vice center, and the “breadline” or “bread increases as we move from describing the queue” [leipäjono]). Eastern Vantaa and es- actual activities (category 1 and 2), to pecially Hakunila has several food distribu- the more abstract meanings (category 3, and tion points (Hävikkiruokaa jaetaan… 2015). especially 4). This is often related to en- The observations were documented on maps vironmental choices, which means that people of the Hakunila Shopping Center, with each express symbolic values by choosing where to observation interval having its own map, live, and where to spend time and money. which were later combined into one map (Fig- By analyzing activities through these ure 18). The purpose of the maps was to make categories and understanding the differences it easy to connect the activities to the between their “relative importance,” it is specific locations, when analyzing the mate- possible to understand better how they af- rial. Static activities were marked on the fect the built form. This allows us to know map, along with information about the people how the spaces are used, by whom, for how performing the actions (gender, age, and in long, and their relative importance. Basi- some cases other remarks). The flow of peo- cally, this division also makes it possible ple was documented by counting the number of to compare activities to each other. people entering/exiting from the four points Chapter 3

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Figure 17. Dismantling culture, a diagram depicting the level of abstraction and feasibility of connecting cultural concepts to the systems of the physical environment (Rapoport 2001, 147). Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

of entry to the square, as well as marking elderly and immigrants; and the R-kiosk was the most-used paths on the printed map. In popular among middle-aged and elderly men, addition, photos and general notes were col- who spent time there playing the slot ma- lected. The site was visited on 16.11.2017 chines and smoking outside the door. between 9.00 and 13.00, and on 24.11.2017 In addition to the elderly, there was a between 8.00 and 14.00. constant flow of people representing dif- The majority of the people observed in ferent age and ethnic groups, but the ones the square seemed to be those of lower in- who lingered in the square were mainly the come, and the biggest demographic represent- (white) elderly; middle aged white men af- ed during the day was that of white elderly fected by alcoholism (based on the fact that people. Most of the visitors to the square they were drinking alcohol in public before mainly came to use the services, but in the 12:00); and men aged between 25 and 50, many case of the elderly, the errands were often of them immigrants. The stagnant activities combined with some socializing, that of- were almost exclusively done standing while ten took place outdoors in the square. The the benches in the square were barely used biggest flow of people was to and from the during the time of the visits. grocery store, which was visited by all Socializing was the main reason for peo- groups of people crossing the square. Other ple staying in the square (sometimes while busy services were the Kela social insur- smoking or drinking), and this activity was ance services office, which was mainly used mainly done by the elderly. In a couple by immigrant families and elderly people; of cases, young men of an immigrant back- the two large flea markets in the shopping ground would stand in the square by them- center, which were both very busy during the selves without any apparent reason. During 118 day, and also especially popular among the

Figure 18. Combined observations done from the two site visits, mapping out where different activities during took place, as well as the movement of the people in the square. Chapter 3

one of the visits on the 16th, an elderly lady had acquired permission from the city to put up a small stall for selling second hand, and handmade goods, and many people approached her stand, sometimes staying for several minutes to chat (see Figure 19). One man stood in front of the local pub at 8:55, waiting for it to open. Two men spent over twenty minutes in one spot outside the health center, smoking and drinking a beer. An event that attracted many people into the square for a long period of time was the bread queue. The first people started gathering in front of the youth center (see Figure 20), where the food would be distributed, 119 around 11:00 waiting for well over an hour for the food to start getting distributed. At the most there were around 20 people in the queue, most of whom were white elderly or middle aged, but with some younger people with immigrant backgrounds, who did not participate in the socializing, and who stood some distance from the queue. The atmosphere in the day was calm, and despite some people drinking in the area during the day, there was no disturbance during the time of the site visits. Many of the people who stayed to socialize in the square appeared to know each other, chatting casually to each other. Over- all, the square was used in a very versatile way, especially considering the chilly Figure 19. Hakunila shopping Center square (photo: weather, and is probably Katja Toivola). quite busy during the summer months. Figure 20. Hakunila shopping Center square (photo: Katja Toivola). Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

Conclusions these existing communities to use and meet in. Activities such as putting up stalls The Hakunila Shopping Center square is or pop-up flea markets, and other infor- clearly a place where people from the mal placemaking activities, are not possi- surrounding areas go to use the services ble to arrange in shopping malls. Not having because of the diversity of services avail- spaces that enable these kinds of activities able, but it also clearly has an important would certainly mean something valuable to social function, especially to the elderly. the community would be lost. Not only does Having the square located in the middle of this concern placemaking activity, but also the services allows people to cross paths socializing and lingering, which big shop- and meet on their way to and from taking ping malls usually want to prevent. The care of errands, as well as functioning as previously mentioned men drinking beer would a place to go simply to socialize. Such was certainly have been removed from a shopping the case for one talkative man in Romani mall complex, but in the Hakunila Shopping clothing, who sauntered around the square in Center, however, no one seemed to be both- the morning, without any other apparent rea- ered by these men, and they were just as son than to chat to passers-by, many of whom much a part of the community as anyone else he clearly knew from before. in the square. What also seemed to be the case in the Doing an ethnographic study of a site square, based on the calm atmosphere and that is not related to physical aspects of casual socializing that took place among the the place provides a new perspective and a people using the square, is that there was a deeper understanding of the place, compared sense of non-judgement, since most people in to what conventional architectural analysis 120 the square were of the same social class and focuses on, which are usually the physical how casual the interaction between people and statistical aspects of the place. Adding was, at least from an outsider’s perspec- an identity-focused part to the analysis tive. There are no latte cafés or what could could help achieve what Rapoport describes be referred to as “signs of gentrification,” as (1976, 24), “creating a better fit be- and it allows the lower-class people of the tween spatial organization and culture com- area to take the space into their own use, munication behavior and human activities.” without having to feel looked down upon by Understanding characteristics of a group of people of a higher social class. They clear- people is challenging, but what is even more ly use the space as their own, in a comfort- difficult is translating this knowledge into able way, as the lingering clearly signals physical plans and designs. However, this that they see they have a right to be in the essay has hopefully shown that just a small space. amount of ethnographic study can reveal Based on these observations, it seems quite a lot about the identity of the commu- likely that this function of the square nity using the space. could be quite fragile, and that by building and re-developing the area, and creating features of gentrification in the square, REFERENCES the current users might not be comfortable Blokland, T. (2009). Celebrating local his- using the square as they currently do. This tories and defining neighborhood communi- is not to say that different social groups ties: Place-making in a gentrified neigh- cannot live together, but it is quite rare borhood. Urban Studies 46(8), 1593–1610. to see such a strong community, and especially of people from a similar social sta- Hentilä, H. & Wiik, M. (2003). Kaupunkiku- tus using the space in a way that was seen va asukkaiden kokemana: Vantaan kokei- in the Hakunila Shopping Center. What this luprojektin kuvaus. Ympäristöministeriö, means for the shopping center and the area Helsinki. more generally, is that there is clearly a Hävikkiruokaa jaetaan Vantaalla tonnikaupal- demand for non-consumer related spaces for la joka viikko (2015). Vantaan Sanomat Chapter 3

12.9.2015. Lalli, M. (1992). Urban-related identity: Theory, measurement, and empirical findings. Journal of Environmental Psychology 12(4), 285–303. Lapintie, K. (2007). Modalities of urban space. Planning Theory 6(1), 36–51. Lynch, K. (1960). The Image of the City. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Poyatos, F. (1976). Analysis of culture through its culturemes: Theory and method. The Mutual Interaction of People and their Built Environment Vol. I, 265–274. Rapoport, A. (1976). The mutual interaction of people and their built environment. A cross-cultural perspective. De Gruyter Mouton, The Hague. Uimonen, L., Naukkarinen, O., & Lapintie, K. (2010). Taidetta suunnitteluun: Taide- hankkeet ja taidetoiveet suomalaisessa kaupunkisuunnittelussa. Taiteiden ja su- 121 unnittelun korkeakoulu, Helsinki. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

and communities are neither value-free Power Relations in Pub- nor neutral; they reflect and reinforce lic Space from a Femi- the nature of each society’s gender, race and class relations. They are shaped by nist Perspective: Public social, political, and economic forces and values embodied in the forms themselves, Presence the processes through which they are built, and the manner in which they are used. The built environment contributes to by Aleksandra Borzęcka the power of some groups over others and the maintenance of human inequality.

From Gendered Division to Feminist Agency In other words, public spaces are loaded This chapter explores different ways of un- with various enabling and disabling power derstanding how power structures and rela- relations. In that context, I would adopt tions influence the ability to be present in the understanding of feminist architecture public, as well as the ability to partic- or spatial practice as: practice(s) which ipate and act as an active agent for dif- strive to enable the rights of all bodies, ferent identities and bodies. Tackling this identities, and groups in space. I would subject from two angles - through analyzing also stress that an understanding of the different theories and practices, on one power relations is necessary from an inter- hand, and ethnographic observations at the sectional perspective - recognizing the dy- Hakunila Shopping Center square on the oth- namics between different systems of oppres- 122 er - the paper maps out the constraints and sion (Crenshaw 1991). opportunities of feminist agency in the area In mainstream urban practices, the most and begins to imagine its feminist future. acknowledged “feminist concern” has been The strong gendered division of public women’s safety. However, the feeling of versus private space (e.g. McDowell 1983; safety itself does not yet enable the usage Rendell 2000), where the private (or domes- of public spaces. Feminist scholars have tic) space “belongs” to women and the public been studying the influence of work, lei- to men, is slowly fading. However, patriar- sure, and mobility patterns on public pres- chy still stays strong - even in the most ence since the late 1980s (e.g. Wimbush & gender-equal Nordic contexts - and so does Talbot 1988, Henderson et al. 1989). What its effect on the usage of public spaces. is interesting is that the work-leisure-mo- But what does it mean to “use public space” bility patterns, in some situations, make in a feminist context? women more dependent on the usage of public From increasing visibility and representa- spaces. For example, in connection with pub- tion through public appearance, to the lic transport usage - women are less like- claiming of public space in an act of po- ly, in general, to own a car than men, and litical protest - as in the case of Mothers their travel patterns are more varied since of Plaza de Mayo (Torre 2000) - women’s and they are also more likely to be responsible other struggling groups’ presence in pub- for taking children to pre-school, school, lic has the power to create resilience to and after-school activities (Foran 2013). oppressive structures. Ironically enough, In her studies of leisure patterns’ influ- what disables those suppressed groups from ence on public presence, Josephine Burden being present in public space are precisely (1999, 32), found that “public space is not those structures and the way that they are only gendered, but inscribed by age.” While reflected in space. Leslie Weisman (2000, younger women were more present at home, 86) writes: after a certain age (when children left home to start their adult life or when both […] the spatial arrangements of buildings spouses were retired) it was women who had Chapter 3

much more presence in the community life. as well as upper-middle class white gay Burden (1999, 35) argues that, men’s “eyes on the street” erased the younger, poorer, blacker, & browner bodies from “Women are more likely to be involved in urban space, and in this case from the queer work activities at the family and local urban space. Those privileged, civic, sur- level than are men, and are therefore bet- veilling “eyes” then had a direct influence ter placed to negotiate a sense of them- on the police patrol of the area. In this selves as active agents as they grow older case, the police read trans-women of color – and paid work place takes on a reduced who were making presence in public and per- structural significance.” forming their gender - as prostitutes, which then obviously created an unsafe situation for the women (Andersson 2015). Jacobs’ tool Even the seemingly basic and straight-for- for creating a livable and citizen-driven ward issue of safety reveals its complex- (or monitored?) city became an enabler of ity when analyzed closely. Safety, or the racist-, classist-, and transphobic-oppres- feeling of safety, can mean radically dif- sion. ferent things to different groups or indi- In the described case, understanding and viduals. This spring (in the role of “queer addressing safety issues would be extremely activist-architect/researcher”) I attended exclusive without adopting an intersectional a meeting of a queer youth club in a high perspective. Following Irene Molina (2017, school in the “problematic,” northeastern 98): “intersectionality is a perspective suburbs of Gothenburg. While discussing the that aims to map the landscape of power and feeling of safety issue, a group of (mainly) - despite its complexity - enables an ori- Somali lesbians expressed that the pres- entation in the way in which the different ence of a relative, neighbor, or someone who 123 dimensions of power interact, thus paving potentially could know their families, came a path from analysis to action.” For this with a risk of outing, which meant they had reason, I want to move away from reactional to “act straight” in the public spaces of advocating for safety, to instead taking an their neighborhood. This meant that their intersectional approach of analyzing and im- feeling of safety or comfort was often actu- agining from the perspective of agency. ally higher in places that were more “anon- ymous,” which contradicts the very common Doina Petrescu (2017) describes the prac- desire for creating tight communities “where tice of her Parisian office “aaa: atel- everyone knows each other.” ier d’architecture autogérée” (“atelier of self-managed architecture”) as “rather than Planners’ understanding of safety often objects, designing agencies.” While describ- needs a reality check. New York’s West Vil- ing a few of her projects done in the sub- lage, probably the most famous gaybourhood urban neighborhoods of Paris, she refers to in the world, is also one of the starring the activities of communing agency, “Insti- actresses of Jane Jacobs’ iconic Death and gating commoning activities […], we conse- life... (Jacobs, 1961). Geographer Johan quently challenged the users of our projects Andersson (2015), in analyzing the situation to take active positions. The spatial trans- of the area from an intersectional queer formation somehow generated transformations perspective, argues that Jacobs’ beloved within the users themselves and changed notion of natural surveillance (“eyes on the their motivations and their engagement” (Pe- street,” also known as a remedy for unsafe trescu 2017, 103). Following the project de- neighborhoods), is quite problematic in the velopment over the years, they realized how modern context of the West Village. In this the most active agents were, “for the most (or perhaps in every) case, it is particu- part, women.” This also contributed to the lar “eyes” that surveil, judge, and have specific type of agency that was created: the structural power to suppress what they find “dangerous.” He pointed out how both We have realized that with this kind of straight nimby (“not in my backyard”) groups project, we succeed in opening up a space Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

in which a particular type of feminine done by taking a walk from the southern edge subjectivity finds an area of creativity of Hakunila, up the square, and then mean- and innovation: projects that are cared dering through a series of interconnected for, engaged in and in which you see the courtyards with different public spaces and results of your engagements with others; functions (Figure 21). projects that teach the patience and at- On the footprint map (Figure 21) it can tention of the reproductive work. (Petres- be seen how the built structure of the cu 2017, 103) buildings form a series of courtyards. Even though they are all publicly accessible, there is a slight difference between those In that sense the platform for pres- containing only social infrastructure con- ence, togetherness, and collective activity nected to the house (e.g. playground, gar- evolved into a platform for political agen- den), and the ones that contain functions or cy, showing how public presence can act as a places that act on the neighborhood scale. feminist, agency-producing, power-tool. This chapter takes a closer look at two Building on Petrescu’s (2017) theory and places that were identified as potential- practice, and adapting the intersection- ly producing high agency or participation al approach, looking at the power relations in community life for various groups. The and their effect on public presence in the places were evaluated on the basis of public case of Hakunila, we may start by asking: accessibility to their program, range of “What enables and disables public presence activities, and/or addressing the needs of and participation of different identities & different specific groups. It is critical- bodies (in the Hakunila square)? And where ly understood that both the decision about 124 is - or can be - a space for feminist agen- choosing these places as well as the anal- cy?” This study puts a special emphasis on ysis of them is limited to outsider’s eye the enablers as well as, in the spirit of judgement. For example, the structures that bell hooks’ feminist approach of optimism Josephine Burden (1999) referred to, in her and taking action (hooks 2000), imagining a previously mentioned study, such as vari- feminist future. ous bottom-up organized neighborhood clubs While the focus is on the square, it (the and groups or even associations, which take square) does not exist or work in a vacu- place in the semi-private/ social spac- um - it is embedded in a larger system of es, could also contain significant feminist physical (public) spaces. It also exists agencies. However, that would require a much in a social network(s), and the functions more in-depth study and would retreat from or services present in the square (and in the subject of actual public space. its larger system) provide different kinds of “spaces” or platforms. In the next part I will take a closer look at those systems The Käsityökeskus “Square” from the perspective of the feminist agency The Käsityökeskus courtyard square (marked that they may or may not produce. with an A. on Figure 21) contains a va- riety of services for different groups: a Hakunila Square in a System kindergarten and playground, a pizzeria, a bar, and the Hakunila handicraft center Overview of the Hakunila square (Hakunilan Käsityökeskus). During the site visit, which was around 9:30 on a weekday, Shopping centers are important functional the space seemed quite active, mainly due and social nodes in suburban neighborhoods. to the kindergarten children in the play- The outdoor space of the Hakunila Shopping ground. There were a few people both in the Center forms and works as an urban public pizzeria and in the craft center - in the square. I would like to take a moment to pizzeria was the owner and a few other men, look at how it ties to a larger system of and through the large windows of the crafts spaces. The observation of this system was center a few women could be seen. It seemed Chapter 3

125

Figure 21. Map of the southern part of Hakunila, showing the system of courtyards. Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

(at least at the time of the observation) The Library that there was a gender division between those two places, although it can be im- The public library (marked by B. on Figure agined that the various users of the craft 21) is in a direct proximity and connection center are frequent customers of the pizze- to the central square. It provides a varie- ria as well. Both places had large windows ty of books for different ages and groups - facing the courtyard, giving two different including an LGBTQ+ section, a section with “gazes” on the space. magazines and newspapers, children’s books, and so on. It also contains some computer Through a bit of investigation of the access and a multi-purpose room with a pro- Käsityökeskus on social media, it can be jector that can be booked by members of the observed that the craft center offers a (library) community. The Hakunila library is range of courses and other activities con- also one of the spaces declared as “free of nected to crafts, and it acts as a communi- discrimination” as a part of the Ministry ty center for the area. It can also be seen of Justice “Syrjinnästä vapaa alue” campaign that the users of this space (both physical (Syrjinnästä vapaa… 2017). and social network) were - to quote Petres- cu (2017, 101) again, “for the most part, During a visit to the library in the women.” evening hours (around 18:00 on a work day) there were different groups using the prem- It is also interesting to look at how the ises: children around 10-14 years old having craft center is making itself and its us- some after-school activities, several adults ers present in the space. Through different using the computers, older teenagers looking graffiti (Figures 22, 23) the Käsityökeskus at and reading books (some alone, some hang- is expanding their visibility and therefore, ing out in a group), and several adults in 126 in a way presence, of different women onto the newspaper section. The newspaper section the public space. was particularly interesting - it almost

Figure 22. Backside entrance of Käsityökeskus (photo: Aleksandra Borzęcka). Chapter 3

Figure 23. Graffiti below the front windows of Käsityökeskus (photo: Aleksandra Borzęcka). 127 acted as a public, (charge-free) café - with Presence in the Square - Ethnographic Obser- a few tables and a large wall of magazines. vations All tables were occupied by at least one In order to get a better understanding of adult reading a newspaper. what actually takes place in the square, I Another interesting situation concerned made an ethnographic observation on site - a group of older teenagers (4 boys and 1 looking at people flows in the space of the girl; they could have in their late teens- square at different times of the day. This 20s in age), who were previously present in method of analysis is commonly used in ar- the square. In the square they were wander- chitectural and urban practices (e.g. Gehl ing around a bit, but mostly spent time in et al. 2011); however, it rarely recognizes the pizzeria, or rather outside it, smoking. the diversity factors. Adopting the in- Though they were not doing anything “bad,” tersectional-feminist approach, I chose to their presence was obviously marked in the consider several such factors. I looked at square by loud conversations. In the space gender, age, the fact of walking alone or of the library however, they acted very in groups, walking with a child or stroll- quietly, not engaging in much conversation er, being present in the square for a longer or reading, but rather just... hanging out. time, and (more in detail during the second What inspired this shift of behavior - be- day of the study) the presence of people ing indoors? Informal surveillance of the of color. I looked specifically at these librarians? or perhaps the institution of factors as they give grounds for making the library itself? Perhaps a library is conclusions about who claims the space of indeed the place of soft-edge social con- the square and when, which is important to trol as elaborated in the case of Koivukylä define when analyzing the power relations (see the “Hanging out in Koivukylä - A study within urban spaces. The classification of of Social Control and the Youth” chapter of age groups is chosen based on the follow- this book). ing understanding: 0-11 are children, 12-18 Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

teenagers, 19-35 young adults (possibly with make judgements about their age, gender, and small children), 36-65 adults (possibly with skin color. Some people were noticing me older or grown up children) and 65+ are el- and looked curious about what I was doing, derly. but I did not experience any confrontations. The observation was made in time slots of During the evening observation - when there 30 minutes at different times of the day on was fewer people and mostly men - I felt two separate days. Each time I was stand- like some of the men who were “hanging out” ing in the same place - by the southeast- in the square wanted to ask me what I was ern wall of the square, next to the sec- doing, however that did not happen ond-hand store, as it gave the best overview of the space. It is important to note that Day 1 assigning the age, gender, and race factors could have been inaccurate, since it The first observation (Table 1) was was done through my own subjective “gaze.” made during the morning and lunch hours The presence of my gaze should also be ac- (7:30-12:30) on a working day (Thursday knowledged in the space of the square. I 16.1.2017). It was a sunny day with tempera- was trying not to be obvious in making the tures around six degrees Celsius. notes; I used simple coding (different types The most common age group present was the of lines marked in appropriate boxes) to elderly (65+), both among men and women. In make the notes fast and possibly discrete, every age group there were slightly more since it was uncomfortable enough to stand women than men. Around 64 percent of wom- there for such a long time, look at every en were walking alone, while for men it was person passing through the space, and then over 80 percent. 128

Table 1. Data from the first day of observation: 16.11.2017.

Age Women Men Other or Undefined

time 7:40 8:20 10:20 11:55 sum 7:40 8:20 10:20 11:55 sum -„- -„- -„- -„- sum slots - 8:10 - 8:50 - 10:50 - 12:25 - 8:10 - 8:50 - 10:50 - 12:25

0-11 10(8)* 17(14) 3(1) 3(3) 33(26) 14(8) 7(2) 1(1) 7(6) 29(17) - 8** 1+ 16 1+ 12 36

12-18 15(5) 7(2) 1(-) 1(1) 24(8) 14(7) 2(1) 2(-) 0 18(8) 1 - - - 1

19-35 21(7) 31(17) 47(19) 46(27) 145(70) 24(4) 21(1) 22(6) 50(6) 117(17) - - - - -

36-65 27(2) 21(7) 47(13) 57(11) 152(33) 24(2) 26(3) 27(4) 46(5) 123(14) - - 1 - 1

65+ 14(2) 37(13) 60(19) 72(25) 183(59) 13(2) 31(5) 43(13) 67(10) 154(30) - - - - -

(sum) 87 113 158 179 89 87 95 170 1 0 2 0

total during total time of 2h: 537 441(86) 3+ (196) 36

*The number in brackets represents number of people walking with other(s), including with a child in a stroller. Note that the first number represents all the people, both walking alone and in group. ** The number in blue represents children in a stroller.

Chapter 3

When it comes to child caring, there was longer in the square were: a busker playing 52 adults (19+) with children (including guitar, and two women who were advertising people walking with strollers). Out of this some kind of religious content. It was also 46 were women with children and only 6 were common for people (mostly men) playing the men. There were 35 adults with strollers, slot machines in the R-kioski to come out out of which 31 were women. for a cigarette. During this time there was no disturbing behavior; the only thing that could have Day 2 been perceived as potentially dangerous was two men with beers who were wandering around The second observation (Table 2) was made the square for a longer time. during the late afternoon/early evening The big, shiny windows of the second-hand (16:30-19:00) on a working day (Thursday store inspired a slower pace of movement; 23.11.2017). While it was not snowing or most of the “window shoppers” were women. raining, there was snow lying on the ground. The temperature was around five degrees Cel- When it comes to more permanent presence sius. in the square - there was a woman who had a temporary market outside of the K-mar- During the previous observation - in ket store (see Figure 19). She was present morning and lunch hours - I noticed only for the whole time of the observation. Her around ten percent of those using the square outdoor market encouraged longer presence of were people of color. In this observation, other woman in the square, who stopped for I wanted to look at this in more detail; longer chats. Other people who were present therefore, I added a race factor to my observation codes. This method is limited 129

Table 2. Data from the second day of observation: 23.11.2017.

Age Women Men Other or Undefined

time 16:10 17:00 18:20 sum 16:10 17:00 18:20 sum -„- -„- -„- sum slots - 16:40 - 17:30 - 18:50 - 16:40 - 17:30 - 18:50

0-11 5*/13 2 /5 0/2 7/20 5/11 (5/10) 2/6 0/3 10/20 6*** 5 6 17 (5/13)** (2/5) (0/2) (7/20) (2/6) (0/3) (7/19)

12-18 13/22 2/7 1/2 16/31 9/22 (7/17) 7/13 6/17 22/52 - 0/2 - 0/2 (10/14) (2/7) (0/0) (12/21) (4/10) (3/12) (14/39)

19-35 16/46 3/40 (2/24) 2/33 21/119 9/50 (3/12) 21/67 20/58 60/175 - - - - (10/22) (2/19) (14/65) (12/36) (9/24) (24/72)

36-65 7/52 (5/17) 1/52 6/49 14/153 7/53 (3/13) 9/77 8/79 24/209 - - - - (0/13) (2/11) (7/41) (2/25) (4/23) (9/61)

65+ 0/6 (0/1) 0/6 (0/2) 0/3 (0/1) 0/15 (0/4) 0/19 (0/2) 0/17 (0/2) 0/15 (0/1) 0/51 (0/5) - - - -

(sum) 41/139 8/110 5/89 30/155 39/180 37/172 - 0/2 -

total during total time of 1,5h 54/338 106/507 0/2+ (40/151) (54/196) 17

*The number in red represents number of people of color. Note that the second number represents the sum of all people, including people of color. **The number in brackets represents number of people walking with other(s), including with a child in a stroller. Note that the first number represents all the people, both walking alone and in group. *** The number in blue represents children in a stroller.

Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

since color does not represent all ethnic When it comes to child caring - there was minorities. On one hand this method eras- 50 adults (19+) with children (including es minorities, which “pass” (again, for my people walking with strollers). Out of this, gaze) as white or Finnish, on the other, it 35 were women with children and 15 were men. takes into account light skin privilege in There were 17 adults with strollers, out of relation to public presence, which is also which 14 were women. interesting to observe in its intersection Around 18:30 there was one peculiar inci- with gender. For gender, the problem is ana- dent that involved a group of teenage boys logical - in most cases it is impossible to of color wanting to enter the youth center, “read” a trans- or non-binary-gender iden- however they were denied access, which tity, therefore in this kind of observation suggests that perhaps the center has some those identities are unintentionally, for restrictions on who is allowed or not. This the most part erased. Considering this, I resulted in them making a lot of noise like decided that it is worth adding the presence shouting, quote “fuck you” multiple times, of people of color factor to the observa- hitting the door, and other such behavior. tion. The most common age groups present were adults (36-65) and young adults (19-35), Presence in the Square – Conclusions of the both among men and women. In every age group Observation there were more men than women. Around 56 The first striking observation is how the percent of women were walking alone, while proportion of men and women present in the for men it was around 61 percent. However, square changes from the morning to evening when only people of color are considered, hours. During the morning observation, the 130 the numbers dropped significantly to 26 per- square was dominated by older women. The cent for women of color walking alone and 49 number of men increased and became almost as percent for men. high as the number of women closer to the

Figure 24. Hakunila Shopping Cen- tre during the evening. View from the first floor (photo: Aleksandra Borzęcka). Chapter 3

lunch hours. During the evening observation during the evening hours the “eyes” belong the situation was almost reversed - there mainly to young and middle-aged men, sitting were more men present in the square and the inside or coming outside for a cigarette. proportion of women to men decreased with This informally makes them control the time. square - everyone who passes is subjected to Analyzing the flows in the square, it their “gaze.” seems that in general the most “popular” What is perhaps invisible to my “gaze” on places are the K-market and R-kioski (with the other hand - but what came to my at- a Posti service). The R-kioski seems to be tention while reading Nishat Awan’s (2017) mostly used for picking up packages and for Mapping otherwise - is the possible cultur- playing the slot machines, where the latter al significance of spaces like the pizze- activity is largely dominated by middle-aged ria in the Hakunila Shopping Center (or the and older man. There is a large flow of one next to Käsityökeskus) for groups with youth from the youth center in different di- a middle-eastern/Arabic background. One of rections - including the popular connection Awan’s mappings is of Stoke Newington High between the youth center and the library (in Street in London. It reveals the Turkish/ the after-school hours). Kurdish concept of kahve in the shops/bars/ The space seems mainly like a transit restaurants/and other small businesses (with place; however, there were a few exceptions owners of the Turkish or Kurdish back- of more permanent presence in the square. ground), which make up a large proportion of Especially significant were: the (usually) the street’s fabric. She writes: men smoking outside the R-kioski and the pizzeria, the aforementioned woman with her The kahve are Turkish and Kurdish social outdoor temporary market which also attract- clubs or small cafés that operate as mem- 131 ed other women, and the group of teens try- bers-only spaces where usually men gather ing to get inside the youth center. to drink tea, play cards and chat. They are said to mimic the geography of Turkey, The incident outside the youth center each place being affiliated to a certain could be understood as an act of resistance area or regional football team. (Awan to power - in this case power of the insti- 2017, 38) tution of the youth center. The power held by the center becomes visible when we adopt Michel Foucault’s (1978) thought of studying Is it possible the pizzeria on the power relations from the resistance to pow- Hakunila square acts as this (or a simi- er. It may be that the center is an impor- lar) kind of “social club” for the (mainly) tant factor in the local youngsters’ lives, men who claim it? Is there then a possible which the active flow of young people would conflict of two feminist concerns - under- suggest. Apart from that, the center has the standing and respecting cultural heritage of ability to construct its rules and norms, an ethnic minority, and liberating different which then the local youth must obey if they (mainly female) identities and bodies from want to take part in the center’s activi- the “male gaze?” ties. If they do not, then perhaps the only thing left to do is making the resistance to those rules explicit in the square. Feminist Futures The pizzeria - seen furthest left in From the conclusions of the ethnographic Figure 24 - has large windows facing two observation, I created a map of the spaces sides: the square and the street coming from of possibilities and constraints of feminist the library to the square. In architectural agency in the context of and in the Hakunila terms it fits perfectly in the Jane Jacobs square itself. (1961) “eyes on the streets” criterion. It I would like once again to refer to Awan’s is actually the only locality in the square (2017) notion of mapping otherwise. First- with this quality being so obvious. However, ly, she recognizes the ability of maps to Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

132

Figure 25. Mapping of the feminist agency enablers and disablers in Hakunila Shopping Centre square. Chapter 3

“depict different realities” and “privilege tivities, and so on. some information over others” which means, In the recent actions taken in the devel- as she puts it, “maps are always political opment of Husby - suburban neighborhood of and should be read as such.” In that sense, Stockholm identified as “problematic” by the with the “other” mapping (Figure 25) of the media and “vulnerable” by the city officials Hakunila square and its surrounding, a fem- - the city planners adopted what they openly inist perspective on the power relations has called a, “feminist urban planning rede- been privileged. sign strategy” (Roden, 2017). A political Awan (2017) looks at mapping as an activ- position was taken and the actors in both ity, a process rather than an artefact. As cases claimed their actions as feminist. Of such, it is easy to imagine this map being course, a critical eye can look for other re-worked. It would also be interesting, if political agendas such as using feminism as not crucial, to add multiple other perspec- a buzz-word for public relations reasons. tives, that is to see how different local Nevertheless, a platform for agency has been groups would map the square. However, basing provided, and while the later example is on the ethnographic observation and mapping still in an early stage process, the Rosens through a feminist gaze already gives tools röda matta project resulted in creating per- for a critique of the existing power rela- manence of feminist agency in the area. tions and imagining a feminist shift. Now, when we look at the proposed plans Mapping the possible feminist agency is a for the Hakunila Shopping Center (Hakunilan tool for formulating feminist claims for the keskustan… 2017), perhaps a different kind future planning and development of the area of permanence is envisioned. Despite the and of the shopping center itself. Howev- plans only suggesting a direction that can- er, who should really make those claims? As not be read as definite, even at the rough 133 Judith Butler (1990) points out - feminism vision level it is possible to read the im- is not separate from power relations, but agined plan for the development, and there- acts within them. And it is precisely the fore what it can enable. acts, as feminism is also not something that The vision then assumes demolition of is, but rather something that is performed. the shopping center and replacing it with Perhaps this understanding makes it easier housing blocks with ground floor commer- to imagine performing those claims as a pro- cial localities. The space of the square is cess, or otherwise as a process that pro- thus erased, and with it possibly the social vides various platforms for performing. structures which occupy it. What kind of While in the previously described Doina power relation is reflected? From a space Petrescu aaa practice it was the architects which accommodates a concentration of var- “stretching” their agency to provide such ious public services (e.g. health centers, platforms, there are multiple examples from Kela, youth center, elderly center), as Sweden where the feminist claims have been well as economically accessible commercial adopted by the city’s officials and plan- spaces (e.g. the two second-hand stores, ners. For example, the City of Malmö used and the diverse gastronomic localities), an “inclusion through exclusion strategy” the Hakunila Shopping center is envisioned in a “separatistic” process of developing a to shift to a (differently organized) space public space project in the suburban neigh- of separate housing blocks that might, and borhood Rosengård. They found that among looking at the usual practice probably will, youngsters, outdoor public spaces were main- emerge in different times following the in- ly used by boys, while girls spent time at dividual developer’s business plans. Addi- home and or in the city center. The project tionally, the new housing blocks will inevi- “Rosens röda matta” (Björnsson 2013) invited tably have higher rents and a safe guess is young girls from the neighborhood to partic- that the bottom-floor localities will also ipate in the planning process - they were correspond to higher-income residents. Even hired for the summer by the municipality to if the new plan projects a physically “nice” co-design a space for play, art, social ac- urban environment, what should be subject- Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

ed to a feminist critique is the process of Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble; Feminism development, resolving, or addressing the and the subversion of identity. Rout- ownership situation, how the public is in- ledge, New York. cluded in the process, and most importantly Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: who is included in the quite abstract notion Intersectionality, identity politics, and of the public. violence against women of color. Stanford This chapter aimed to map out different Law Review 43(6), 1241–1299. (feminist) perspectives on power relations Foran, C. (2013). How to design a city for within the public of the Hakunila Shopping women. City Lab 16.10.2013. 29.11.2017. Center square and sought the potential of ly discussed here was the one which comes with public presence and the ability of act- Foucault, M. (1978). Discipline and punish. ing in the public sphere. Revealing the com- The birth of the prison. Random House, plexity of those relations and what enables New York. them opened up the question of responsibil- Gehl, J. & Koch, J. (2011). Life between ity - who should make the feminist claims? buildings. Island Press, Washington, D.C. This question concerns yet another layer Hakunilan keskustan kaavarunko 091600 of power relations - the relations of the (2017). City of Vantaa. 12.12.2017. citizens to the property owners, the city for bold political planning is made, it has Henderson, K., Bialeschki, D., Freysinger, to produce a platform or agency to act from V. & Shaw, S. (1989) A Leisure of One’s within constraining structures. Otherwise, 134 Own. A Feminist Perspective on Women’s can any participation or agency be even con- Leisure. State College, PA: Venture sidered democratic? hooks, b. (2000). Feminism is for everybody: Passionate politics. South End Press, REFERENCES Cambridge. Andersson, J. (2015). ’Wilding’ in the West Jacobs, J. (1961). The Death and Life of Village: Queer space, racism and Jane Great American Cities. Random House, New Jacobs hagiography. International Journal York. of Urban and Regional Research, 39(2), McDowell, L. (1983) Towards an understanding 265–283. of the gender division of urban space, Awan, N. (2017). Mapping otherwise: Imagin- Environment and Planning D: Society and ing other possibilities and other fu- Space 1: 59–72. tures. In Schalk M, Mazé R, Kristiansson Molina, I. (2017). Activisms. Prologue: When T & Fanni M (eds.) Feminist Futures of space intersects feminism. In Schalk M, Spatial Practice. Materialism, Activ- Mazé R, Kristiansson T & Fanni M (Eds.), ism, Dialogues, Pedagogies, Projections. Feminist Futures of Spatial Practice. 33–41. AADR – Spurbuchverlag, Baunach. Materialism, Activism, Dialogues, Pedago- Björnsson, M. (2013). Rosens röda matta. gies, Projections. 95–99. AADR – Spurbu- Stadsplanering på tjejers villkor. Malmö chverlag, Baunach. Stad. Feminist Futures of Spatial Practice. Burden, J. (1999). Feminist critique of lei- Materialism, Activism, Dialogues, Pedago- sure theory and practices: Women claiming gies, Projections. 101–109. AADR – Spur- public space. World Leisure & Recreation buchverlag, Baunach. 41(4), 31–36. Rendell, J. (2000). Introduction: ‘Gender, Chapter 3

Space’. In Rendell J, Penner B, Borden I (Eds.), Gender, Space, Architecture. An interdisciplinary introduction, 101–111. Routledge, London & New York. Roden, L. (2017). Stockholm suburb to get ‘feminist urban planning’ redesign. The Local SE 4.4.2017 Syrjinnästä vapaa alue (2017). Finnish Min- istry of Justice. 12.12.2017. Torre, S. (2000). Claiming the public space: The mothers of Plaza de Mayo. In Bor- den, I., Penner, B. & Rendell, J. (Eds.) Gender space architecture. An interdisciplinary introduction, 140–145. Routledge, London. Weisman, L. (2000). Architecture. In Kramar- ae, Ch. & Spender, D. (eds.), Encyclopae- dia of women. Global women’s issues and knowledge, 86. Routledge, London. Wimbush, E. & M. Talbot, eds. (1998) Rela- 135 tive Freedoms: Women and Leisure. Milton Keyes: Open University Press Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

Conclusions from an intersectional perspective. Shopping centers like The Hakunila Shop- ping Center were produced under certain The pressure for the development of the planning conditions - where top-down radical Hakunila Shopping Center comes from many decisions were made and master narratives angles, but also difficulties with proper- were imposed by visionaries. Those ques- ty rights, for example. However, the chal- tionable visions contributed to many ur- lenging situation of differing opinions can ban problems - car-centric cities, inhumane be helped with proper market research. We environments, and sprawl, among others. And found that the future demand of the shop- yes, we have been globally criticizing those ping center site is somewhere in the middle for decades now. However, with the neo-lib- of no change and the growth exaggeration of eralization of the condition, and criticism the new plan frame. The shopping center site of the “master” planning, also comes the will be a central and key location for the shift away from positive planning of “this future of Hakunila, but only if the actors is what should be” to negative planning of take the future demand into account and make regulations. This weakens planning in gener- rational decisions based on proper research. al and perhaps even distances the planning agents from the responsibility for the city. The Shopping Center, in its current form, One should not make a desperate, nostalgic is also a socially thriving urban square call for some kind of return to what was that is actively claimed by its users. In before, but rather, as we aimed to do in its own terms, it can be seen as a good this chapter, constantly reveal the complex- quality public space, while at the same time ity of environments and social structures 136 having a worn appearance. The Hakunila Shop- which inhabit them, with the aim of making a ping Center is a site that reveals a lot of well-informed decision and position on “what further study potential related to Finnish should be.” planning ideologies, shopping center typol- What condition would on one hand be sen- ogies, politics of space, and spatial “user sitive towards the fragility or vulnerabil- experiences.” ity of the place, its social structures and Doing an ethnographic study of a site that identity, the fact that it can be used by is not related to spatial aspects of the different groups; and at the same time take place, does provide a much deeper under- care of the space, develop and not aban- standing of the space. Analyzing Hakunila don it to its own decay or the neoliberal from an identity point of view revealed a market power? This, of course, means also strong community of lower-class groups, who taking care of the complex power relations took the space for themselves, and there and addressing the agency opportunities for seemed to be a sense of non-judgement since vulnerable groups. the social classes in the space were simi- While it is a complex and challenging lar. Re-developing the area could possibly task, there is no doubt that the planning change the way in which the square is used office should take action to enable this by its current users. condition. Otherwise, there is a risk that Simply looking at presence in the pub- the confused division of responsibilities lic space of the square reveals a lot of will result in either a gentrifying project the power structures, and the idea of whom that will not recognize the existing social claims the space, and how. While we strive structures, or nothing will happen at all for recognition of the present social struc- and the space will just decay. tures and identities, as spatial theorists In light of the research conducted and and practitioners, we also have the respon- the conclusions drawn in this paper, it sibility to enable identities who are con- becomes evident that the framing of the ti- strained by those existing structures. Those tle “confused suburban identities” appears constraints can be only fully understood rather problematic. During our observations Chapter 3

and social exchanges in the field, we did not come across any indications of confusion within the users of the space, i.e., the suburban residents, in terms of their activities in urban spaces or representations of their local identities. The urban space was actively used and positively claimed by its users. Contrarily, the most disorienting aspect seemed to be the open questions related to the decaying building structures that are owned by multiple private parties and remain undeveloped amidst evolving plans and proposals shaped by municipal and regional planning dynamics. The further we dived into the context of the Hakunila Shopping Center, the more it became apparent that the most confusion lies among the planners, owners, and officials attempting to manage the space, not the users or the citizens.

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explain why shopping centers have failed to Commentary develop in accordance with present needs. This is why during the 2000s, it has been emphasized that these old kinds of shopping Developing suburban center should include both private and public services, such as libraries and spaces shopping centers in tune for residents and cultural services. Howev- er, according to Pasi Mäenpää (2013), simply with local needs and city mixing different functions at the shopping center is not enough; agency should be branding efforts mixed too. That would mean that all actors, such as owners, developers, city officials, shopkeepers and residents, are devoted to by Salla Jokela & Johanna Lilius increasing the attractiveness of the shopping center as a whole, and to work together and apply new forms of action with The students’ observations of the Hakunila the other actors. Jalmari Sarla´s concrete shopping center contribute to an understand- suggestions on how to develop the Hakunila ing of how this site has been reimagined shopping center are a good commentary as to and transformed into a meaningful place by where this development could start. However, its current users. We find two threads of as Mäenpää (2013) argues, the development of particular importance here, which could be shopping centers has to start from the needs outlined as more general questions concern- of the surrounding environment and its peo- ing other parts of the metropolitan area. ple, and not only from the shopping center 138 The first perspective emphasizes the role of itself. This is underlined in Eero Kujanen´s the suburban shopping center as a function- paper, which he ends by calling for better al place in a neighborhood, and the ways in market research. which it could be updated to better serve When possible paths of urban development the needs of the current residents in the are explored, placemaking is often discussed neighborhood. Secondly, we want to discuss in relation to “creativity”, which supports placemaking in and through the shopping image building and fosters economic growth center as a part of the branding strategies in cities (Landry 2000; Florida 2002). Lim- of Vantaa and the whole Helsinki Capital inal or “interim” spaces are increasing- Region. ly noted in city marketing discourses for While the Hakunila shopping center man- their potential to embody notions of dynam- ifests some of the ideals of rational and ic and bustling city life and to attract comprehensive planning that originally guid- people, who are eager to participate in the ed the building of the Hakunila neighbor- making of urban space and culture (Colomb hood, it has been transformed into a rela- 2012). This way of thinking is connected to tively poorly managed “liminal space” (see a larger shift in the conceptualizations of Hajer & Reijndorp 2001). This transformation government and citizenship in complex and is connected to several societal changes, networked city regions. The competition be- such as diversifying household forms, an tween cities in the global economy has led increase in car ownership, changes in retail many cities in western societies to relax logistics and consumption patterns, and the their regulations in order to make way for construction of larger shopping malls since self-directing and responsible human sub- the 1960s (Hankonen 1994: 258–272). jects, whose actions and identity projects can be harnessed for the purpose of enhanc- ing (inter)national competitiveness (Miller & Rose 2008). This development is also ev- Typically in the research literature, the ident in the Helsinki Capital Region, where narrow supply of services in the neighbor- the City of Helsinki has recently launched a hood shopping center has been identified to Chapter 3

new brand concept, which emphasizes “people, users while contributing to the image of encounters and actions that make an impact” Vantaa in a positive way. In the light of (Brand New Helsinki 2018). It is based on a the “creative cities” discourse, one could participatory branding process that empha- ask what counts as “creativity”, “authentic- size individuals’ experiences of urban space ity” and “diversity”? What is the desired instead of imposing a brand on them from outcome of the encounters of urban dwell- above. ers in a liminal space like the Hakunila In this context, the case of the Hakunila shopping center and how are human subjects shopping center poses an interesting chal- guided towards making responsible choices lenge. As the students’ work shows, when in- in such a space? These questions are tied creasing flows of consumers are directed to to issues of power discussed by the stu- the new shopping malls, old shopping centers dents and, most specifically, by Aleksandra like the one in Hakunila are left to devel- Borzęcka. The creativity thesis is in many op more organically. Thereby, these shopping ways tied to the concepts of tolerance and centers have become ideal sites for “place- diversity, but in practice some groups of making” for local residents, who are seek- people may be excluded from the discussions ing to express and reproduce their identi- and definitions surrounding creativity. ties and sense of community (Cresswell 2015; Borzęcka shows how mapping different ways of Toivola in this publication). While the using, experiencing and perceiving the urban Hakunila shopping center has been condemned space serve be a good starting point for due to its outdated design and infrastruc- gaining a better understanding of the reali- ture, the student papers show in versatile ties and creative potential of disadvantaged ways how it continues to serve as a node of or non-hegemonic groups. economic activities and social interaction Drawing on similar cases elsewhere, it is 139 for a diverse group of people. Katja Toivo- also interesting to ask whether and how the la, for instance, notes that many of the Hakunila shopping center could be used to people who use and appropriate the public brand the City of Vantaa as a whole. Michael spaces within and around the shopping center Klein and Andreas Rumpfhuber (2013: 75, 83), belong to low socioeconomic groups, who for instance, examine the social housing of generally have fewer resources to partici- Vienna as a tool of branding in “a multi-di- pate in the consumerist lifestyle and trendy rectional process of developing and branding activities of the more well-off and educated that includes many” and does not limit it- people. The Hakunila shopping center offers self to “the established forms of brand-pro- these people a relaxed and easily accessi- duction”. In the same way, the Hakunila ble environment in which they can “make an shopping center may have potential to brand impact”. It is often emphasized that shop- and enhance the attractiveness of Vantaa as ping centers offer affordable spaces for a a whole by emphasizing the versatility and different kind of small entrepreneurship. authenticity of its neighborhoods. Shifting In many places in the Helsinki metropolitan the focus from the neighborhood level to the area, these spaces can be a key to community city level makes it possible to consider the engagement for immigrants, for example, who current activities in the shopping center as can afford to try out their business ideas, an asset that represents and reinforces the such as specialized shops and restaurants, image of Vantaa as a multicultural, toler- in small shopping centers (eg. Pelkonen ant, and inclusive city in accordance with a & Ovaskainen 2013; Mäenpää 2014; Nelskylä grand narrative of Finland as a livable and 2016). welcoming welfare state that scores high in various international rankings.

It is worthwhile to ask whether the site of the Hakunila shopping center could be developed in a way that would serve its current Four-Perspective Analysis of the Hakunila Shopping Center USP / 2018

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