LUZ Mm AVELEYRA. ‘, 1987 D I I

A ST UDY OF CHRIST {N MNESTY FROM THE

APOCALYPSE OF SAN SEVER

w‘—-— §

Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MlCHEGAN STATE {ENEVERSITY _‘ LUZ mm AVELEYRA. ‘, 1987 D I i

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ABJTRACT

A dtudy_of Christ in Malestx of the Apocalypse of San Sever

An analysis was done of an illustration taken from the Apocalypse of 8. never entitled Christ in Majesty. It

was approached from a stylistic and iconographical vieWpoint and also includes historical data.

The artist who illustrated the manuscript COpied his work from an earlier source. The attempt was made, therefore, to find the manuscript which he may have used as the basis for his illustration.

no definite conclusion was made as to the particular manuscript the artist may have COpied, but it was possible to state a period to which the earlier manuscript may have belonged. A STUDY OF CHRIST IN MAJESTY FROM THE APOCALYPSE OF SAN SEVER

/ Luz Maria Aveleyra

A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Art

1967 ACthuLﬁDGMENT

To Professor Robert Rough for his interest, help and guidance, I express my sincere thanks.

Luz Maria Aveleyra CoNTENTS Page

Introduction ------1

Historical Background ------4

Problems and Opinions ------lO

Iconography ------17

Style ------29

Conclusion ------39

Bibliography ------43

Illustrations ------47 INTRODUCTION

At the close of the first century after Christ, a series of epistles were addressed to seven Asian churches by a writer known as John, probably the Apostle.1 Their message predicted events that would occur on earth, and in the kingdom of God at the end of the world. Even though the arrangement was in the form of letters they were com- piled as a book known as, The Book of Revelations,or the

a. Apocalypse.

Within a century the Apocalypse became widely known in all parts of the church world and it was considered to be a work of inspired authorship. Among the earliest ad- vocates as to its divine authenticity, and perhaps the greatest, was St. Irenaeus.2 At the Third Council of Car- thage, 397 A.D., the Apocalypse was included in the list of canonical books.

Interpretations of the Apocalypse were not begun until the fourth century; Ticonius wrote one of the earliest commentaries. The first literary notice of apocalyptic themes probably belongs to the fifth century: in 424 Galla

Placidia had a church built in Ravenna which she dedicated

A..- 1 The following commentary, unless otherwise stated, is based on — Isbon T. Beckwith, The Apocalypse of John (Michigan, Baker Book House, 19677 2 John W. Bradley, The Apocalypse. (London, Charles Wit- tingham and Co., 1906) p. 4 _ 1 _ _ 2 - to St. John the Evangelist. Ten years later Hieronymus Bu- beus recorded a description of this church and he mentioned that some of the tOpics which were chosen to decorate the interior had been taken from the Book of Revelations.

The first artistic representations of scenes from the

Apocalypse only appeared as individual scenes and did not illustrate the entire book.1 G. B. Ladner says that the pro- totypes of Apocalyptic art were created in the last half of the fourth century and the first half of the fifth during the time of Theodosius the Great and Pope Leo the Great. From this period the Church used the art of the emperors' apo- theosis as the basis for the vision of the Apocalyptic

Christ.2 By the fifth century apocalyptic themes of adoration which mentioned Christ or the Lamb were used by artists to adorn Roman churches.

There were three illuminated manuscripts of the Book of Revelations done between the eighth and ninth centuries:

The Apocalypse of Trier, early eighth century, a 00py of the

Beatus commentary, latter quarter of the eighth century, and the Cambrai Apocalypse, ninth century. This may indicate that the earliest attempts to illustrate the entire book were probably done in the West.

l Montague Rhodes James, The Apocalypse in Art, (London, Oxford University Press, 1931) p. 29 2 G.B. Ladner, Comments - "Van der Meer, Maiesta Domini" The Art Bulletin, (March, 1943) Vol. XXV, No. l, p. 93 _ 3 -

For the present paper a page has been chosen from the

Apocalypse of S. Sever, 1028 - 1072, illustrating a section taken from the fourth chapter of the Book of Revelations.

It shows Christ in Majesty surrounded by a host of angels, twenty-four Elders and four creatures; all gesture in adoration to God, Creator and King. The Maiestas, or Christ in Majesty (Fig. 1) has been selected as the tOpic for this thesis and will by analyzed stylistically and iconographi- cally. An attempt will be made to trace the origin of this theme and follow its development up to the eleventh century. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In the eleventh century one of the strongest conflicts

in EurOpe was between Church and State. The principal argu- ments were church reform, lay investiture, the appointment

of church delegates by royalty, and canonical election.

These complications lead the Church to seek freedom from secular intervention and to increase and maintain power in areas strictly her own; to be independent of royal authority.

In Spain the founding of a church or monastery was ac— companied by land donations and as a consequence monks even- tually became wealthy landowners. Religious orders were

supported by the kings who wanted to counteract the powers

of the nobility; the Church in turn helped the kings when-

ever necessary.1 This type of assistance could only end in conflict for at some point religious and secular rights would overlap. This indeed happened; lay ownership gradually

overpowered 'spiritual' considerations and the problem of lay investiture deve10ped. Investiture was the practice by which secular rulers invested spiritual offices to newly

elected clergy by conferring on them the symbols of spiritual authority, the ring and the staff.2 In other words,

l Rafael Altamira, A history of Spain, (New Jersey, D. Van Nostrand, Co., Inc., 1966) p. 204 2 Robert S. Hoyt, Europe in the Middle Ages (New York, Burlingane, Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1966) p. 233

- 4 _ - 5 _

kings felt they had the power to fill vacant bishOprics and

purchase and sell the land, which supposedly belonged to the

P0pe, as they saw fit. But changes were made in an effort

to separate the duties and obligations of these two powers.

By 1059 Nicholas II passed the Papal Election Decree which

eliminated imperial control from the papacy. At the Lateran

Synod it was declared that cardinal-bishOps, cardinal-

priests and cardinal-deacons of Rome were to officially

elect thepOpe and the emperor would be notified of the de—

cision after the appointment had been made.2 Five years

earlier the declaration of papal supremacy over all Chris-

tendom had brought about the schism between the Eastern Greek

Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church.

Difficulties between royalty and ecclesiastics had not

Sprung merely from a desire to gain greater political

strength; a state of laxity and carelessness within church

discipline also created problems. For the people of the

Middle Ages the Church was important. Their lives had been

directed by her teachings and there were few activities that

did not fall, to some degree, under her influence.3 The

Church was the unifying element for everyone. In order to

properly instruct the faithful she had to act in accordance 1 J.B. Bury, The Cambridge Mediaeval History, Vol. v (Cambridge University Press, 1948) p. VIII 2 Hoyt, _p. cit., p. 226 3 Hoyt, 2p. cit., p. 359 -6... with her teachings. Therefore, reform was essential.

In the tenth century ecclesiastical reform had been

aided by the establishment of the religious order of Cluny.

This Benedictine house was founded with the view toward

complete solitude from the world, but with time it grew in

wealth and importance and by the eleventh century it became

an intellectual leader of EurOpe. The political activities

of Cluny were pushed in every direction. As a means of re-

form the abbeys were to be immediately subordinate to the

pOpe. The rivalry that existed between the emperor and pope was because each claimed to derive his authority from the

theory of a single head under God.1 The Order did not re-

cognize any allegiance to the French king, duty and obedience were to the pope only;2 it believed in the universal power

of Rome.

The order of Cluny was dedicated to learning. Among the abbots there were philOSOphers and humanists as well as statesmen.3 Culture was to have no boundaries; not only did this Benedictine community build monasteries in France, it also established religious houses throughout different parts of Eur0pe. Even Alfonso VI of Spain contributed large sums of money toward the building of the church.4 Some of

l Violet R. Markham, Romanesque France, (London, 1929) p. 103 2 Ibid., p. 105 3 Ibid., p. 105 4 Ibid., p. 106 - 7 _

the monasteries served as stopping points for travelers

along pilgrimage roads and it is interesting to note that

S. Sever served such a purpose.

Together with the political-religious encounter the

West also witnessed the reconquest of Spain from the Moors,

and on the cultural level the founding of the cathedral

schools and universities. Spain was fighting the Moslems in

an effort to regain the Christian territories which she had

lost. The population of Spain was divided into Latin-Chris-

tian and Arab-Moslem. The northern sections, Castile, Ledn

and Asturias, remained Christian and the Moslem possessions

were Concentrated in the south. The Pyrenees remained a neutral zone.2 After a long ruling period the Caliphate of

Cordova began to weaken and by 1031 the Moslem territories

split into seven kingdoms. This division facilitated the re-

conquest of Spain for the Christians by preventing Arab for— ces from uniting.3 In 1035 Sancho the Great of Spain had

extended his power over the Pyrenees and annexed Gascony to

Navarre. His son later inherited these two territories.4

The penetration of the Cluniacs from southern France l Emile Male, Religious Art from the Twelfth to the Eight- eenth Century, (Noonday Press, 1963) p. 42

2 Jean Descola, A History of Spain (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1963) p. 126 3 Altamira, 9p. cit., p. 154 4 Jaime M. Casanovas Sancti BeatiA. Liebana in Apocalypsin Codex Gerundensis (New York, 1962) p. 51 _ 8 _

and the establishment of monasteries helped to strengthen

the Christian movement. Ferdinand I became the first leader

of the Reconquestl and the first great expansion by the

Christians ended with the conquest of Toledo in 1085.2

One must not think of the Middle Ages as a period of continuous conflict. By the middle of the century a cultural revival occurred in Europe which was made possible by im— provements in the economic and political situation. 3 Econ- omically EurOpe was more stable because agricultural pro- duction had increased.4 Also, more peOple were moving from the country into the towns, and cities were becoming crowded.

The monasteries, once the main centers of learning, were becoming less popular. With a greater concentration of pe0ple in cities the formation of the cathedral schools was inevi- table. These new schools were better equipped to meet the needs of education brought about by larger pOpulation and more wealth. In France the program of studies was basically liberal arts; Italy concentrated more in the fields of med- icine and law.5 In the area of literature, Latin was no longer being used in Spain. Castilian had been in practice 1 Descola, 22. 2233., p. 128 2 Hoyt, 2‘9. _e_i_;c_., p. 241 3 Hoyt, 2p.lg;§., p. 315 4 Bury, gp.|2;£., p. 58 5 Hoyt, 2p. cit., p. 322,323 _ 9 _ since the tenth century and later Catalan, Valencian and

Mallorcan became common;1 In France the 'chansons de geste' were popular, and its famous epic, "Song of Roland", dates back in oral tradition to the middle of the eleventh cen— tury. 2

During the eleventh century a gradual shift towards an interest in man was occurring. Learned theologians and intellecutals of the eleventh and twelfth centuries began to stress the humanity of Christ and approached His Incar- nation and Crucifixion not only as religious mysteries but as historical events.3 Logic became a valuable means in solving important ecclesiastical issues. The desire to de- ve10p the mind showed itself by Opening schools and universities and allowing education to become accessible to more individuals.

The interchange of foreign ideas was a way of saying that peOple were interested in other cultures. For example,

Spain absorbed the influences proceeding from the Arab world and also from the neighboring country of France. Commercial trade and sea routes made it possible for Western EurOpe to have access to the East: Constantinople and Antioch. A re- turn to the past and a study of the classics brought renewed

l Altamira, 2p. cit., p. 2l3 2 Hoyt, 2p. cit., p. 308 3 Hoyt., pp. cit., p. 38 - lO - insight about the concept of man. The idea of man as the center of the universe will not fully materialize for several centuries, but the germ is already present. PROBLBMS AND OPINIONS

Various books and articles have been written about a

series of Spanish Beatus Commentaries that were done prin-

cipally between the eighth and thirteenth centuries, most of

which were conceived and copied in Spain.1 The illustra-

tions within the books, as well as the script, have been

studied and analyzed. Scholars have attempted to trace the F

original source from which these manuscripts may have been

taken by carefully examining the style and iconography.

Among the variety of material and research that has

gone into studying these manuscripts a certain amount per-

tain to the Commentary of the Beatus of S. Sever. There-

fore, an attempt was made to extract information concerning

this work. As yet no conclusion is intended, it is merely

a bringing together of the facts so the reader may see the

opinions of different authors.

The Commentary on the Apocalypse of S. Sever was

written at the abbey of S. Sever on l'Adour in Gascony and

was decorated by an artist who signed himself Stephanus

Garcisq2an artist from Aragon.3 It is believed the painter hid his name on the shaft of a pillar on folio 6: STEPHANUS

1 Joan Evans, Cluniac Art of the Romanesque Period (London, Cambridge University Press, 1950Ip. 82 2 Jean Porcher, "Beatus in Apocalypsim", Gra his, (1956),

V01. 12, NOS. 63—68, p. 218 3 Georgiana G. King, "Divagations on the Beatus", Art Studies, (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1930) Vol. 8, Part 1, p. 36 - _ 11 - _ 12 _ GARCIA PLACIDUS, A.D.l

LeOpold Delisle has said that the paintings in the manuscript are works of various artists but only one signa-

ture appears.2 Georgiana King is of similar Opinion saying

that two hands are distinguishable, one finer and more Span- h

ish, the other more oriental in the treatment of line.3 The

illustrations in the manuscript are not original paintings

because the artist 00pied them from an earlier source. The 4

graph (Fig. 2) indicates that the Beatus manuscripts orig-

inate from earlier sources. The letter S refers to the S.

Sever copy and its placement in the graph shows that it

stems from a work quite separate from the other illuminations. Neuss feels that Stephanus Garcia must have used a

Carolingian copy of a HispanosVisigothic original to copy his miniatures.4 The miniatures are "of a kind familiar to

us from the Carolingian-Ottonian inheritance of Early Chris- 5 tian painting".

Meyer Schapiro does not agree with Neuss at all. He feels that he ignored the Romanesque art of Aquitaine of the

eleventh century and overlooked traces of regional character

l Casanovas, 2p. cit., p. 51 Jesus D. Bordona, BXposicidn de Codices Miniados ngaﬁoles (Madrid, 1929) p. 34 3 King, _p. cit., p. 36 Casanovas, pp. cit., p. 55 5 Casanovas, op. cit., p. 54 _ 13 - in the S. Sever miniatures. The activism and energy of the figures are not so much Rellenistic as Romanesque qualities which were cultivated in the art of southern France at this time.1 What distinguishes the S. Sever Beatus from the other

Beatus manuscripts is that it was done in France; its style, line, movement, composition, ornament and iconographic de- ‘

tails characterize it as a product of southern French paint- ‘ ing. Schapiro has also pointed its close relation to French -'AB‘J'23'T ' illuminations.2

The script of the text was not written in Visigothic minuscule, which is a specifically Spanish script, but in

Carolingian minuscule.3 0n the basis of the script Neuss says that the copy from which the artist worked must have been written in gothic; the writer made several mistakes which implies that he did not understand Visigothic script.4

The S. Sever manuscript is exceptional among the ear- hier Beatus 00pies in three aspects: first, it is the only one which is not of Spanish origin, secondly, of all the

Meyer Schapiro, "Two Romanesque Drawings in Auxerre and Some Iconographic Problems", Studies in Art and Litera- ture for Belle Da Costa Greene; ed. by Doroth Miner, (New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1954 p. 339 "Reviews and Notes", The Art Bulletin, (March, 1933) V01. XV, N00 1, pp. 3b9-390 Casanovas, op. cit., p. 51 Wilhelm Neuss, "Resumen", Die Apokalypse Des H1. Johannes inqger Altspanischen und Altchristlichen Bibel-Illustration, Vol. I, (Munster in aestfalen, 1931) p. 35 _ 14 _

Beatus manuscripts of the eleventh century it is the only one that substituted the French for the Visigothic script, and third, there is a marked difference in the style of painting - it is not Mozarabic, as the earlier Beatus copies, rather it is more similar to the style of Aquitaine l and western France.

Since the manuscript is not being studied in its en- tirety concern has been mainly with comments and references made to a single page - Christ in Majesty among the Twenty- four Elders. We will concentrate on the details of this specific illustration and their relation to other works of art. Van der Meer gives us a description of its contents: the scene occupies two pages; fifteen angels fly around a circle which encloses Christ Who is seated on a globe with

His feet resting on another globe that is filled with plants.

A plain nimbus surrounds His head and in His hand He carries a disc that has an image of a lamb. He holds a scepter in

His other hand. The living creatures who surround Him are covered with eyes and have wings. Twenty-four bearded El- ders are seated on the cushions of wooden thrones. They raise chalices and viols over their heads.2 The Maiestas was not illustrated in the original Spanish manuscript of

Beatus of Liebana.3

l Schapiro, Studies in Art. . ., _p. cit., p. 539 2 F. Van der Meer, Maiaaia;ngm1nig (Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1938) pp. 361-362 3 Neuss, Vol. I, pp. cit., p. 116 -15..

As to style, the S. Sever manuscript has been compared with the Leon Diurnal Miniatures of Ferdinand and Sancha, c.

1055. The double-line 100ps of drapery appear in both, as do the rippling edges and flying folds. In both manuscripts the drapery functions as a plastic element and not as a flat area in abstract pattern, and the figures have "the round p bullet heads with casque-like masses of hair", and hunched shoulders.l In the English manuscript of the Gospels of

Boulogne, late tenth century, the unkempt hair and humped L T“ backs also have been compared to the S. Sever Apocalypse.2

Turning our attention to the twenty-four Elders, Kuhn has made a general statement saying that all the Beatus manuscripts show more than twelve figures but only the Beatus of S. Sever has the full twenty-four. 5 A closer count may prove his conclusion debatable. The vision of Christ among the Elders in the S. Sever manuscript is said to have a close similarity to French Carolingian and Romanesque versions. The Elders have been grouped cicularly around Christ, an arrangement which had been eXplained as a transposition

0f a concave image of the Elders of a mosaic on the dome of

Charlamagne's Chapel at Aachen“+ This iconographic detail

1 . . DaV1d M. Robb, "The Capitals of the Panteon de los Reyes, San Isidoro de Leon", The Art Bulletin1 (March, 1945) Vol.

Walter W. S. Cook, "The Earliest Painted Panels of Cata- lonia" (I), The Art Bulletin, (1923), Vol. V, No. 4, p. 99 Charles L. Kuhn, Romanesque Mural Painting of Catalonia, Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1930) p. 10 Schapiro, Studies in Art. . ., pp. cit., p. 540 -15.. differentiates the S. Sever manuscript from other Spanish ones and ties it closer to Gallic tradition. Parallels to this composition may also be seen in the Codex Aureus of St.

Emmeram of Regensburg, and in a page from a Romanesque Tur- .. . 1 onlan manuscript.

1 The Art-Bulletin, xv, pp. cit., p. 590 IUOEOGHAPHY

The iconographical analysis of the Maiestas will be divided into three categories: 1) the representation of the twenty-four Elders; 2) the four symbols of the evangelists; 3) Christ in Majesty, within which minor details will also be studied.

Since Early Christianity the twenty-four Elders had been a subject frequently represented as wall paintings and . . . , l . mosaics 1n Western Europe. The earllest example known was -_ in Rome on the fagade of St. Peter's.2 When Leo I had been elected to the papacy in 440, he had one mosaic of Christ with the four creatures and the Elders placed on the fagade of St. Peter's and another over the arch of the apse of St.

Paul's Without the Walls.3 The same theme was again used as a decoration in the sixth century church of SS. Cosmas and Damian.4

It seems that the Elders have been referred to as judges. Primitive Jewish-Christian Apocalypse mentions the idea of saints enthroned as judges, and the Danielle archetype of all apocalypse there is also a similar reference:

"until the Ancient of Days came, and the court took its seat and dominion 1 Schapiro, Studies in Art. . ., _p. cit., p. 348 2 Kuhn, pp. cit., p. 83 3 James, pp. cit., p. 32 4 Kuhn, o . cit., p. 83 _ 17 _ _ 18 _

was given to the saints of the Most High and the time came for the saints to possess the Kingdom." Dan. 7:22

This could be the literary root for the image of the enthroned judges or Elders.l There is no mention of them in

Jewish literature.2 m3 ;

The twenty-four Elders may be of Middle East origin. 5 A)" —.."\i' ' Some authors are of the opinion that the imagery was bor- '_ rowed from the twenty-four Babylonian star gods.4 In Baby- lonian mythology these astral deities were assistant judges of the universe. It is also said that they may have orig- inated from the twenty-four Yazata of the Persian court of heaven.5 It has been concluded that neither in Judaism nor in Christianity can a true interpretation of the twenty-four

Elders seated on thrones be found. These beings and the number twenty-four are no invention and the concept has been taken from apocalyptic tradition.b

"And around the throne on each side of the throne are four living creatures

Harold Willoughby, The Elizabeth Day McCormick Apocalypse, (Illinois, Chicago University Press, 1940) Vol. I, p. 522

N R. H. Cgarles, The International Critical Commentary, (Edinburgh, T and T Clark, 1950) Vol. I, p. 128 Jilloughby, pp. cit., p. 250 Charles, _p. cit., p. 131 Willoughby, _p. cit., p. 250

ONU‘l-F-‘W Charles, pp. cit., p. 130 _ 19 -

full of eyes in frontand behind: the first living creature like a lion, the second living creature like an ox, the third living creature like a man and the fourth living creature like a flying eagle. And the four living creatures, each of them with six wings, are full of eyes all around and within, and day and night they never cease to sing, 'Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God almighty who was and is and is to come." Rev. 4:6-8 The creatures mentioned in this passage are the symbols of the evangelists, Matthew, Mark,Luke and John who wrote the four gospels of the New Testament. Their description was taken originally from a passage of the book of

Ezekiel in the Old Testament wherein Ezekiel describes a vision, not of the evangelists themselves but of the Cheru- him:

"Then out of its center emerged what looked like four living beings, and this was their appearance: their form was that of a man; each of them had four faces, and each of them had four wings. Their legs were straight, the soles of their feet were like the surface of burnished bronze. Under their wings on their four sides were human hands. As for their four faces and their wings, their wings touched one another; and their faces did not turn as they went, but everyone went straight forward. As for the form of their faces, each of the four had in front the face of a man; all four had the face of an ox on the left side; all four had the face of an eagle as the back." Ezk. 1:5-11 -20....

Since the fourth century, Church Fathers had interpreted the four""~. as symbols of the evangelists. By-

zantine theology had not recognized the Apocalypse as canonic

scripture as early as the West and, therefore, had neglected to represent the apocalyptic symbols. The interpretation of the four beings belongs mainly to the West.1 :1 L.“ 1

12...?

a mu. -_ In an apse mosaic at Sta. Pudenziana we find the first occurrence of the symbols of the four evangelists.2 The nu- merous representations made of them were not limited only to apocalyptical interpretations. In the sixth or seventh centuries Byzantine artists usually portrayed the creatures with two pairs of wings, some times set with eyes, and later added two extra wings.3

Each animal symbolizes one of the evangelists. For a time they had been assigned differently to the separate authors of the gospels. Hippolitus had given Matthew the attribute of the lion, Mark the angel, John the eagle, and of course, the ox to Luke. Both Augustin and Bede retained this order. Jerome adopted the eastern attributes following

Irene's dream and interpretation; to Matthew he gave the symbol of an angel, to Mark the lion, the ox to Luke and the

1 H. P. L'Orange, Studies on the Iconography of Cosmic Kingship in the Ancient World,(Oslo, H. Aschenhoug and Co., l955)p. 127 James, pp. cit., p. 31 Willoughby, pp. cit., pp. 496,497 -21.. eagle to John. The symbols which Jerome gave to the evangelists were the ones which came to be accepted by theologians and artists. The angel became Matthew's attribute because his gospel had spoken of Christ's Incarnation and human origin; Mark was given the lion for he had told of

His royal strength; Luke inherited the ox because he had dwelled on our Lord's priesthood, and John's eagle had sym— bolized the flight of the Spirit on the Church.1

In the S. Sever manuscript we see the angel holding a book in his hands; the ox and the lion also have one between their paws, but the eagle is different, instead he grasps a scroll. A representation showing three of the four creatures carrying books and one a scroll was a characteristic common to the north since Carolingian times and was part of the iconography of southern France.2 The manuscript of the

Beatus of S. Sever is the earliest Beatus miniature of

Christ and the four symbols that illustrates the eagle bear- ing a scroll and the other eVangelists holding books. John's sublimity as an evangelist was common in Carolingian thought and the roll may have served to single him out from the other three. The scroll was a sign of divinity in a stronger sense than the codex. In his gospel, John had spoken of

Christs divine nature whereas the others had concentrated

1 Van der Meer, pp. cit., pp 224,225,228 2 The Art Bulletin xv, pp. cit., p. 391 on His human nature.1

The creatures have not always been arranged in the same order. Sometimes the artist placed them so that their position corresponded to the material order or text of the gospels. In the West they were arranged on the basis of chronology or according to worthiness. Italian miniatur- ists had grouped them chronologically.2 They were shown surrounding the Lamb or the Cross and it was not uncommon to see them in the Carolingian images of the Maiestas.3 The artists found several ways to represent these creatures but it never appears that they did it in random fashion or for whimsical reasons. They were guided by rules but within their restrictions they showed freedom for originality and expression.

”Et quum accepisset librum, illa quattuor animalia, et viginti quattuor seniores ceciderunt ante agnum, id est, ante Iesum Christum, qui cum ipso agno sedet ad des- teram Dei. thronus et animalia et seniores, hoc totum, agnus sunt, isti cadunt ante agnum, id est, Christum incarnatum, qui mor- tuus est resurrexit. sequentes vestigia eius humiliari, in penitentia cadre dicun- tur. habentes singulas citharas, id est, corda laudantium. et fialas aureas; haec

l Schapiro, Studies in Art. . . pp. ci ., pp. 332,335,337,33g 2 Van der Meer, pp. cit., p. 226 3 Van der Meer, pp, cit., p. 319 _ 23 _

sunt vasa in domo magna; vasa animae sanctae sunt. plenas odorum, quae sunt orationes sanctorum; et cantabant can- ticum novum."

"And when he had received the book, those four animals and twenty-four elders fell before the lamb, that is, before Jesus Christ, who sits with the lamb himself at the right hand of God. The throne and animals and el— ders, all this together, they are the “1 lamb. They fall before the lamb, j that is Christ made flesh, who died ' and rose again from the grave. They are said to be humbled following in his footsteps, they are said to fall in penitence, each having a lute, that 2- is a musical string of praisers, and having golden vessels; these are large dishes in the home; they are vessels of holy life, full of perfumes, which are speeches of the holy, and they were singing a new song." / l Beatus of Liebana

TheOphany is an appearance of God to man, and the representations showing Christ manifesting Himself to man are called a theophany. In reference to the Apocalypse we find it divided in two groups: one is the veiled theOphany because Christ is shown in a non-human form, probably under the guise of a lamb and attended by saints, angels, or E1- . - 1 . , . . . 2 ders; unveiled He appears as the Son of God, the Malestas.

In Rome, scenes of the haiestas could be traced to the image of the emperor that had been carved in relief on Roman

l Beati in Apocalipsin, ed by Henry A. Sanders, (Italy, American Academy in Rome, 1930) Vol. VII, p. 329 2 H.E.W. Turner, The Journal of Roman Studies, (1938) Vol. XXVIII, p. 91 - 24 -

triumphal arches.l The exaltation of Christ and His coming was sharing a place with the emperor and his court. By the middle of the fifth century the haiestas had gained a cen-

tral position in Western churches, but was not as popular in

the East.2 The artists of Romanesque period had illustrated

the theophany in several forms: sometimes they used the

apocalyptical version which showed Christ surrounded by the four evangelists, other times they showed Him in scenes of Pentacost, the Ascension or the Last Judgment. 3 Also, they would combine the themes; the artist would illustrate a scene which would be a combination of the Ascension and the

Last Judgment.

It has been said that the archetype for Christ was borrowed from the Hellenistic type, which showed Him enthroned and encircled by a mandorla.4 The mandorla was used in mediaeval and renaissance art when the presence of Christ was not to be taken as a physical actuality. 5 The Ancient

East had seen the world in the image of a circle or a clipeus and placed god and king in the center. The "imago clipeata", of the classical peOple came from this idea; first they had placed a god in the clipeus, then the apo-

1 Van der Meer,.pp. cit., p. 439 2 James, pp. cmt., p. 33 3 Jane Dillenberger, Style and Content in Christian Artl (Abingdon Press, 1965) p. 59 4 Van der Mar, _p. cit., p. 295 5 Dillenberger, op. cit., p. 59 - 25 _ theosized earthly ruler and lastly the apotheosized dead man.1 Christ was all three.

The earliest Hellenistic types of the Savior enthroned in Majesty show Him as the Logos, seated on the globe of heaven in scenes of the Traditio Legis.2 Logos means word - the Son of God is the Word. Traditio Legis is the giving of the law - Christ gives the law to one of His disciples. This kind of enthronement, common in Italian mosaics, frescoes and manuscripts from the fourth to the eighth centuries, became a distinct feature of the Latin style. Later it spread to France and was taken over by the art of the Carolingian

Renaissance.3 The Eastern versions of the Maiestas had shown Christ either seated or standing, the scene was usually the Ascension. Angels surrounded the mandorla and He was accompanied by the four beasts.4 When the West ad0pted the Eastern model Christ did not necessarily appear in a vision of the Ascension. The western artist eliminated many of the elements from Ezekiel's description and put greater 5 stress on Christ and the four evangelists. L'Orange seems very certain that the origin of the Maiestas can be traced

l L'Orange, _p. cit., p. 94 2 Walter W.S. Cook, "The Earliest Painted Panels of Cata— lonia" (II), The Art Bulletin, (December, 1923) V01. VI, No. 2, p. 58 3 Ibid., p. 39 Ibid., p. 46 m4: Art Bulletin VI, pp. cit., p. 47 -25.. to the East: "Thus the dominating Maiestas-Domini-type of the Christian era endlessly repeated throughout the centuries - Christ enthroned in heavenly splendour and the Evan- gelist symbols soaring around him - has sprung from the throne picture of the Ancient East".l

Only a small amount of information was located as to the iconography of the 'footstool'. One reference mentioned a curving are used as a footstool for Christ was found in an eighth century Byzantine mosaic of the Ascension at nagia

SCphia, Salonika, a feature frequently seen in later Byzan- tine versions of the haiestas.2 The footstool was also represented in western manuscripts of which two examples have a feature similar to the S. Sever manuscript. In the S.

Sever copy plants have been added as a detail to the globe on which Christ rests his feet. In the Gospels of Prum, a ninth century manuscript of the School of Tours, and the eleventh century Gospel Book of Bernward (Fig. 3) this pe- culiarity is also present. 5 There are Biblical references mentioning the earth as Christ's footstool:

"Thus saith the Lord: Heaven is my throne, and the earth my footstool." Isiah 66:1

l L'Orange, pp. cit., p. 132 2 Art Bulletin v1, _p. cit., p. 59 2 Art Bulletin.vI, pp. cit., pp. 58,59 _ 27 -

"But I say to you not to swear at all, for it is the throne of God; nor by the earth for it is his footstool. . ." Matt. 5:54-55

The circular object which Christ holds in his right

:hand appears to have one of two meanings. It may be a world

'ball and symbolic of God's power, he who controls and gov- erns the universe. The Maiestas page from the Gerona Be- atus, 950, clearly has the disc labeled MUNDUS. It has also been interpreted as the sacred Host. During the Carolin- E gian era the Eucharistic controversy, which had existed since the fourth century, came to a climax. In 831 Radber- tus Paschasius, abbot of Corbie, published the monograph,

DE CORPORE ET SANGUINE DOMINI, in defense of the theory of transubstantiation. In it he said:

"That body and blood veritably come into existance (fiat) by the consecration of the mystery, no one doubts who believes the divine words; hence Truth says, 'For my flesh verily is food, and my blood verily is drink' (John vi, 55). And that it should be clearer to the disciples who did not rightly understand of what flesh he spoke, or of what blood, he added, to make this plain, 'Whoso eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, abideth in me and I in him'. Therefore, if it is veritably food, it is veritable flesh; and if it is veritably drink, it also is veritable blood. Otherwise how could he have said, 'The bread which I will give is my flesh for the life of the world'?" 1

1 Henry 0. Taylor, The Mediaeval Mind, (Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1949) Vol. I, pp. 226-227 _ 28 _ This may explain why the artists of the School of

Tours showed Christ holding the host in representations of - . l n , . . 1 . .. . the Malestas. Even during the flrst Christlan centuries dogmatic disputes over heresies had prompted writers to in- clude ideas of non-biblical origin into apocalyptical works.2

In 1050 a similar controversy again arose between T

Berenger of Tours, who argued that the real body and blood 5

Of Christ were not present in the consecrated bread and wine, and Lanfranc, who Opposed him saying they were.2 This Eu- charistic conflict may have led the s. Sever artist to in— F terpret the disc as a host. here, as in the Gospel Book of Bernward (Fig. 3) a lamb, the symbol of Christ's sacrifice, is imprinted in the center of the disc.

In the eleventh century there were illustrations which showed Christ holding the globe in the Eucharistic manner or holding the host as a globe. "Such a confusion or mutual assimilation of types is hardly surprising. Symbols of like form, applied to the same Object or comprised within closely related spheres of meaning tend to become interchangeable. . ."

The host, which is the body of Christ who is the ruler and first pOpe may also have been a symbol of papal authority.4

l Wilhelm Kohler, hie Karolingischen miniaturen1 (Berlin, Wubben and Co., 1963) p. 135 Casanovas, pp. cit., p. 25 Schapiro, Studies in Art. . ., pp. cit., p. 345 Schapiro, Studies in Art. . ., pp. cit., pp. 344,345 STYLE

Having studied the iconography of our manuscript page we will now point out the various invluences that affected its stylistic develOpment. Examples of other Beatus manuscripts illustrating Christ in Majesty have been brought in for comparison.

The illustration has a basic composition of a circle within a rectangle. The Facundo Beatus, eleventh century, the Beatus of Osma, 1056, and the Silos Beatus, 1075 (Figs. 4,5,6) have a similar organization, only the rectangle has been given vertical emphasis by virtue of occupying a single page, and each of the four corners terminate in an intricate plait pattern. All three show Christ girdled by a ring which has a wide border with a stellar design.

In our original illumination there are two sets of adoring angels flanking the periphery of the largest circle.

0n the left the six figures are boldly outlined against a" plain blue background; on the Opposite side nine angels, smaller in size, are timidly rendered against a patterned red and blue setting. Embracing the inner border of the red circle the twenty-four Elders hoist their instruments to God. Approaching Christ, who is seated in the inner en— closure, the symbols of the evangelists surround Him in praise. The structure is essentially circular with an inward rotating movement.

- 29 _ - 3o _

A quick glance at the other Beatus manuscripts will

reveal a banded horizontal construction where the figures

have been clearly distributed in rows above and below Christ.

This type of group structure produces a more static effect

than the cylindrical one. Visual and emotional disunity

also are suggested by the fact that the figures show little

or no recognition of God's presence.

The Beatus manuscripts that have been mentioned con-

tain balance and symmetry. In the S. Sever copy Christ is

slightly off center because the fold of the page would have

out his figure in half had it been placed directly in the

middle. But balance has been maintained by an adjustment

in the grouping and patterning of the other figures. Sym-

metry becomes a vehicle whereby design, gesture, contours

and accessories are so arranged that the whole composition

may be easily analyzed.l

Its radial formation, reaffirmed by the combination

of colors, are Mozarabic features.2 In most instances color has been applied in a thick, seemingly opaque, manner using

strong contrasts of red, yellow and blue whereby the figures

create the impression of being detached from the background

With a a clOlsonne I / effect. In Mozaraglc 9 0 pages colored areas

1 Meyer Schapiro, "The Romanesque Sculpture of Moissac" I, The Art Bulletin, (June, 1931) Vol. XIII, No. 2, p. 292 Meyer Schapiro, "From Mozarabic to Romanesque in Silos", The Art Bulletin; (March, 1939) Vol. XXI, No. 1, p. 321 _ 31 _ are sharply defined units in strong contrast to the background color or to the colors of adjacent figures. In Ro- manesque color is laid on in a fluid, transparent manner.1

The tips of the angels' wings and the barely visible frag- ments of their hands and feet are extended beyond the bor—

ders. This element also contributes to the impression that '-14

they are detached from their setting. Romanesque figure I'.-

AMI—ul- v...

movement in space is effected by the overlapping of the frame ,‘l-rxv n and the extension of the limbs. In Mozarabic art this same ..

feature creates surface pattern without plastic suggestion.2 mﬁ

In some examples the framework contains intricate de- signs in the Islamic manner while others favor simplifica- tion. In the S. Sever COpy the very simple decoration of the tOp rim has been replaced by an inscription. In the other manuscripts words or phrases have been placed within the illustration itself. The naming of the figures reveals a naive pictographic intention, whereas the placing of the 5 text above the scene is a more recent development.

Moving inward it is apparent that the two groups of angels have not been handled in the same manner. 0n the left the six figures are relatively larger, their facial l Ibid., p. 322 2 Ibid., p. 358 3 Art Bulletin XIII, o . cit., p. 280 _ 32 -

features, their garments and their wings have been prom-

inently rendered and the colors are bright and contrasting.

The heads are geometrized in a manner similar to archaic

Greek sculpture and the prominent features assure perfect

clarity. 1 The garments exhibit a plastic and voluminous

handling with agitated lines that create movement as well

as confusion, for beneath this abundant drapery the body has

been only slightly insinuated. The 'tubular skirt' may be . . 2 , . . . a Coptic mannerlsm Whereas the hems which terminate in a -— 'flying fold' are characteristic of both England and southern um. France.2 The rest of the figure is given in an unmodeled manner. The hands are flat, completely expanded showing the

palms or backsides and never foreshortened. The position of

the feet also negate any allusion to depth.

The nine remaining angels on the right are smaller in

scale and have been placed against a patterned background.

The attempt has been to create the illusion of depth by su-

perimposing one figure on tOp of another in the oriental

manner.4 In the Beatus of Osma (Fig. 5) the figures like-

wise overlap one another but not in the steppedup fashion

of the S. Sever manuscript. In the Facundo Beatus (Fig. 4)

and the one from Silos (Fig. 6) depth has been understood

more clearly and the Elders' position in space does not seem

1 Art Bulletin XIII,I_p..p;p., p. 484 2 _Aprp Bulletin v, pp. p11” p. 89 3 Art Bulletin v, pp. p_i_t_.,'p. 99 4 Art Bulletin 1111, pp. p13,, p. 315 _ 33 _ so awkward. The approach is still simplified but the allusion to depth has been handled more convincingly.

Returning to analyze the right side of the S. Sever illumination it is noticed that the outlines of the drapery have been applied to a less intense color and those which mark the folds of the garments lack the hard, sharp quality of the other angelic forms. The wings have retained a similar scalloped pattern but instead of Spreading apart they remain close together. This arrangement is different from the one found in the Beatus of Osma. 1n the Latter manuscript the wings create movement and direction by their placement within the frame. Not only do they occupy Space but they fit the surrounding area and form a pleasing pattern.

It may be said that on the left portion of the o.

Sever illustration the strong use of yellows, greens, reds and blues, the active movement of the drapery, the strong linear quality and the aylized composition of the wings present a more expressionistic character as Opposed to the sub- dued arrangement of the opposite side, where the figures are more compressed and in which activity has been solely reserved for the pattern of the background. Energy and movement are foreign to Mozarabic art; its inclination is toward 1 compactness. 1 Art Bulletin XXI, o . cit., p. 321 _ 34 -

Inside the circle the Elders are seated on thrones.

Each waves a viol grasped in one hand while the other hand delicately holds the base of a chalice. The attitude of mirth comes not so much from facial expressions as from the manner of elevating the instruments. Again, if we compare these gestures to those of the other Beatus manuscripts already mentioned we find the latter lacking emotional quality.

The artists have grouped the figures in horizontal rows, they have restrained their action, and all implication of

praising Christ has been omitted. The fundamental interest ‘1': is in design and pattern with a reserved feeling for expression.

The S. Sever Elders also have another distinguishing feature which singles them out from those of the Facundo,

Silos and Osma manuscripts: their broad faces are covered by an unkept beard. This characteristic is opposed to the . .. , 1 l Mozarablc Which shows the Elders as clean shaven.

Noticing the figures more carefully we can observe certain elements which set them apart. 0n the left the E1- ders have very dark hair, their chalices are gold and in relation to the figures are quite large, and the viola have no details to indicate what they might be. On the other side the Elders have lighter hair, like that of the angels' 1 Art Bulletin XXI, pp. cit., p. 340 - 35 _

their white cups are smaller and the detail of chords has

been indicated on the instruments. In both groups the robes

do not have the heavy lines to delineate the folds, they are merely suggested by quick short strokes.

In the Beatus manuscripts that represent Christ in

Majesty the twenty-four Elders, with their vxls, are always

tied to a religious context of adoration. In Romanesque

sculpture the musicians take on a more secular aspect and

the idea of music becomes related to entertainment, courtli- 1 ness and power.

The arrangement of the four symbols continues the cir-

cular composition predominant in this page and leads us

even closer to the central theme. Characteristic of Early

West Christian iconography they face in towards Christ in-

stead of radiating from the center as in Eastern examples.2

The four evangelists are boldly placed in sharp outline and

contrast against a red background. The use of red, orange, yellow and green in full intensity and the contrast of red

and yellow backgrounds is common to the manuscript style of 5 Spain.

With reference to the symbols of the evangelists, the

l 2 Art Bulletin XV, pp. cit., p. 389 2 Art Bulletin V, pp. cit., p. 94 —36—

man, as he emerges from the clouds, is characteristic of

Italy; the bull, who awkwardly turns his head towards Christ,

is represented in the Carolingian manner; the eagle, holding

the roll in his claws, corresponds to a form belonging to

southern France,1 and the lion resembles those found in

other Beatus manuscripts. Each one looks at Christ. Their proximity to Him and their visual line of motion serve as

the final impetus to focus on the point and purpose of the manuscript, Christ in Majesty. Encircled by a mandorla the Savior sits rigidly on the globe of the world with his feet resting on the earth.

The earliest examples of the Hellenistic type of the

Savior enthroned in Majesty showed Him either seated on a globe or on the sphere of heaven.2 The mandorla which en— closes the enthroned Christ in the Silos miniature as well as the one from Facundo are perfectly circular, in form iden-

tical to the S. Sever copy. But in addition a ring of stars rotate about their wide margin. This ornamental detail may have been extracted from a Hellenistic prototype which showed a youthful Christ encircled by a round mandorla with a border of stars.2 In the Beatus manuscript of Burgo de

Osma the shape of the mandorla is very distinct from the one

1 Van der heer, pp. cit., p. 362 2 Art Bulletin v1, o . cit., pp. 38,39 2 Van der Meer, pp. cit., p. 295 _ 37 _ illustrated in the S. Severa The top and bottom of the mandorla have been stretched to produce a pointed effect. Wal- ter Cook is of the opinion that this shift from the circular form may have been due to a confusion of the meaning of the globe mandorla.l

The concept of majesty in itself would tend to produce mental images indicating grandness of stature, a dominating attitude, a ruler of the universe worthy of praise by his subjects. Stephanus Garcia has neglected to give us a Christ whose size is overpowering. Actually He is not very big. His hands are quite large and prominent and the gold nimbus encircles a small head, but a diminutive head was a common feature in tenth century Mozarabic manuscripts.2

Christ's face, lacking the "awe inspiring features of the early Romanesque formula"3 reserves a more childlike character.4 Despite these particular qualities which have tended to decrease His stature there is yet an air of monumentality.

First of all, this impression has been achieved by giving weight to the garments through a relatively simple handling in the contours of the folds. Secondly, the vacancy of the space which surrounds Him and the color concentration of the red, blue and yellow, isolate Him and set Him apart. Impor- l Art Bulletin VI, _p. cit., p. 52 2 Walter W.S. Cook, "The Earliest Painted Panels of Cata- lonia" III, Art Bulletin (December, 1925) Vol. VIII, No. 2 p. 87 3 Ibid., p. 67 4 King,.;p. cit., p. 46 _ 38 - tance has not been measured by size but has been achieved in simplicity and directness with no unnecessary features to distract our attention.

In the manuscript from the Beatus of Osma and in the

Silos illustration Christ is shown ,holding a book in His left hand and with His right He makes a wide gesture. In the Fa- cundo c0py Christ draws our attention to the book in a manner identical to the one represented in the Trier Apocalypse

(Fig. 7) But the S. Sever artist has abandoned both features; f

Christ's right hand contains a disc and His left one lightly balances a standard capped by a small circle with a dove inside.

We have reached the center, the apex of the composition!

Its overwhelming simplicity is striking. Christ dons no elab- orate vestments and His only crown is a plain gold nimbus which adorns His head. He does not sit on an ostentatious throne to prove His kingship and the mandorla becomes expres- sive through its flawless blue color. He is frontal and lacks all indication of movement. The statement is clear. As the

Lamb Christ is the veiled TheOphany, as Man He has unveiled

Himself; both Openly remind us of His sacrifice and its meaning. He is the final Judge at the Second Coming. CONCLUSION

The Beatus of Liebana wrote and illustrated his com-

centary on the Apocalypse of St. dohn in Spain in the latter

part of the eighth century. He was the first author of the

series of Spanish manuscripts known as the beatus commen-

taries. The Apocalypse of S. never was done between 1028 -

1072 in the Cluniac monastery in southern France, yet it F” has been included in the Spanish series. I

...... i In the history of the middle Ages two pr1nc1pal epi- sodes created the opening for cultural exchange between the b]

peninsula and France. One had been the pOpularity of pil-

grimages. The road from France to the church of Santiago

de Compostelo in Spain was already, by the ninth century, a very common journey. Later, in the tenth and eleventh cen-

turies, the building expanse of Cluniac monasteries permit-

ted continued contact between the two countries. Secondly,

Spain had expanded northward into Gascony under the rule of

Sancho the Great. Thus, this event also created contact be—

tween Spain and France. It was at the time of the expansion that Stephanus Garcia illustrated his manuscript in a Cluniac monastery.

Stephanus Garcia COpied the illustrations of his manu-

script from an earlier work. Certain iconographical de-

tails of the Maiestas page point out the possibility that he may have used a Carolingian copy: the eagle carrying a scroll

_ 39 _ _ 40 _ in his claws was part of the iconography of France since

Carolingian times. The manuscript of S. Sever was the earliest Beatus commentary to show this detail. The awkward movement of the bull was also a Carolingian characteristic; the manner of illustrating plants on the footstool is similar to the same feature found in the Gospels of Prum and the Gospels of Bernward, and a point not to be overlooked is that the script of the commentary was done in Car- olingian minuscule and not in Spanish Visigothic script.

Yet it cannot be forgotten that even though it was done in French script there is the Opinion that the scribe of S. Sever was cOpying a Spanish model of the eighth or ninth century and it may even have been the original Beatus commentary. Although Beatus of Liebana illustrated his manuscript it did not contain an illustration of the Maiestas.

Therefore, Stephanus Garcia must have used another model, a model which even Beatus of Liebana may have COpied.

Beatus did at least three different editions of his commentary, all in the latter quarter of the eighth century.

It is possible that one of these copies may have found its way into France through contact with the monasteries. If it is to be believed that the Beatus of S. Sever used a Caro- lingian COpy of a Hispano-Visigothic original it is con- ceivable that the manuscript of Liebana could have gotten - 41 _

into France and would have been COpied in one of the mon-

asteries. This COpy would, in turn, have been the manuscript that Stephanus Garcia could have used.

The Order of Cluny was essentially a learned Order.

A good part of its tradition was copying manuscript illuminations, and their books maintained the traditions that had survived from earlier works.

This brings up another point. Whether Stephanus Gar-

cia copied his work directly from a.Spanish original or from

another illumination the artists of these manuscripts would have gotten their ideas from still an earlier illustrated manuscript. It is known that when heatus of Liebana wrote his commentary on the Apocalypse he copied the text of his

predecessors with only minor changes. This would also ap-

ply to his illustrations.

Writings were preserved which extended in sequence from Judaic to Early Christian apocalyptic books. In the middle of the sixth century Apringius of Pace wrote an apoc-

alypse,which is now preserved in Cepenhagen. In relation

to the Maiestas it is necessary to point out the existance

of an Apocalypse manuscript in early Christianity because

the root for the illustration of Christ in Majesty is to be found in manuscripts of the Early Christian art of the West, - 42 - fifth or sixth century. Beatus of Liebana, the artist of the Carolingian era and Stephanus Garcia would have found that the model which they had worked from ultimately would have led back to a manuscript of late Latin origin. The earliest model probably would have shown Christ dressed in classical garments, seated on a globe with his feet resting on an are or segment of a circle, surrounded by a mandorla with the four evangelists symbols facing Him.

It is more difficult to accept the idea that the S.

Sever manuscript has closer similarities to Romanesque art.

In general, the figures in the illuminated page lack ex- pressive movement and their facial features do not depict emotion or feeling. Although the rendering of the drapery insinuates motion it is not as agitated and nervous as the folds in Romanesque garments. And the arrangement of the entire page shows less activity than a Romanesque composition. It is more concievable that Stephanus Garcia would have been working from a model made previous to the Roman— esquaperiod. bIBLlOGHAPHY

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48. Guilmain, Jacques, "Interlace Decoration and the In- fluence of the North on Mozarabic Illumination", Art Bulletin, Vol. XLII, September, 1960, p. 212

49. King, Georgiana Goddard, "Divagations on the Beatus", Art Studies, Vol. 8, Pt. 1, 1930, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, pp. 3-57

50. Rojo, Timoteo, "E1 Beato de la Catedral de Osma", Art Studies, Vol. 8, Pt. 2, 1931, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, pp. 129, 134, 151

51. Turner, H.E.W., "Van Der Meer, Maiesta Domini. . .", The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. XXVIII, 1938, pp. 90-91

52. Porcher, Jean, "Beatus in Apocalypsim", Gra his, Vol. -47-

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