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The Umno-Pas Informal Pact in Malaysia's Journal of Advance Research in Social Science & Humanities ISSN: 2208-2387 THE UMNO-PAS INFORMAL PACT IN MALAYSIA’S FOURTEENTH GENERAL ELECTION: THE GOOD PLAN THAT WENT WRONG Nik Mawardi Mohamed 1 Kamarul Zaman Haji Yusoff Rusdi Omar School of Government College of Law, Government and International Studies Universiti Utara Malaysia ABSTRACT: The Malaysian ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN), seemed to have a hard time facing the fourteenth General Election (GE) in 2018 that its Chairman cum Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, was widely reported as early as 2015 to be deeply embroiled in a major financial scandal involving Malaysian Government’s investment arm, 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), with allegations that billions were diverted from that company for personal usage of Najib, his family members and his cronies. The allegation that Najib received a mysterious RM2.6 billion payment into his personal bank account, which was initially revealed by the the Sarawak Report, followed by the more reputable Wall Street Journal, was particularly very damaging. It led to the removal of the Attorney General (AG), who headed a special task force to investigate it, besides the removal of three senior UMNO leaders, who were highly critical of it, from their government and party posts. During this time, the opposition coalition, Pakatan Rakyat (PR), was having trouble due to the uneasiness of PAS over the attempt by PKR to replace its Menteri Besar of Selangor with its de facto leader, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, via a forced Kajang by- election, without consulting PAS first. The trouble became greater after Najib’s own Minister at the Prime Minister’s Office assured PAS that the Federal Government would give way for Kelantan to implement hudud, prompting PAS to submit a Private Member’s Bill to amend the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act 1965 to the Parliament, which resulted in the eventual dissolution of PR. The easy wins of BN over a new opposition coalition, Pakatan Harapan (PH), due to the inclusion of PAS as third candidates, in Kuala Kangsar and Sungai Besar by-elections convinced UMNO that it would win the fourteenth GE in three-cornered fights, hence the efforts by UMNO to make the appearance that it was supportive of PAS’s struggle. PAS, meanwhile, believed that BN would not do that well in the fourteenth GE and needed its help to form the government, hence the cries by PAS that it would be a king-maker. However, in the end, three-cornered fights was not enough for UMNO and PAS when BN and PAS just managed to get 79 and 18 seats respectively out of 222 offered seats. This paper studies the main factor that made BN lost despite the seemingly feasible plan of three- cornered fights. 1 Corresponding author, [email protected] Volume-4 | Issue-10 | October,2018 63 Journal of Advance Research in Social Science & Humanities ISSN: 2208-2387 THE STEADY DECLINE OF BN Quite a number of people, especially those from the opposition coalition, Pakatan Harapan (PH), believed that UMNO and PAS had an unholy, if informal, alliance in Malaysia’s fourteenth General Election (GE) held on 9 May 2018. According to them, this pact, which was said to bring mutual benefits to both parties, required PAS to contest on its own in the election to provide the ground for three cornered fights which theoretically would help BN win in marginal seats due to the split of the opposition votes between PAS and PH. For its part, PAS was alleged to have been given financial helps, whether through the party or the government, besides the assurance of support that UMNO would give to PAS in matters that involve the Islamic struggle, particularly on its objective of implementing Islamic laws. A particular allegation that PAS received RM90 million from UMNO was made by Sarawak Report in its article published on 6 August 2016. In the article, it was stated that “(Najib) has gone on to “woo” the PAS Islamic party away from the opposition coalition in the normal way he woos – RM90 million is widely reckoned to have flowed into the top echelons of PAS in recent months” (Sarawak Report, 6 August 2016). This allegation was repeated by a former PAS Vice President, Husam Musa, in his political talk on 6 February 2017 and reiterated by him over time (Sinar Harian, 10 February 2017; Free Malaysia Today, 10 November 2017) despite Sarawak Report itself was being sued by PAS President, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, on 21 April 2017 for its article (Harakah Daily, 27 April 2017). Despite the fact that the allegation that PAS as a party was given financial helps by UMNO is yet to be fully proven, using logical thinking, this deal, in its general terms, was rather easy to be understood and accepted as it was a well-known fact that BN had been on the decline from the twelveth GE on 8 March 2008 and the thirteenth GE on 5 May 2013. The twelveth GE was a major milestone in Malaysian politics where BN under Tun Abdullah Badawi, who, after coming into power in 2003, achieved a landslide win in the eleventh GE on 21 March 2004 with BN winning 199 out of 219 available seats, only won 140 out of 222 available seats, losing for the first time its 2/3 majority, and and BN losing four more states, Kedah, Penang, Perak and Selangor, besides Kelantan that it already lost since the eighth GE on 21 October 1990. Taking over from Abdullah as BN Chairman cum Prime Minister in 2009, Datuk Seri Najib Razak fared much worse in the thirteenth GE on 5 May 2013, where BN, despite regaining Kedah and Perak, won only 133 out of 222 available seats, hence failed to get back BN’s 2/3 majority, and for the first time lost to Pakatan Rakyat (PR) in terms of the popular vote (47.38% versus 50.87%). That this defeat came about after Najib trying to show that he was inclusive by introducing the concept of One Malaysia, that he was a democrat and a reformer by annulling the three Proclamations of Emergency, repealing entirely the Internal Security Act 1960 and the Banishment Act 1959, and promising to repeal entirely the Sedition Act 1948 came as a big surprise. Venting out his frustration, Najib quickly blamed “a tsunami from the Chinese community” for this, adding that the trend of polarisation worried the government (Financial Times, 7 May 2013). Volume-4 | Issue-10 | October,2018 64 Journal of Advance Research in Social Science & Humanities ISSN: 2208-2387 THE FURTHER DECLINE VIA 1MDB BN and Najib’s popularity declined even further directly after the thirteenth GE with questions and revelations on the financial scandal involving Malaysian Government’s investment arm, 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), started to come out. In fact even before thirteenth GE was held, questions were already raised about dubious investments of 1MDB such as the one done by Kini Biz which published an article entitled “1MDB: Giant ponzi scheme or strategic investment fund?” on its website on 26 March 2013 (Kini Biz, 26 March 2013). More aggressive and intensive revelations were done by the Sarawak Report portal beginning from May 2014, which intensified after its owner, Clare Rewcastle Brown, and The Edge owner, Tong Kooi Ong, got the leak of emails concerning the problems within 1MDB from former PetroSaudi International employee, Xavier Justo, in January 2015 (The Guardian, 28 July 2016). To make the matter worse, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the former Prime Minister who used to support Najib in the thirteenth GE, started to ferociously attack him on this 1MDB issue, primarily through his personal blog, chedet.com, beginning from a series of three articles entitled “1MDB” (Che Det, 13 March, 23 April and 6 May 2015). Dr Mahathir’s persistence in raising this issue became evident when he became more aggressive after that, writing one piece after another henceforth, culminating in the publication of 6 articles in the month of May 2015 alone (Che Det, 6 May, 8 May, 19 May, 24 May, 28 May and 29 May) besides the publication of 8 more articles in June 2015 (Che Det, 4 June, 5 June, 9 June, 11 June, 12 June, 15 June, 18 June and 29 June 2015). These revelations became more widely spread and discussed after the more reputable The Wall Street Journal published on 2 July 2015 an allegation that a total of US$700 million was transferred into Najib’s personal accounts in March 2013 via a chain of transactions (The Wall Street Journal, 2 July 2015). Much more damaging was the filing of civil forfeiture complaints seeking the forfeiture and recovery of almost $1.7 billion in assets laundered from 1MDB through the United States by the Department of Justice of the United States on 20 July 2016 and on 15 June 2017 where it was disclosed in great details how, from 2009 through 2015, more than US$4.5 billion in funds belonging to 1MDB was misappropriated by high- level officials of 1MDB and their associates (United States’ Department of Justice, 20 July 2016, and 15 June 2017). Of significant remark was the one made by both United States’ Attorney General, Loretta E. Lynch, and Assistant Attorney General, Leslie R. Caldwell, which described the complaint filed that day in federal court as “the largest single action ever brought by the department’s Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative” and which “detail(ed) the complex web of transactions these co-conspirators used to launder billions of dollars that they stole from the people of Malaysia” (United States’ Department of Justice, 20 July 2016).
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