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Ideology psychology; emergence and interaction; action and strategy; and social order and structure. COLIN J. BECK Ideology is an important aspect of social and IDEOLOGY AS COGNITION AND SOCIAL political movements. The most basic and com- PSYCHOLOGY monly held view of ideology is that it is a system of multiple beliefs, ideas, values, principles, One of the most prominent approaches to ide- ethic, morals, goals, and so on, that overlap, ology has been to stress it as a cognitive or social shape, and reinforce one another. In Swidler’s psychological process. Since ideology is held to (1986: 279) influential terms, ideology is “a provide a systematization and articulation of highly articulated, self-conscious belief and rit- underlying beliefs, it can be said that ideology ual system, aspiring to offer a unified answer to is one method that actors use to make sense problems of social action.” of the social world. Thus, ideology differs from Ideology is often an implicit and assumed culture in that it is a “tool kit” (Swidler 1986) of feature of movements. Without an ideology hermeneutic, interpretative, and sense-making that articulates and identifies a mobilization’s strategies. Rather than being mere ideas, ide- beliefs and goals, it would be difficult to speak ology is distinguished by its active use and its of this as a movement at all. Rather, collective import for shaping and creating certain types of action without ideology would appear disorga- action. This process is theorized to occur most nized and temporary. In contrast, movements crucially when pre-existing cognitive strategies are generally held to be relatively organized and and normative routines are stressed by new relatively sustained over a period of time. Ide- realities. From this view, ideology may have ology can be one such feature of organization its most important role during unsettled times, and a marker of sustained collective action. akin to theories of social strain that featured so There is little consensus of how ideology prominently in collective behavior approaches can be best conceptualized or empirically to movements. researched. This may be due to the implicit, Beyond the level of individual cognition, but understudied, assumption of ideology ideology also exists in social psychological as a feature of movements or perhaps the approaches to movements. Ideology is not just legacy, particularly in Marxist thought, of a rational sense-making strategy for an indi- the pejorative use of the term (see Oliver vidual. Rather, ideology is distinguished by & Johnston 2000). Yet, since the broad its social feature – its systematization is usu- “cultural turn” of the latter twentieth century, ally shared by multiple actors and is thus particularly through the framing and new a feature of groups more so than individu- social movements approaches, ideology has als. In fact, commonly held systems of beliefs re-entered the study of collective action. This and values, that is, ideologies, provide mean- has yielded common recognition of ideol- ing and identity for movement participants ogy’s import for understanding movements, as stressed by new social movement theorists. numerous conceptualizations, and prominent Many identity statements are actually state- debates (e.g., Sewell 1985 and Skocpol 1985; ments of ideological affiliation, for example, Oliver & Johnston 2000 and Snow & Benford Marxists who follow Marxism, environmen- 2000; Zald 2000, Diani 2000, and Klandermans talists who subscribe to environmentalism, 2000). Four primary perspectives on ideology feminists who identify with feminism, and so are outlined below: cognition and social on. Thus, ideology can be seen as more than The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements, Edited by David A. Snow, Donatella della Porta, Bert Klandermans, and Doug McAdam. © 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2013 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. DOI: 10.1002/9781405198431.wbespm106 2 ideology just a cognitive tool that suggests actions or ideological appeals and repartees. Emphasis on beliefs for an individual; it is also a shared the emergent and interactional side of ideology social psychological process that can create is most prominent in studies of revolutionary group affiliations and help stitch together a movements (e.g., Goldstone 1991; Moaddel movement of like-minded actors. In short, ide- 1992), perhaps because revolutions seem to be ology plays a role in both individual and group times of confusion where prior actions and understandings, actions, and formation. beliefs are challenged and new ways of doing and understandings are formed (Sewell 1985; Kurzman 2004). IDEOLOGY AS EMERGENCE AND INTERACTION IDEOLOGY AS ACTION AND STRATEGY If ideology is the cognitive and social psy- As ideology has interactional dynamics and can chological scaffold on which shared beliefs, be a form of activated culture, a third perspec- actions, and identities are built, then another tive has emphasized how ideologies inform col- approach is to consider how this scaffold is lective action’s tactics and goals, link supporters constructed. Rather than being inherited in a to movements, and are strategically employed complete and stable form by actors, ideology in mobilization. The primary example of this is used and, in being used, created and recre- approach is found in the framing literature ated. In other words, ideology can be emergent on movements (see Benford & Snow 2000). during periods of mobilization and shaped by Framing focuses on the construction of mean- the interactions of movements’ leaderships and ing by actors and how through the rhetorical participants, and even movement exogenous use of particular meanings, “frames,” move- actors. Thus, the assumption of a coherent and ments mobilize and transform society. From stable nature of ideology can be problematized the perspective of ideology, frames are crucial (Snow 2004). to the extent that they resonate with actors (as In early stages of mobilization, movements suggested by a social psychological approach) are often riven by ideological debates as move- and articulate, amplify, and transform existing ment goals and strategies are crafted. In later beliefs and values (as suggested by an inter- stages of a movement’s life, ideological debates actional approach) in a strategic manner that are again often prominent as successes and furthers a movement’s goals. An important failures challenge prior settlements of tactics part of this process is the existence of “master and objectives. Thus, one strategy has been to frames” that are broad enough value and belief analyze how ideologies emerge and the role systems that multiple meanings and instantia- of leaderships and intellectuals in crafting ide- tions can thrive under their aegis. For example, ologies. For example, Wuthnow (1985) exam- discourse and belief in civil rights has extended ines the role of “discursive communities” in beyond a race-based notion to encompass the shaping sixteenth-century Protestant theology, rights of numerous other marginalized groups. eighteenth-century Enlightenment principles, Ideology thus may suggest particular frames, and nineteenth-century socialism, all of which but a unidirectional link should not be assumed became important ideological bases for social (Snow 2004). and political movements. The framing perspective on movements has Ideology is also often held to be created by been criticized for only describing intentional the interactions of movement actors, publics, and strategic use of ideology, rather than being countermovements, and authorities. A primary a distinct process (Oliver & Johnston 2000; emphasis in this perspective is on the discursive Westby 2002). Framing may also be dynamic as side of ideology, seeing it as heavily shaped, well as strategic, transformed through discur- and even created by, ongoing and iterative sion (see Steinberg 1998). In particular, master ideology 3 frames may be considered as systems of beliefs and rules that govern the action of using them. and values, that is to say ideology, present Thus, all institutions and orders have an ele- outside of a movement’s use of them. Thus, ment of ideology in the schemas that are used another ideology as action perspective has been to interpret resources (Sewell 1992). In short, to emphasize how ideological forces enable “Ideology, then, should be conceived in struc- and constrain all collective action, even outside tural terms” (Sewell 1985: 60). of the strategic and constructivist process of In the context of movements, a focus is framing. Zald (2000), in particular, proposes on how the ideological properties of exist- that consideration of “ideologically structured ing structures and institutions inform collec- action” is a broad and fruitful area for research tive action. These beliefs, principles, values, on movements. In this view, the historic and and so on, may inform the repertoires of stable nature of ideology is stressed. Rather than movements – particular forms of action and being primarily emergent and interactional, strategy are deemed more or less legitimate at belief systems are held to be more permanent different times. Further, the goals and discur- properties of society. sive appeals of movements are likely shaped by the ideological orientation of the society in which they occur. And the cognitive and social IDEOLOGY AS SOCIAL ORDER psychological resonance and utility of particu- AND STRUCTURE lar systematized beliefs are heavily dependent on prior cognitions and psychology
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