Ideology psychology; emergence and interaction; action and strategy; and social order and structure. COLIN J. BECK

Ideology is an important aspect of social and IDEOLOGY AS COGNITION AND SOCIAL political movements. The most basic and com- PSYCHOLOGY monly held view of ideology is that it is a system of multiple beliefs, ideas, values, principles, One of the most prominent approaches to ide- ethic, morals, goals, and so on, that overlap, ology has been to stress it as a cognitive or social shape, and reinforce one another. In Swidler’s psychological process. Since ideology is held to (1986: 279) influential terms, ideology is “a provide a systematization and articulation of highly articulated, self-conscious belief and rit- underlying beliefs, it can be said that ideology ual system, aspiring to offer a unified answer to is one method that actors use to make sense problems of social action.” of the social world. Thus, ideology differs from Ideology is often an implicit and assumed culture in that it is a “tool kit” (Swidler 1986) of feature of movements. Without an ideology hermeneutic, interpretative, and sense-making that articulates and identifies a mobilization’s strategies. Rather than being mere ideas, ide- beliefs and goals, it would be difficult to speak ology is distinguished by its active use and its of this as a movement at all. Rather, collective import for shaping and creating certain types of action without ideology would appear disorga- action. This process is theorized to occur most nized and temporary. In contrast, movements crucially when pre-existing cognitive strategies are generally held to be relatively organized and and normative routines are stressed by new relatively sustained over a period of time. Ide- realities. From this view, ideology may have ology can be one such feature of organization its most important role during unsettled times, and a marker of sustained collective action. akin to theories of social strain that featured so There is little consensus of how ideology prominently in collective behavior approaches can be best conceptualized or empirically to movements. researched. This may be due to the implicit, Beyond the level of individual cognition, but understudied, assumption of ideology ideology also exists in social psychological as a feature of movements or perhaps the approaches to movements. Ideology is not just legacy, particularly in Marxist thought, of a rational sense-making strategy for an indi- the pejorative use of the term (see Oliver vidual. Rather, ideology is distinguished by & Johnston 2000). Yet, since the broad its social feature – its systematization is usu- “cultural turn” of the latter twentieth century, ally shared by multiple actors and is thus particularly through the framing and new a feature of groups more so than individu- social movements approaches, ideology has als. In fact, commonly held systems of beliefs re-entered the study of collective action. This and values, that is, ideologies, provide mean- has yielded common recognition of ideol- ing and identity for movement participants ogy’s import for understanding movements, as stressed by new social movement theorists. numerous conceptualizations, and prominent Many identity statements are actually state- debates (e.g., Sewell 1985 and Skocpol 1985; ments of ideological affiliation, for example, Oliver & Johnston 2000 and Snow & Benford Marxists who follow Marxism, environmen- 2000; Zald 2000, Diani 2000, and Klandermans talists who subscribe to environmentalism, 2000). Four primary perspectives on ideology feminists who identify with feminism, and so are outlined below: cognition and social on. Thus, ideology can be seen as more than

The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements, Edited by David A. Snow, Donatella della Porta, Bert Klandermans, and Doug McAdam. © 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2013 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. DOI: 10.1002/9781405198431.wbespm106 2 ideology just a cognitive tool that suggests actions or ideological appeals and repartees. Emphasis on beliefs for an individual; it is also a shared the emergent and interactional side of ideology social psychological process that can create is most prominent in studies of revolutionary group affiliations and help stitch together a movements (e.g., Goldstone 1991; Moaddel movement of like-minded actors. In short, ide- 1992), perhaps because revolutions seem to be ology plays a role in both individual and group times of confusion where prior actions and understandings, actions, and formation. beliefs are challenged and new ways of doing and understandings are formed (Sewell 1985; Kurzman 2004). IDEOLOGY AS EMERGENCE AND INTERACTION IDEOLOGY AS ACTION AND STRATEGY

If ideology is the cognitive and social psy- As ideology has interactional dynamics and can chological scaffold on which shared beliefs, be a form of activated culture, a third perspec- actions, and identities are built, then another tive has emphasized how ideologies inform col- approach is to consider how this scaffold is lective action’s tactics and goals, link supporters constructed. Rather than being inherited in a to movements, and are strategically employed complete and stable form by actors, ideology in mobilization. The primary example of this is used and, in being used, created and recre- approach is found in the framing literature ated. In other words, ideology can be emergent on movements (see Benford & Snow 2000). during periods of mobilization and shaped by Framing focuses on the construction of mean- the interactions of movements’ leaderships and ing by actors and how through the rhetorical participants, and even movement exogenous use of particular meanings, “frames,” move- actors. Thus, the assumption of a coherent and ments mobilize and transform society. From stable nature of ideology can be problematized the perspective of ideology, frames are crucial (Snow 2004). to the extent that they resonate with actors (as In early stages of mobilization, movements suggested by a social psychological approach) are often riven by ideological debates as move- and articulate, amplify, and transform existing ment goals and strategies are crafted. In later beliefs and values (as suggested by an inter- stages of a movement’s life, ideological debates actional approach) in a strategic manner that are again often prominent as successes and furthers a movement’s goals. An important failures challenge prior settlements of tactics part of this process is the existence of “master and objectives. Thus, one strategy has been to frames” that are broad enough value and belief analyze how ideologies emerge and the role systems that multiple meanings and instantia- of leaderships and intellectuals in crafting ide- tions can thrive under their aegis. For example, ologies. For example, Wuthnow (1985) exam- discourse and belief in civil rights has extended ines the role of “discursive communities” in beyond a race-based notion to encompass the shaping sixteenth-century Protestant theology, rights of numerous other marginalized groups. eighteenth-century Enlightenment principles, Ideology thus may suggest particular frames, and nineteenth-century socialism, all of which but a unidirectional link should not be assumed became important ideological bases for social (Snow 2004). and political movements. The framing perspective on movements has Ideology is also often held to be created by been criticized for only describing intentional the interactions of movement actors, publics, and strategic use of ideology, rather than being countermovements, and authorities. A primary a distinct process (Oliver & Johnston 2000; emphasis in this perspective is on the discursive Westby 2002). Framing may also be dynamic as side of ideology, seeing it as heavily shaped, well as strategic, transformed through discur- and even created by, ongoing and iterative sion (see Steinberg 1998). In particular, master ideology 3 frames may be considered as systems of beliefs and rules that govern the action of using them. and values, that is to say ideology, present Thus, all institutions and orders have an ele- outside of a movement’s use of them. Thus, ment of ideology in the schemas that are used another ideology as action perspective has been to interpret resources (Sewell 1992). In short, to emphasize how ideological forces enable “Ideology, then, should be conceived in struc- and constrain all collective action, even outside tural terms” (Sewell 1985: 60). of the strategic and constructivist process of In the context of movements, a focus is framing. Zald (2000), in particular, proposes on how the ideological properties of exist- that consideration of “ideologically structured ing structures and institutions inform collec- action” is a broad and fruitful area for research tive action. These beliefs, principles, values, on movements. In this view, the historic and and so on, may inform the repertoires of stable nature of ideology is stressed. Rather than movements – particular forms of action and being primarily emergent and interactional, strategy are deemed more or less legitimate at belief systems are held to be more permanent different times. Further, the goals and discur- properties of society. sive appeals of movements are likely shaped by the ideological orientation of the society in which they occur. And the cognitive and social IDEOLOGY AS SOCIAL ORDER psychological resonance and utility of particu- AND STRUCTURE lar systematized beliefs are heavily dependent on prior cognitions and psychology shaped by If ideology is a more stable and permanent the context of the social system. Thus, a social feature of society, then it logically follows that order or social structural view of ideology may social structures and institutions can have ide- provide a perspective that unifies the dissensus ological features. Thus, a fourth perspective among the other approaches. is to examine how ideology is institutional- ized within society and how these legitimate belief systems shape collective action of any IMPLICATIONS FOR EMPIRICAL STUDY sort. This, in fact, is the classic approach to ideology in Marxist thought, for example, the Each of the four perspectives on the nature hegemony of Gramsci (1971) or the ideologi- of ideology suggests particular conceptual cal state apparatuses of Althusser (1971). The tools and methods of empirical analysis. For Marxist view stresses how ideology is a tool example, a cognitive and social psychological of social control whereby widely shared beliefs approach calls attention to the role of and values are created and/or maintained by individual beliefs and group processes in elites to legitimate their authority and undercut collective action. Interactional and emergent opposition. approaches suggest that ideology can be It is possible, however, to recognize the studied through discursive dynamics in times institutionalization of belief systems in society of mobilization, while action and strategy without necessarily seeing all ideology as a facet perspectives lend themselves to examining of state cooptation and repression: “ideology the tactics of movements. And a social order needs to be recognized as a constitutive feature or social structural view requires a broader of social order itself ” (Wuthnow 1985: 815; see examination of the context, both current and also Rude´ 1980). Social structures are embed- historical, in which collective action takes ded in cultural and ideological constructions place. In this manner, the study of ideology in that make sense of them and articulate their role movements may benefit from consideration of in society. One view in the structure–agency discussion in other subfields; be it on cognition debate holds that social structures are dual, and culture (e.g., Vaisey 2009), the dynamics of comprised of both resources that can be used intellectual movements (e.g., Frickel & Gross 4 ideology

2005), or the traditional political orientations Klandermans, B. (2000) Must we redefine social literature (see Walder 2009). movements as ideologically structured action? Rather than only consider ideological effects Mobilization 5, 25–30. at the individual, group, movement, or social Kurzman, C. (2004) Can understanding under- level, systematic research could examine the mine explanation? The confused experience of interactions and overlaps of the four per- revolution. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 34, 328–351. spectives, for example, the stages at which Moaddel, M. (1992) Ideology as episodic discourse: one is more important than the others or The case of the Iranian Revolution. American how changes in one cascade into changes in Sociological Review 57, 353–379. the other. Clearly, existing social orders do Oliver, P.E., and Johnston, H. (2000) What a good change, novel strategies and repertoires are idea! Ideologies and frames in social movement innovated, new ideologies do emerge, and research. Mobilization 4, 37–54. beliefs and values evolve. It is possible to con- Rude,´ G. (1980) Ideology and Popular Protest. sider these as “contentless” social processes that Lawrence and Wishart, London. have common features no matter the ideology Sewell, W.H., Jr (1985) Ideologies and social revolu- in question. However, there is likely a role tions: Reflections on the French case. The Journal for the particular beliefs and values at hand of Modern History 57, 57–85. in shaping the dynamics of these processes. Sewell, W.H., Jr (1992) A theory of structure: Dual- Thus, the implicit understanding of social ity, agency, and transformation. American Journal movement research – that all movements have of Sociology 98, 1–29. an ideology – could be harnessed explicitly to Skocpol, T. (1985) Cultural idioms and political ideologies in the revolutionary reconstruction of advance knowledge of ideational processes. state power: A rejoinder to Sewell. The Journal of Modern History 57, 86–96. SEE ALSO: Claims-making; Culture and social Snow, D.A. (2004) Framing processes, ideology, and movements; Discourse analysis and social discursive fields. In: Snow, D.A., Soule, S.A., and movements; Framing and social movements; Kriesi, H. (eds), The Blackwell Companion to Social Institutional theory and social movements; Movements. Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 380–412. Master frame; Resonance, frame. Snow, D.A., and Benford, R.D. (2000) Clarifying the relationship between framing and ideology in the study of social movements: A comment on Oliver and Johnston. Mobilization 5, 55–60. REFERENCES AND SUGGESTED READINGS Steinberg, M.W. (1998) Tilting the frame: Con- Althusser, L. (1971) Lenin and Philosophy and Other siderations on collective action framing from Essays. Monthly Review Press, New York. a discursive turn. Theory and Society 27(6), Benford, R.D., and Snow, D.A. (2000) Framing 845–872. processes and social movements: An overview Swidler, A. (1986) Culture in action: Symbols and assessment. Annual Review of Sociology 26, and strategies. American Sociological Review 51, 611–639. 273–286. Diani, M. (2000) The relational deficit of ideologi- Vaisey, S. (2009) Motivation and justification: A cally structured action. Mobilization 5, 17–24. dual-process model of culture in action. American Frickel, S., and Gross, N. (2005) A general theory of Journal of Sociology 114, 1675–1715. scientific/intellectual movements. American Soci- Walder, A.G. (2009) Political sociology and social ological Review 70, 204–232. movements. Annual Review of Sociology 35, Goldstone, J.A. (1991) Ideology, cultural frame- 393–412. works, and the process of revolution. Theory and Westby, D.L. (2002) Strategic imperative, ideology, Society 20, 405–453. and frame. Mobilization 7, 287–304. Gramsci, A. (1971) Selections from the Prison Note- Wuthnow, R. (1985) State structures and ideolog- books. International Publishers, New York. (Orig. ical outcomes. American Sociological Review 50, pub. 1929.) 799–821. ideology 5

Wuthow, R. (1989) Communities of Discourse: Ide- Zald, M.N. (2000) Ideologically structured action: ology and Social Structure in the Reformation, the An enlarged agenda for social movement research. Enlightenment, and European Socialism.Harvard Mobilization 5, 1–16. University Press, Cambridge, MA.