SOCIAL PROBLEMS OR SOCIAL SOLUTIONS? the ROLE of PUBLIC SOCIOLOGY in ADDRESSING CONTEMPORARY CRISES Author(S): Philip W

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SOCIAL PROBLEMS OR SOCIAL SOLUTIONS? THE ROLE OF PUBLIC SOCIOLOGY IN ADDRESSING CONTEMPORARY CRISES Author(s): Philip W. Nyden Source: Michigan Sociological Review, Vol. 24, RESEARCH ON POVERTY IN MICHIGAN (Fall 2010), pp. 5-18 Published by: Michigan Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40969151 . Accessed: 30/05/2014 10:36

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Philip W. Nyden LoyolaUniversity Chicago

SOCIAL PROBLEMS OR SOCIAL SOLUTIONS? THE ROLE OF PUBLIC SOCIOLOGY IN ADDRESSING CONTEMPORARY CRISES

Most everysociology department in the UnitedStates has a course entitled,"Social Problems." Few, if any,have a courseentitled "social solutions." This orientation- whether in ourteaching or in ourresearch - suggestsa crisisin therelevancy of our disciplinein solvingthe many issuesfacing local communities,regions, our nation, and ourworld. Are we to be contentin just analyzingand describingthe myriad of problems facingour society,or are we to become moreengaged in workingwith othersin seekingsolutions to these problems? This is at the core of discussionsaround public sociology over the past decade. We shouldnot assume that producing quality sociological research or being objective in our research precludes workingon innovative solutionsin addressingsociety's challenges. The same researchand analyticalskills that allow us to gainan understandingof social problems can be usedto go a stepfurther in exploringsolutions. We shouldnot be satisfiedwith studyingwhat is, but ratherbe part of the process of exploringwhat can be.

There certainlyis a traditionof emersionin local communitiesin sociologicalresearch. The rich ethnographiesof the Chicago School sociologistsin the 1920s and 1930s, the now classic studyof Boston's North End Italian communityby HerbertGans (1965), or Robert CourtneySmith's recent study of Mexicanimmigrants in New YorkCity (2006) arecertainly examples of theconnection of ourfield to day-to-day communitylife. Therehave been prominentexamples of sociologists gettinginvolved in high-profileresearch that informsand ultimately helpsto shapepolicy. JamesColeman's workon educationand Daniel

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Moynihan'swork on welfareare prominentand controversialexamples of suchwork. However,if academicsociologists step away from an exclusivefocus on doingresearch for publication in peer reviewedjournals, and move towardmore policy work or activistwork, they start walking onto thinner ice in terms of supportfrom their discipline and the academic departmentsthat enforce the standardsof thatdiscipline. Signposts markthe dangers. Colleaguesraise questionsabout how "balanced"a researcheris as the researcherworks with community organizations in seekingsolutions to local problems. In tenureand promotionpolicies, departmentsdo not always value sociologicalresearch work with non- academicagencies. Althougha reportto a local advocacyorganization mightultimately be used to improvethe lives of thousandsof community residents,it is stillthe peer-reviewed article published in a sociological journalthat is the gold standardof our discipline. The factthat the journalarticle might ultimately be read by just 200 fellowsociologists andnot thousands outside of thefield is notseen as relevant. This standardis establishedformally and informallyin interactions by graduatestudents and juniorfaculty with senior colleagues. In their formativeyears in thediscipline, untenured faculty are toldto "waituntil you get tenure,"before you do community-engagedwork or any more activistsociology. Moreoften than not sociologists heeding this advice remainin thismore discipline-bound and passive mode after tenure. This historicalconservatism in the field oftenpushed prospective activistscholars to themargins of thefield. WhileJane Addams had a workingrelationship with male sociologistsat the new Universityof Chicago,there were timeswhen it was easierto develop and carryout research outside the boundariesof academic sociology. Her participatoryaction researchon the causes of infantmortality in Chicago's immigrantslums led to local and nationalpolicies that saved thousandsof lives (Deegan 1990). Communityorganizer and Industrial Areas Foundation founder Saul Alinsky demonstratedintellectual prowessin his briefstint in the university,but ultimatelyhe found workingoutside the constraintsof academic disciplinesto be a more productiveavenue when pursuing significantcommunity change. Alinskywas freein his criticismof academics. In a 1972 interviewin his

This content downloaded from 147.126.10.132 on Fri, 30 May 2014 10:36:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MICHIGANSOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW, VOL. 24 FALL 2010 familiarearthy style he remarked,"Asking a sociologistto solve a problemis likeprescribing an enemafor diarrhea." (Norden 1972), The marginalizationof Harvard-educatedsociologist W.E.B. DuBois is anothercase in point. Partiallya reflectionof racismthrough much of the 20thcentury and partiallya resultof the fact thathis scholarship focusedon howto confrontracial inequality in theUnited States, DuBois has not always been part of the sociological canon presentedto undergraduatesand graduatestudents. This has changedin recentyears, butnevertheless reflects the discomfort with activist researchers that the fieldhas displayedduring much of itshistory. Ratherthan falling victim to the same problems-orientedapproach forwhich I am criticizingthe discipline, I am suggestinga re-orientation of thefield to embraceengaged and activistscholarship. Since Michael Burawoy'spresidency of theAmerican Sociological Association in 2004 and his subsequentarticles and speechesoutlining and promotingpublic sociology,the connectionof our field to non-academicworlds has receivedincreased attention (Burawoy 2005; Nydenet al. 2011). I am not proposingthat all sociologistsengage in public scholarship,but ratherI am suggestingthat the field recognize and embrace this orientationas one of the many intellectualand researchapproaches availableto us. Even morespecifically, I am focusingon the promise and benefitof collaborativeresearch - a researchapproach that involves non-academicpartners at all facets of the researchenterprise from conceptualizationof researchquestions to thegathering of data and the authorshipof research outcomes.

CollaborativeUniversity-Community Research Involvingnon-academics in the researchprocess is nothingnew. The long historyof what has variouslybeen called, action research, participatoryaction research, and community-basedparticipatory action research,has involved cooperationamong trainedresearchers and communitymembers in variousways. (Park 1993; Stoeckeret al. 2003) Over the past 35 years,my own experiencehas been shaped through directparticipation in collaborativeresearch projects, coordination of the Policy Research Action Group (PRAG) a Chicago-baseduniversity-

This content downloaded from 147.126.10.132 on Fri, 30 May 2014 10:36:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NYDEN:SOCIALPROBLEMS OR SOCIAL SOLUTIONS * communityresearch network from 1989 to 2004, and, forthe past 15 years,directing the Center for Urban Research and Learning(CURL), a university-basedcollaborative research center at Loyola University Chicago. At theheart of all of thiscollaborative research is the premisethat knowledgeis producedboth inside and outsidethe university. It is assumedthat a moreeffective way of developingthis knowledge is to combine both sets of knowledge. Finally, it is understoodthat combiningthese sets of knowledgenecessarily involves engaging the producersof both sets of knowledge directly in theresearch process. Community-basedknowledge includes the everyday lived experience in communities,organizations, government agencies, social change movements,and otherplaces outsideof universitysettings. This can includethe sum-totalof knowledgeof presentand past membersof a community-basedorganization; this can includedetailed knowledge of bothpast effortsto bringabout community change and perspectiveson why advocacy initiativesin the past have succeeded or failed. It includes an awareness of complex social interactions,community histories,and individualhistories. In somecases community-basedknowledge includes innovative ideas aboutsolutions to addressproblems facing the community or a service- deliveryprogram, but not necessarily an understandingof how effective these interventionshave been. On the communityside, systematic collectionof data,routine evaluation, and comparisons to othermodels in othercommunities or organizations,are notalways top priorities.There maybe an awarenessof problemsbut not the complete analytical tool set to solve them. In stillother cases thecommunity may notbe awareof problemsor challengesthat are affectingthem, or will be affectingthem. Some environmentalhazards or emergingdemographic shifts are examplesof two such looming challenges. Universityknowledge is acquiredby miningexisting information and datafrom social and naturalworlds. Academicsuse methodologiesand standardsestablished in theirrespective fields in collectingand analyzing data. Theoreticalframeworks exist with which to shape research

1 Moreinformation on PRAG (whichis notlonger active) is providedin Nydenet al 1993 andon PRAG's web site,www.luc.edu/curl/prag.

This content downloaded from 147.126.10.132 on Fri, 30 May 2014 10:36:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MICHIGANSOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW, VOL. 24 FALL 2010 questionsand completeanalysis. Significantresources are availableto completethis research within the university. These resourcesinclude labor (facultyand students),research centers, computers, information centers,and a collectionof expertsin a broadvariety of disciplinesthat can be calledupon as needed. University-basedknowledge also benefits from a broad comparativeview that may involve contrastingone communitywith another,one city with another,or one nation with another. This controlof themeans of knowledgeproduction can be construed in such a way to make us believe thatuniversities are theplace where knowledgeis produced. Over the decades, the accumulationof researchresults, the developmentand fine-tuningof theory,and the archiving of this knowledge into journals, annual conference proceedings,and otherdiscipline-based repositories, has created the impressionthat we in academiaare thesole-producers of knowledge;we are theexperts. And even thoughmuch of our knowledgeand muchof ourinformation has been drawnby miningthis information from sources outsideof theacademy, the fact that we have producedthe reports and have organizedthe knowledge into disciplines, has cometo meanthat we in academia are the knowledgeableones. Sociology has been no exceptionto thistrend in claimingexpertise. In manydisciplinary circles efforts at bringingnon-academics into researchteams is seen as a dangerousproposition, since it is seen as potentiallycompromising the quality of our research.It is fearedthat it will bias our view. Quiteto thecontrary, the lack of involvementby thoseoutside of the fieldin our researchendeavors may produce blind spots and oversightsin our workthat might reduce the qualityof our research. The lack of routinecontact with publics outside the discipline may drasticallyslow down our awarenessof emergingissues and our discipline'sability to respondto researchneeds in addressingthose issues. Even wherewe are nottalking about direct involvement of publicsin the researchprocess, the absence on ongoing,routinized relationships with publics is problematicin termsof gettingexisting sociological knowledgeinto the hands of people who can use it to informtheir work and craftnew policies. The NationalInstitutes of Healthhave already recognizedthat there is a crisis in the communicationbetween basic

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"bench"researchers and practitionersdelivering health care to patients. Therehas been as muchas a 15-yearlag in thistranslation process, a lag thathas lifeand deathimplications. While a lag in gettingsociological researchinto the hands of publics may not routinelyhave such dire implications,the lack of connectionscan delay informationthat can improve the quality of life in local communitiesor increase organizationalefficiency in committingresources to educational,health, employment,or othersectors where they can have themost impact. The separationof universityfrom community knowledge reduces the qualityof researchand itsimpact. It restrictsthe different perspectives thatcan be utilizedin understandingissues. In our own research,many a time communitypartners see patternsin the data thatwe as PhD sociologistsdo not see. Our separationfrom community knowledge mayblind us fromexisting practices in local communitiesthat might be thebasis forsolutions to pressingproblems. These are practicesthat maynot be on theradar screen of regionalor nationalpolicy-makers, but which could be documentedand communicatedif therewere better linkagesbetween sociologists and community leaders and members.

The Centerfor Urban Research and Learning The Loyola UniversityChicago Centerfor Urban Research and Learning(CURL) was created explicitlyto close the gap between universityand communityin the day-to-dayresearch enterprise in the university.Growing out of thesuccess of a citywidepartnership among multipleuniversities and many more community-basedorganizations, advocacygroups, and othernon-profits, CURL was createdat Loyola in 1996 as an interdisciplinarycenter to workclosely with a broadrange of communitypartners. While the sociology department, its faculty, and its studentshave been well representedin the center'swork, at the same timeCURL has brokendown boundaries between departments. Whenthe community is involvedin conceptualizingand shapingnew research projects, they do not generallydefine themselvesas a "sociological,""psychological," "business," or "legal" researchproject. The processproduces research projects that reflect the holisticview of communitiesand communityorganizations. The holistic view of communitypartners naturally creates interdisciplinary projects. This processhas producedinterdisciplinary research where years of university

This content downloaded from 147.126.10.132 on Fri, 30 May 2014 10:36:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MICHIGANSOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW, VOL. 24 FALL 2010 presidents,provosts, and deans have had difficultyin gettingstronger workingrelationships across disciplines. Insideuniversities more often thannot disciplines are referred to as "academicsilos." CURL involvescommunity partners at all stagesof research,from the conceptualizationand methodologydesign to data collection,data analysis,report writing, and disseminationof results. In essence,we have added chairsat the "researchtable" and have invitedcommunity partnersto join us. A majorasset of academiclife is theopportunity to bounceideas offof colleaguesin informalconversations in thehallway or at moreformal brown-bag lunches, seminars, or conferences. New researchemerges out of these conversationsand emergingresearch projectsget fine-tuned. Colleagues can provideguidance on past researchwith which you may notbe familiar;they may suggestbetter, moreeffective, ways of designingsurveys, interview questions, and other methodologicaltools. They also may be brutallyhonest and suggest otheravenues where they see weaknesses. Community-basedcolleagues are capable of showing the same criticaleye. Indeed,one of thekey skillsof manycommunity leaders and communityorganizers is theability to questionthe status quo or the way things"have alwaysbeen done" in a governmentagency. While theirknowledge base may not the same as researcherswithin the academy,community leaders have complementaryperspectives and experiencesthat can improvethe qualityof many researchprojects. Theyalso maybe familiarwith past researchor past initiativesin their communitiesor theirorganizations with which the researcheris not familiar. As is the case withfaculty colleagues, community partners also havethe ability to be brutallyhonest.

A Case Studyin CollaborativeResearch: CreatingStable Diverse Communities A closerexamination of a collaborativeresearch project focusing on whatproduces stable, racially and ethnicallydiverse communities can serve as an illustrationof this community-engagedapproach and the value of its outcomes. This particularproject was startedin the mid- 1990sby the multi-university Policy Research and Action Group and was completedwith assistance from CURL. It grewout of a seriesof "think tank"meetings among a workinggroup of more than 20 academics,

This content downloaded from 147.126.10.132 on Fri, 30 May 2014 10:36:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NYDEN.SOCIAL PROBLEMS OR SOCIAL SOLUTIONS communityleaders, and fairhousing advocates. The questionswe were tacklingwere: 1) how to addressChicago's continuedhigh-levels of racially and ethnicallysegregated neighborhoods, and 2) how to moderatethe displacement of low-income,families of color as Chicago neighborhoodsexperienced reinvestment. Initiallythe working group focused on thehigh levels of segregation in the city as measuredby the dissimilarityindex. The statistic comparesresidential patterns of two races (or ethnicities)and indicates how many people of one race would have to move to another neighborhoodto produce communitiesor census tractswith equal proportionsof each racial (or ethnic)group. Chicago has historically been amongthe most segregated cities in theU.S. and in thelate 1990s had thesecond highest levels of black-whitesegregation in theU.S. and thehighest levels of black-Hispanicsegregation of the 100 largestU.S. cities.**

Communityrnde: Mexican iMag-Chicago

2 In 2000 Chicago'swhite-black dissimilarity index was 82.5 comparedto the100 largestcity average of 53.9. The similarfigure for blacks-Hispanics was 81.4 compared to the100 cityaverage of 44.3, makingit the most segregated large city on this dimension.(Lewis MumfordCenter 2002) These figuresreflect the trends of the 1990swhen we weredoing our research.

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It was not untilthe second meetingthat one of the community participantsstated, "I really don't care where Chicago ranks in a segregationindex. Whetherit is numberone, numberfive, or number ten,it doesn'tmake any difference to me or mycommunity. What I care aboutare solutions. Thereare a few diverseneighborhoods out there thathave been diversefor twenty or more years. Why?" What in hindsightwas an obvious question,at the time was not so obvious. FromGunnar Myrdal's American Dilemma (1944) to Douglas Massey and NancyDenton's American Apartheid (1993), heavy emphasiswas placed on describingthe dimensions of thiscountry's racial divide with onlylimited attention to solutions- proposedor alreadyin-place at local levels. Whatthis community member of theworking group was demanding was researchthat could uncoverinnovative local practicesalready in place in neighborhoodsaround U.S. cities- practicesthat could serveas the basis for changes in: 1) othercommunities seeking to preserve diversity;or 2) nationalpolicy initiatives aimed at creatingsustainable diversecommunities. She was also askingfor something that she could use to guide specificcommunity organizing efforts. The two-year researchproject that emergedout of these workinggroup meetings moved away from sociology's traditionalsocial-problems approach towarda more social-solutionsapproach. While both academic and communitypartners alike were not naive enoughto thinkthis was an easy task,we did recognizethat looking at the "half-fullglass" - the successfulcommunities - was a moreproductive research avenue. In identifyingresources to supporta nationalresearch project on this topic,it was communitypartners and not the academicsthat had the knowledgeand professionalconnections to federalgovernment agencies. The LeadershipCouncil for Metropolitan Open Communities,a regional fairhousing agency that had been createdfollowing the 1966 Chicago open housingmarches led by Dr. MartinLuther King, had the ongoing connectionswith the U.S. Departmentof Housing and Urban Development(HUD) thatled to theaward of $80,000to a nationalstudy. Afterinitial analysis of census data to identifyclusters of stable raciallyand ethnicallycensus tracts in thetop 30 U.S. cities,we selected

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14 neighborhoodsin ninecities to study.3 A collaborativeteam of one or moreresearchers and one or morecommunity partners was established in each cityto completea reporton factorscreating stable diversity in the communitieswe had identifiedthrough our initial census data. Although theyhad made the decisionto fundthe researchin the firstplace, the policyand researchstaff at HUD expressedsurprise at thehigh quality of researchreports that were producedby this collaborativeuniversity- communityresearch process. Guided by a national researchteam of academics, community leaders,and advocacyorganization leaders, the project produced a series of city-basedreports and overallanalysis that was publishedin HUD's policyjournal Cityscape. As a free,national journal publishedand distributedby the U.S. governmentand also fullyavailable on-line,by conservativeestimates, the research report has been used by over 10,000 researchers,activists, and policymakers since its publication. This is an audiencemuch larger and broaderthan would have been reachedby a discipline-basedpublication. The researchersfound that in all communities,there were attractive physicalcharacteristics that attracted and kept a broadmix of residents in thediverse communities.4 In SoutheastSeattle it was spectacularviews of Mt. Rainier. In Chicago's northernlakefront communities it was access to beachesand views of Lake Michigan. In Philadelphia'sWest MountAiry it was the presenceof modestlypriced "mini-mansions," large,older houses that were affordable to moderate-incomehouseholds. The presenceof social seams, places wherepeople routinelycame in contactwith the community'sdiverse population, were apparentin all communities.These includesparks as well as shoppingdistricts.

3 "Stablediverse" census tracts were defined as the15 percentof thecensus tracts in a givencity that came closestto thecity's overall racial and ethnicproportions in both 1980 and 1990. Moredetails on themethodology is providedin Nydenet al. 1998. The fullreport, including the fourteen community case studiesand theoverall analysis,is availableon-line (Nyden et al. 1998).

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ArgyleStreet El Station-Chicago

Since diverse communitiesare often viewed as unstable or "changing"neighborhoods by outsiders,extra efforts are oftenmade to promoteeconomic development. This takes the formof housing developmentthat includes both market-rate and affordablehousing. It also includesbusiness development by advertisingthe diverse customer base. In some communities,leaders noted that when nationalchains movedin, the new chainstores reported higher revenue levels compared to otherstores in thechain. We did make a distinctionbetween two types of diverse communities,however. Diverse-by-designcommunities were communitiesthat were moreconsciously developed out of civil rights and fair housing effortsof the 1960s. Diverse-by-circumstance communitieswere neighborhoodsthat were created througha less consciousprocess of: influxof immigrantgroups, gentrification stalled by a poor real estatemarket, residential transition because of an aging population,and developmentof affordablehousing in the community. Community-basedorganizations provided key roles in all communities. In the case of diverse-by-designcommunities, a number of organizationswere directly involved in creatingand sustainingdiversity. These included ecumenical groups bringinghomogeneous religious congregationstogether to promotediversity, as well as community-based organizationsthat saw theirprimary purpose as sustainingdiversity. In

This content downloaded from 147.126.10.132 on Fri, 30 May 2014 10:36:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions NYDEN:SOCIAL PROBLEMS OR SOCIAL SOLUTIONS diverse-by-circumstancecommunities these organizationswere often coalitionsof organizationsrepresenting separate groups,particularly separateimmigrant groups. One such coalitionis presentin Chicago's Uptown community,a diverse-by-circumstancecommunity; the Organizationof the Northeast(ONE) is an umbrellaorganization that includesover 30 mutualaid societies,schools, religious congregations, andbusinesses. Theirmotto is "We are ONE we aremany." Overthe years, since the original project was completed,it has been used by manycommunity-based organizations around the countryto exploreways of usingdiversity as an assetrather than as a problemto be managed. The data and analysiscontained in the 14 case studies publishedin Cityscapehas providedammunition to local leaders and organizationsdefending their communities as stablediverse communities that can serve as positive models for an increasinglydiverse U.S. population, rather than unstable communities headed toward resegregation.National pro-integration networks, such as theExchange Congress,welcomed the researchas affirmationof theirdecades-long effortsto have diversecommunities viewed as communitiesof thefuture ratherthan as anomaliescreated by a fewaging civil rights activists. CURL is currentlyat the earlystages of doing a followup of this earlyHUD-funded research that will include2000 and 2010 censusdata. In keepingwith the solutions-oriented, glass-half-full perspective of this collaborativeresearch, particular attention is beingpaid to theintegrative functionof social seams. These can be locationsfor just passing contact,but contactthat establishes that racial and ethnicdiversity is normal. These can also be locations for debate, disagreement, understanding,and newways of thinkingand doing. Such places can be schools,community-based organizations, public meetings hosted by local government,and otheropportunities for civic engagement.

CONCLUSIONS Strengtheningthe relationship between sociologists and thepublics - publicsthat can bothinform and benefitfrom our research- can only strengthenthe relevance and vibrancy of ourfield. On theone hand,this representsan uphill battlewithin the field because it challengesthe traditionalistswho believe that scholarshipinsulated from influences outsidethe disciplineproduces higher quality research. On the other

This content downloaded from 147.126.10.132 on Fri, 30 May 2014 10:36:22 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MICHIGANSOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW, VOL. 24 FALL 2010 hand,there is roomin thefield for multiple research approaches. We can only benefitfrom inclusion of collaborativeuniversity-community researchin ourrepertoire of research approaches. Pursuingstronger links with publics is essentiallya democratizing process. Increasingnumbers of graduatestudents and junior faculty are showinginterest in these expanded approaches. By recognizing innovativeways of workingwith communities and organizationsoutside thetraditional disciplinary boundaries, we are openingup moreavenues for scholarshipand teaching. The realityis thatmany sociologists alreadydo such work in theirlocal communities. Bringingthese sociologistsinto the center of thelife of ourdiscipline represents a more inclusiveapproach in theresearch and teachingtaking place in ourfield. In everywalk of lifethere is a tendencyto establishwho are the"top leaders,"or "the leadingexperts." Indeed even withinthe growthof publicsociology ~ a movementthat comfortably can embracegrassroots projectsof benefitto local communities- thereare effortsto definewho are the "leaders"are in the field. A case in pointis recentbook on publicsociology entitled, Public Sociology: Fifteen Eminent Sociologists Debate Politicsand theProfession in theTwenty-first Century. (Clawson et al.2007) Even MichaelBurawoy, the ASA presidentwho helpedset in motionthe move toward more public sociology and theintegration of thiswork into the sociologicalmainstream, observed that while he has helpedto makethe case forpublic sociology, it is othersin thefield who are actuallydoing it. Whetherit is a sociologyfaculty member working on a community-basedproject with a teamof studentsat a smallliberal college or a nationally-coordinated research effort to collect data to informfederal policy, public sociologyrepresents our field's "stimulus package"that will help us attractnew, creativeminds to the fieldand keep sociologyfront-and-center in the eyes of thepublic when they look forguidance in meetingthe challenges ahead.

REFERENCES Burawoy,Michael. 2005. "2004 PresidentialAddress: For Public Sociology." AmericanSociological Review. Vol. 70 (February),4- 28. Clawson,Dan, RobertZussman, Joya Misra, Naomi Gerstel, and Randall Stokes,eds. 2007. Public Sociology:Fifteen Eminent Sociologists

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Debate Politics and the Professionin the Twenty-firstCentury. Berkeley,CA: Universityof CaliforniaPress. Deegan, MaryJo. 1990. Jane Addamsand the Men of the Chicago School: 1892-1918. New Brunswick,NJ: Transaction Publishers. Gans,Herbert. 1965. The UrbanVillagers: Group and Class in theLife of Italian-Americans. New York:Free Press. Lewis MumfordCenter on Urban and Regional Research. 2002. "Segregation- WholePopulation." Albany:NY, SUNY Albany. Massey,Douglas S. and NancyA. Denton. 1993. AmericanApartheid: Segregationand the Makingof the Underclass. Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversity Press. Myrdal,Gunnar. 1944. AmericanDilemma: theNegro Problemand ModernDemocracy. N.Y: Harper& Brothers. Norden,Eric. 1972. Saul Ahnsky:A candid conversationwith the feistyradical organizer." Playboy, 19 (3), March. Availableon The Progress Report, http://www.progress.org/2003/alinsky5.htm, accessedSeptember 30, 2010. Nyden,Philip, Anne Figert,Mark Shibley,and DarrylBurrows, eds. 1997. BuildingCommunity: Social Science in Action. Thousand Oaks,CA: Pine ForgePress. Nyden,Philip, Leslie Hossfeld,and GwendolynNyden. 2011. Public Sociology:Research, Action and Change. ThousandOaks, CA: Pine ForgePress. Nyden,Philip, John Lukehart, William Peterman,and Michael Maly, eds. 1998. "NeighborhoodRacial and Ethnic Diversityin U.S. Cities," Special issue of Cityscapevol. 4, no. 2. Availableon-line at: http://www.huduser.org/periodicals/cityscpe/vol4num2/current.html. Park, Peter,Mary Brydon-Miller,Budd Hall, and Ted Jackson,eds. 1993. Voices of Change: ParticipatoryResearch in the United Statesand Canada. Westport,CT: Bergenand Garvey. Smith,Robert Courtney. 2006. MexicanNew York:Transnational Lives ofNew Immigrants. Berkeley, CA: Universityof CaliforniaPress. Strand,Kerry, Sam Marullo,Nick Cutforth,Randy Stoecker, and Patrick Donohue. 2003. Community-BasedResearch and Higher Education:Principles and Practices. San Francisco:Jossey-Bass

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