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Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928 - 1945 Colizzi, A.

Citation Colizzi, A. (2011, April 19). Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928 - 1945. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/17647

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Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). Futurism, advertising, rationalism Illustration & photography

The macroeconomic context 57 Milan as industrial and cultural capital 58 53 Campari 59 Magazine publishing 63 Stile meccanico, Mechanical style 65 Stile aeropittorico, Aereopictorial style 70 Futurist publishing 73 Lito-latte, Tin-litho books 75 Comic illustration 78 Comics, humour and literary newspapers 79 Realist style 86 From the cosmic style to photomontage 93 Influences 94 Bayer and Moholy-Nagy 97 Photography 100 Photomontage 102 L’Ala d’Italia 105 Almanacco Letterario Bompiani 107 Surrealist collage 111 Photomosaics 114 Photograms and other experiments 115 From propaganda to the documentary style 118

In addition to serving as a model of mass-communication techniques for Futurism’s self promotion, the advertising world had a profound influence on the nascent movement, forming a close relationship that operated on two levels: on the one hand it provided elements of the advertising language which were incorpo- rated in the parolibere compositions, and on the other it led to the creation of artistic products conceived of as consumer products.1 From another point of view, from a substantially subordinate relationship in which Futurist poetics took on the world of advertising, from the late 1920s on that relationship was reversed, or at least rebalanced, through the Futurists’ contributions to advertising’s formal language and practice. For many of the movement’s proponents—Prampolini, Pannaggi, Paladini, Depero, Diulgheroff, and almost all the Milanese, Munari first and foremost—graphic design was not only their main activity

1 . Cf. Fanelli, Godoli the situation of artists in 1988: 119–21. On the other other European countries— hand, the fact that adver- read Marinetti’s desire to tising’s novelty struck the ‘fight Mallarmé’s static ideal’ Futurists as ‘an epi-phe- as the ‘position, tinged by a nomenon representative of perhaps legitimate envy, [of the new industrial and ur- a cultural worker who lives ban reality’ (ibidem: 119), in in] a backward situation, a country like Italy, which compared to other intellec- under Giolitti’s rule had tuals, who are instead or- just begun to experience ganically integrated into the such phenomena, is to a formulation and realization certain extent symptomatic of concrete marketing, proof the country’s backward- ductive, and cultural strate- ness: cf. Anceschi, who—in gies.’ (Anceschi 1981b: 6). a rather optimistic take on

Futurism, advertising, rationalism and source of income, there was often a a refined sense of color as well as high substantial coherence between their ad- technical quality, resulted in some of the vertising work and their artistic work. This best specimens of striking belle époque continuous osmosis between the two areas elegance, ensuring its widespread popular- could be seen, for example, in their ten- ity.3 Paradoxically for a country like Italy, 54 dency to recycle iconographic themes; in which was still socially and geographically Munari’s case, his experimentation with so disjointed, the spread of advertising had artistic expression not only had natural created a sort of unifying visual koiné.4 repercussions, but also led to parallel pur- The advertising of the time, tied to a suits in the field of graphic design.2 consumer market that had yet to develop, After World War I Italian graphic de- had neither coordinated national cam- sign still reflected the situation that had paigns nor a significant number of adver- existed at the turn of the century, not only tisements in the press; above all, it lacked in stylistic terms, but also in terms of work integration between the various means of scope, and therefore the kind of work it- communication. While poster design, ad- self, which remained focused primarily on dressed to the widest public, was entrusted posters (linked to the development of ma- (with the mediation of printers and deal- jor colour-lithography printshops, such as ers) to renowned poster designers, com- Ricordi in Milan) and magazine publishing. mercial printed matter was instead left to Posters were a large part of the advertis- the printer. The former were painters or ing industry, heralding the first consumer other specialized artists with a background products targeting a middle-class public, in the fine arts (though in many cases such and on the cultural side covering opera studies were spiked with the artist’s per- and film. In publishing, literary and artis- sonal communicative intuitions), whereas tic magazines—and to a lesser extent chil- the latter were more technical laborers dren’s illustration—were the sectors most who dealt with the production of com- influenced by the work of commercial art- mercial printed matter, from letterheads ists. Although it was stylistically linked to to price lists, catalogues, and promotional European Art Nouveau, the Italian school announcements in the press. Munari of poster design—represented by Adolpho recalled: Hohenstein, Leopoldo Metlicovitz, Aleardo Terzi, and Marcello Dudovich, among oth- At the time, publishers asked painters to do some sketches for book covers. Only a sketch, ers—had developed a visual language quite an illustration, not the graphic part, with different from the formulas of the French titles and everything else. That work was left affiche (typified by the work of Leonetto to the printers (…) The resulting product suffered from this design done by two peo- Cappiello) and the German Sachplakat. ple, neither of whom knew what the other This was largely thanks to its emphasis on would do. But that’s how it was done.5 realism and the strong symbolic connotations of representation, which, through

2 . Fanelli, Godoli 1988: ‘Grafica editoriale tra le due 129. Regarding Futurist guerre’ in Editoria e Cultura graphic design in advertis- a Milano tra le due guerre ing, see also Salaris 1986. (1920-1940). Milan, 19–21 3 . Baroni, Vitta 2003: February 1981. Conference 52, 54; Hollis 1994: 13–4. records. Milan: Fondazione 4 . Scudiero 1997: xvi. Arnoldo e Alberto Monda- 5 . Bruno Munari, dori, 1983: 163–4.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 This was an increasingly evident gap, and product, its diagonal composition, the in- in the 1930s it fueled a major debate about tegration of text and image, and the figu- a rethinking of the graphic arts; the field’s rative styles of mechanical art—gradually renewal took place in Italy as well, through established itself as the Italian version of 54 a dialogue with the more advanced visual modern aesthetics. This development typi- 55 arts.6 The Italian poster tradition, how- fied the work of artists like Araca, Nizzoli, ever—apart from formal postcubist sty- and Garretto who, although not part of listic elements (already widely accepted, the Futurist movement, adopted more than following the French example) and, in a few of its formal solutions.8 step with the regime’s iconographic It is also worth noting that the nascent choices, elements of the Novecento move- Italian graphic design owed its modern re- ment’s visual vocabulary—remained es- configuration—that is, the development of sentially unchanged by the innovations of an autonomous language in both the pic- modernism.7 torial poster and the typographic tradition, Compared to the reassuring iconog- which through its integration with imagery raphy of poster design, the graphic con- acquired an aesthetic value and became a tribution of Futurism—which had initially ‘spectacle’ in and of itself 9—not so much remained confined to the typographic to a shared aesthetic or social vision (as compositions of paroliberismo—from the in Germany and the USSR), but rather to late 1920s, coinciding with a new open- the initiative of individuals who, in lieu of ness toward the applied arts, sped up ad- adequate training, developed a personal vertising design’s gradual transition from sense of experimentation fueled by exam- an artisanal realm to a markedly technical ples from architecture and the visual arts.10 and vocational one, more up-to-date and The work of this first generation of Italian informed by European functionalism. Of course, in 1920s Italy the graphic arts in 6 . Fossati, Sambonet challenged the traditional 1974: 9–10, 13. Cf. Baroni, printer with new problems general did not much reflect the Futurist Vitta 2003: 130–1. Speaking (…) as illustration was innovations, whose most radical and in- about the conditions sur- coming to the fore, with its rounding the origins of a visual values, its suggestive novative printing solutions are found solely distinctly Italian approach power (…) graphic design in published material linked directly to the to graphic design, Antonio became spectacle’ (cit. in Boggeri recalls: ‘The reign of Cremaschi 1967: 16). movement. And it is equally true that, with the typesetter lived on—that 10 . As was shown by the of the typsetter who’d al- leaders of the time, espe- few exceptions (Campari for Depero, Cora ways, and quite comfortably, cially Boggeri, who felt the for Diulgheroff), an ongoing relationship set one line of lead next to best Italian graphic design another, to which he then was ‘initially carried out between Futurists working in advertising added the image, in a sort as an almost private type and any stable industrial patronage was of graphic declamatory that of experimentation, one ended up being a schematic not yet integrated into ad- generally lacking. Yet it was in advertising addition of various marks vertising production’ (cit. that were close to one an- in Cremaschi 1967: 17). production (and exhibition installations) other, but neither integrat- Elsewhere Boggeri again that the Futurist language—character- ed nor organized’ (cit. in affirmed: ‘(…) Italians owe Cremaschi 1967: 15). their creation of a cultural ized by its symbolic representation of the 7 . Cf. Hollis 1994: 41. heritage founded on the 8 . Cf. Fioravanti, Passa- right choices to themselves relli, Sfligiotti 1997: 8; Sala- alone—they chose their ris 1986: 18–9; Vinti 2002: path in full autonomy. Car- 10; Priarone 1988: 8. boni and Grignani were 9 . This expression absolute autodidacts (…) as (taken from the title of were Nizzoli, Munari, Ricas, a collection of [work by and Muratore’ (Boggeri Adolphe Mouron] Cassan- 1981: 21). Cf. also Fiora- dre Le Spectacle est dans la vanti, Passarelli, Sfligiotti, rue, 1935) is Antonio Bog- according to whom Italian geri’s: ‘[graphic design as a graphic design of the time cultural product] was born owed everything to a ‘pre- the moment in which tech- cise type of communicator, nical advances in printing which is not the result of

Futurism, advertising, rationalism graphic designers, who were invariably for the lack of normal working conditions self-taught (and Munari was part of that with the substitute of creative imagination group), was followed in the mid-thirties, (…) (Anceschi).13 Munari confirmed this and especially in the immediate postwar reading, recalling with hindsight how the period, by the more technically advanced Futurists worked primarily at home, with 56 contributions of a few foreign graphic de- modest means and cheap materials.14 signers who passed through Milan. The Overall, the modern evolution of Ital- work of Swiss designers like Xanti Scha- ian graphic design in the 1930s resulted winsky, Max Huber, and Carlo Vivarelli in a cross-pollination of various factors laid the groundwork for the emergence of which, albeit belonging to different con- a mature Milanese graphic design scene in texts, deeply innervated it into a complex the 1950s.11 interplay of reciprocal influences: advertis- The relative lateness of graphic de- ing, which by then had all the characteris- velopments in Italy compared to the rest tics of a substantial economic organization; of Europe was the result of two factors: the most advanced artistic movements, the widespread unpreparedness of work- Futurism and Abstractionism, which were ers—which was in turn attributable to the the avant-garde realms in which Munari inadequate training offered in vocational worked quite freely; and the theoretical schools, the shortage of trade journals, and debate surrounding Rationalism, which— scarce exchange and exhibition opportuni- while primarily relating to architecture— ties; and the continuation of the poster’s was also reflected in the neighboring fields figurative tradition, which in turn reflected of art and typography. the public’s and clients’ substantial indif- ference to new artistic languages and advertising efforts.12 The essence of Italian graphic design has been attributed to this study in the specific field of inaccuracies) the national graphic design, but is rather context—from the Futurist backward situation, exemplified by the de- the fruit of a stylistic, cul- work of the teens through signers’ autodidactic condition. It has been tural, compositional matu- the Triennale exhibitions ration; a maturation whose in the 1930s—Carlo Belloli interpreted as a strongpoint and read as an most fruitful background links the advent of a mod- inclination for ‘experimentation, explora- is found in the worlds of ern Italian graphic design to art and architecture’ (id. the contributions of people tion, and an attempt at renewal’ (Boggeri), 1997: 11). like Persico and Pagano, 11 . The historic judg- and Italian Rationalism in while the Italian tendency to ‘force techni- ment regarding the influ- general. Remarkably, Belloli cal means to the limit’ has been empha- ence of the Swiss tradition mentions neither the Studio on early Italian graphic Boggeri nor the Swiss de- sized, and considered the result of an invet- design swings between two signers who were working in erate bent for bricolage, ‘a habit of compet- different positions: one Milan (Belloli 1959). recognizes its importance 12 . Pigozzi 1982: 472. ing with products made in other contexts, (be it substantial or merely 13 . Respectively, Boggeri accessory); the other claims cit. in Cremaschi 1967: 1; by appropriate technologies, and having Italian rationalist archi- Anceschi 1981b: 5. to make do with archaic tools and tech- tecture had a decisive role. 14 . Bassi 1990, inter- Boggeri, for example, spoke view with Bruno Munari nologies (…), and the habit of making up of the ‘determinant charac- (unpublished typescript). ter of foreign designs im- Paola Ricas also highlighted ported here in Italy’ and at how many of the drawings the same time recalled the from those years (by both pioneering role of ‘some her father and by Munari) graphic designers, natu- were often done in tempera rally very few (…) [who,] on paper or small-format spurred on by the graphic board, not so much as a sty- bases brought to light by listic choice, but rather be- the Bauhaus, (…) reworked cause of a real state of desti- them, shaped them to tution (author interview, 12 our own tastes and needs’ July 2006). This trait might (cit. in Cremaschi 1967: have a direct bearing on 15). Conversely, in reex- Munari’s later minimalist amining (albeit with a few attitude to design problems.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 The macroeconomic context Positive signs were ably amplified by the The painful victory in World War I, while regime’s propaganda to fuel the national- strengthening the country’s international istic pride of a poor nation.20 But the Ital- position, had left behind an unstable do- ians’ daily reality was far more prosaic and 56 mestic situation both politically and eco- duller than the bombastic tones of official 57 nomically. The difficulties of recovery, the propaganda, and constituted, if anything, consequent stagnation of industrial pro- a ‘modest, circumspect prosperity.’21 The duction, and the collapse of public finances initial spread of consumer goods, popular had resulted in unemployment, inflation, activities (sports, theater, cinema, popular and waves of strikes, all of which exacer- songs, and escapist fiction), and leisure bated the social tensions resulting from time (organized by the Opera nazionale the disorderly development of the previous dopolavoro, the National Recreation Insti- decades.15 tute) was accompanied by the usual phe- The Fascist regime’s rise to power coin- nomena of corruption and speculation. cided with a favorable economic situation It did not take long for the conse- reinforced by public finance reform.16 The quences of the Depression to reach Italy. To liberal and protectionist economic policies address reductions in production and con- of the late 1920s led to significant growth sumption, the government relied on exten- in industrial and agricultural production. sive state intervention to help industries in However, that development occurred un- need, through the creation of new institu- der ‘maximum exploitation of labor at the tions,22 direct commissions and public- lowest cost,’ through wage freezes and fis- works campaigns, and (in the latter half cal pressures that particularly affected the of the decade) autarchic policies.23 The poorest workers, farmers and laborers.17 In expansion of public spending paralleled a this context, between 1923 and 1925, the reduction in private consumption caused— Fascist government transformed into an despite many initiatives to mitigate the outright dictatorship through a series of crisis, ranging from public assistance to laws that suppressed political freedom and expression, limited local autonomy, put the head of government above legislative 15 . Castronovo 1995: 237. the face of the threat posed 16 . Procacci 1975²: 507. by a potential spread of the powers, and established an efficient repres- 17 . Procacci 1975²: 508; Leninist revolution (Guerri 18 Castronovo 1995: 251, 325. 1982: 20–1). sive apparatus. Italy was the only industri- 21 . Procacci 1975²: 515. Despite the dissatisfaction of the prole- alized nation to experience 22 . The Italian Indus- a fall in wages between 1921 trial Finance Institute (imi, tariat, the March 1929 elections established and 1939 (Castronovo 1995: Istituto Mobiliare Italiano), a broad consensus and the regime enjoyed 327–8). the Institute for Industrial 18 . Procacci 1975²: Reconstruction (iri, Istituto the support of Italy’s main powers—the 508–10. per la Ricostruzione Indu- 19 . Procacci 1975²: 511– striale), and General Italian Catholic Church, the monarchy, the 12; Guerri 1982: 19. Oil Agency (agip, Azienda armed forces, the industrial confederation 20 . The transatlantic Generale Italiana Petroli). 19 flights of De Pinedo and 23 . While the Italian (Confindustria), and the rentier class. Balbo (1925, 1930, 1933), state was, among capital- the national football team’s ist nations, the one with victory at the World Cup the greatest government (1934), Primo Carnera’s control over its productive world heavyweight cham- sectors, it was also a deeply pionship, the launch of the ‘feudalized’ state beholden transatlantic liner ‘Rex’ to the large economic, in- (1931), Luigi Pirandello’s dustrial, and financial Nobel Prize in literature groups (Procacci 1975²: (1934), the first Venice film 515–20). Autarchy was festival (1932), just as on decreed as a response to the an international political economic sanctions of the level the Fascist model was League of Nations follow- viewed as an instrument for ing the war of conquest in resolving class conflict in Ethiopia (1935–36).

Futurism, advertising, rationalism more demagogic programs—by lower earn- in terms of work organization,’ in the early ings without any reduction in tax burdens. 1930s Milan was Italy’s third cultural cent- Economic growth during the Fascist pe- er, after Rome and Florence, and welcomed riod was ‘extremely bumpy and geographi- a variety of artists, writers, and intellectu- cally uneven as ever,’ and produced no real als who came from all over the country and 58 improvement in living standards, such considered Milan its most ‘avant-garde city’ that the majority of Italians were forced steeped in cultural fervor. The intellectual to ‘tighten their belts.’ Statistical data and air of the time had nothing anti-conform- other evidence converge to paint a picture ist about it; rather, it was quite laboriously of significant poverty, insecurity, and frus- focused on work or, to put it better, on the tration.24 As for the middle class, apart need for sustenance, for employment—be from the constant growth of government it journalism and publishing for writers, staff, the tertiary sector of new communi- or applied arts and advertising for artists: cations professionals (like Munari) offered ‘Milan guaranteed an income and, any- the most new career possibilities.25 how, a collaboration here and there that allowed you to keep going.’28 Undoubtedly, amongst its most dynamic cultural factors Milan as industrial and cultural capital were the new architectural and typographic Locally, expectations of a ‘second indus- paradigms promoted by the magazines Ca- trial revolution’ that would have bolstered sabella, Domus, and Campo grafico, as well Lombardy in the period following wwi as the artistic and literary circles linked to were shattered by the Great Depression of the journal Corrente (hermeticism) and ’29. Between the wars Milan did not have the Galleria del Milione (abstraction). It the unique characteristics of an industrial was also a leader on the industrial front, or labor metropolis, but rather became ‘the through the work of figures like Adriano managerial and business-oriented heart of Olivetti and, in the related advertising in- the city of Lombardy,’ a multicentered ter- dustry, the critical reflections carried out ritory in which industrial and residential by Guido Mazzali’s L’Ufficio Moderno. In zones were broadly and evenly spread.26 a cultural climate receptive to European During the two decades of Fascist rule interest in the fine and applied arts a solid the city, whose population exceeded one association formed between the literati, million inhabitants in 1936, ‘continued artists, architects, and exponents of ad- its economic development, as well as its vertising. This triggered a utopian culture cultural and welfare activities, in the social groupings allowed or tolerated by the 24 . Procacci 1975²: 519– and a half million workers 27 regime.’ 20; Castronovo 1995: 324– (Castronovo 1995: 327–8). 8. The average per-worker 26 . Vercelloni 1994: In addition to its status as a dynamic income for the 1935–38 181, 184. industrial city ‘enriched by a pragmatic period was the equivalent 27 . Compared to a na- of 410 dollars in Italy, com- tional and regional growth spirit, and amongst the most modern cities pared to 804 in France, rate of approximately 1206 in Great Britain, and 10–12% (from 37.9 to 41 1309 in the USA; private million), during the 1921–31 consumption in Italy for period Milan’s population the 1936–40 period was went from 700,000 inhab- below that of 1926–30. The itants in ’21, later integrat- details of everyday life dur- ed with the 100,000 inhab- ing the twenty-year Fascist itants of the surrounding rule as told by Gian Franco townships, to 961,000 in Venè in his book Mille lire al ’31, and exceeded a mil- mese (1988) are particularly lion in ‘36, with an urban convincing. growth rate of 37.1% (Ver- 25 . With an annual celloni 1994: 183–4). growth rate of 1,8%, in 1936 28 . Cf. Vergani 1989: this sector included four 16–7.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 characterized by a neo-humanistic quest artist in both art and graphic design, driv- for synthesis between arts and economics, en not only by economic needs, but above formulated not in the academy, but rather all by a spontaneous interest in all forms in a more informal context.29 of artistic intervention. As early as the late 58 This cross-cultural movement’s meet- 1920s, as we have seen, in addition to his 59 ing places were: the Galleria del Milione, activities with the Milanese Futurist group, the heart of abstract art;30 the editorial of- Munari was also pursuing a technical ap- fices of Casabella, directed by Persico and prenticeship at the Mauzan-Morzenti stu- Pagano; the Café Craja and the Trattoria dio and animating short advertisements All’insegna del Pesce d’oro; Olivetti’s ad- with the Cossio brothers. vertising office on via Clerici; and Antonio Boggeri’s studio on via Borghetto.31 The di- [In the 1930s I made my living] working as a graphic designer, and it was my salva- alogue between Futurism and Rationalism, tion. While other artists were bound to some for example, took place through collabora- dealer (…) I worked as a graphic designer for tive installations for exhibitions, trade fairs, magazines (…) I also did comics, but with a very different sense of humor. (…) I also and shops, allowing for the realization of worked with them [the rationalists], but I innovative projects that would have been was a graphic designer—both to earn a living 33 unfeasible in more traditional artistic con- as well as to have freedom in other areas. texts.32 Moreover, the bond that united architects, abstract artists, and graphic de- His debut in graphic design was related signers, who shared the theoretical premise to illustration, a genre well suited to his of a geometrical conception of space and painting skills and the market’s demands. representation, took shape early in January His first works date back to 1927/28 and 1933 with the appearance of Campo grafico. signal the beginning of an intense collabo- This magazine launched the debate sur- ration with several magazines and some rounding the renewal of Italian graphic de- important Milanese advertising firms, sign following European examples related which lasted until the early 1940s. As an to constructivist typography and, through illustrator Munari was able to freely experi- Persico and Pagano, even the rationalists’ ment with visual languages and themes claims. Not surprisingly, amid all this—it ranging from caricature to comics, collage, was a rather restricted environment, after photomontage, and the occasional layout. all—Munari was, if not the only, one of the In the advertising world of the 1920s, important elements that brought together still characterized by a lack of attention the various powers at play. to the latest American marketing techniques, Campari was among Italy’s first

Campari 29 . Lupo 1996: 7–8, 55. while stretching out on Munari seems to have deliberately worked This particular link between comfortable sofas, enjoy a the business and intellectu- wall [of art] all afternoon on two tracks at once, engaged as a visual al worlds was the most orig- while relaxing in the breeze inal aspect of a certain type of a fan’ (from ‘Mostre mi- of Italian capitalism in the lanesi’ in L’Italia letteraria postwar period (after 1945) x; 23, 1934: 5; cit. in Lupo through the early sixties: 1996: 11). see the detailed analysis 31 . Lupo 1996: 11–8. of that ‘industrial style’ in Other meeting places were corporate design from com- cafés—Tre Marie, Cova, Do- panies like Olivetti, Pirelli, nini, Campari, and Savini and Italsider in Vinti 2007. after dinner (ibid: 12–3). 30 . Where you could 32 . Fochessati, Mille- ‘even smoke while looking fiore 1997: 47. Cf. Salaris at a painting, without being 1986: 19–20. bothered, or read a rare 33 . Branzi 1984: 42. architectural magazine

Futurism, advertising, rationalism companies to create an in-house public- consists of 27 love poems and literary paro- ity office.34 The management of Davide dies of various types of love, all of which Campari, who directed the ad office (until invariably conclude with the praise of Bit- his death in 1936), was distinguished by ter Campari, as the drink is widely referred an unusual openness to avant-garde art- to; each poem is accompanied on the 60 ists, be they illustrators or graphic design- left-hand page by artwork inspired by the ers.35 Moving beyond the elitist tone of the right-hand composition’s theme. The pub- belle époque, in the period following wwi lication as a whole is elegant and modern, the company’s advertising strategy had ex- with an ideal balance between the simple panded, reflecting changes in social struc- layout, classic typography—doubtless at- ture: this differentiation affected not only tributable to Raffaello Bertieri, who was the messages’ means, but also their visual also responsible for its impeccable produc- language and form.36 While Campari’s tion quality41—and the unique creative flair posters highlighted the product, its print of Munari’s illustrations, a refined synthe- ads—as newspapers and magazines had be- sis of his previous work which highlight his come the favored media—launched a brand mastery of the aeropictorial style assimilat- name campaign carried out in several se- ed into a personal, articulate language. Like ries of black-and-white ads unified by an

ironic tone and the emphatic repetition of 34 . Valeri 1986: 68–70. Milan. 23.5×31.5 cm, pp.64 the company’s signature.37 The relevance of 35 . Sinopico, Dudovich, (n.n.), board covers and Nizzoli, and Depero all metal spiral binding (Spi- promotional gadgets at the time is reflected produced both posters and ralblock); edition of 1000 print ads for Campari; the numbered copies (NFS). in the ads’ offers for various objects, such illustrators included Tofano, The first Cantastorie col- as calendars and date books,38 as well as Guillermaz, Rubino, Negrin, lection, with illustrations Mochi, and Munari. Depe- by Mochi, was published literary publications, short stories or po- ro was a special case, as he in 1927; the second, with a ems featuring the brand or product, often took an increasingly impor- cover and plates by Tofano, tant role, and went on to do was pubished in 1928; in entrusted to well known writers. packaging (he designed the 1930 the third collection unique Campari Soda bot- was published; in 1932 the A typical ad from a literary culture tle), vending-machine de- fourth, illustrated by Sino- like the Italian one at the time, Campari’s sign, and promotional gadg- pico, as well as the fifth and ets (Pitteri 2002: 20). last, illustrated by Munari, |1| Cantastorie (Storyteller) were light poetry 36 . Vergani 1990: 17. were published. All editions collections, anonymously written by play- 37 . Vergani 1990: 1, 29 had the same format; the (quoting Ferrigni 1937). Cf. first was printed by Bestetti wright and critic Renato Simoni, which ap- Falabrino 2001: 95. e Tumminelli, Milan/Rome; 38 . Like the Prezioso all the rest (except the peared weekly in the Corriere della Sera be- Campari Vademecum per tutti, second, whose printer was ginning in 1927.39 Its numerous issues were launched in 1922. Pitteri uncredited) were printed by 2002: 20. Raffaello Bertieri, Milan. periodically collected into single volumes, 39 . Similar initiatives 41 . Speaking at a confer- which Campari published as a limited edi- included Sem Benelli’s So- ence in the 1980s, Munari netti Campari, Corradino explicitly confirmed that at- tion between 1927 and 1932, illustrated in Cima’s Cento e più sonetti, tribution: ‘Of these typeset- and the poetry in Milanese ters, there were some really turn by Ugo Mochi, Sergio Tofano, Pri- dialect published in Mene- good ones: Bertieri, Lucini, mo Sinopico and, lastly, Munari.40 The ghin Campari Seltz, illus- Modiano, and a few others. trated by Daniele Fontana They were the ones who fo- fifth collection, which Munari illustrated, (1932) (Falabrino 2001: cused more on quality than 95–6). Renato Simoni on quantity; people who (1875–1952) was a journal- were passionate about their ist, playwright, and theater work, who talked about type critic. He wrote some popu- the way people today talk lar comedies, and for many about sports. One day Ber- years was the theater critic tieri triumphantly showed of the Corriere della Sera, me a face inspired by Bo- as well as a director and doni, which he had found: screenwriter. a Bodoni that, as a slight 40 . Il Cantastorie di variant, had rounded tops. Campari. Con 27 figurazioni With that face he printed a grafiche di Bruno Muna- book for Campari, and I did ri. Milan: Campari, 1932. the illustrations for it’ (in Printing: Raffello Bertieri, Editoria e Cultura a Milano

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 the previous volumes, Munari’s collection repetition of the brand name and an amus- boasts the modern forms of spiral binding ing, often ironic tone. One of the most and sheets printed on the recto and folded common formulas was the discursive ads, at half width. An article in the November based on short literary or cultured com- 60 issue of L’Ufficio Moderno, accompanied positions in the form of advice, Weller- 61 by an overview of graphic work by Ricas isms, or verse compositions (which invari- and Munari as well as a few illustrations ably end with the product name, Bitter from the recently published Cantastorie, and Cordial Campari), accompanied by a commented: visual interpretation. Although that was a predominant advertising model in daily These illustrations are lovely, unconven- newspapers at the time, in Campari’s case tional, and marvelously mischievous (…) The irony, though held in check by his un- the ads featured not only stylized graphics failingly gracious visual style, clearly asserts associated with the expressive possibilities itself. With his truly personal talents, Mu- of lettering, but they were also organized in nari comments upon and highlights the is- 45 sues Simoni narrates, bitterly and in good coordinated series. As for Munari, chron- humor. He comments and highlights, but ologically speaking, his first ads belong to also adds irony to its irony, and spirit to its one of the best-known and longest series, spirit. And without resorting to caricature, with a considered dryness of visual mark |2| the Memoranda (which in turn included and tone—and it is a genuine, spontaneous other series): the two examples found are transposition of an intense reality, penetrated from I sei aforismi sull’appetito (Six apho- to its essence, into the realm of fantasy.42 risms on the appetite) and are signed by two studios—sappi and apri, names not yet Although Munari’s collaboration with the otherwise identified—while the drawings Campari ad office was intermittent, his work with them probably dates back to the tra le due guerre (1920-1940), 43 . The Campari ads are 1983: 163). The typeface in reproduced in Ferrigni 1937, beginning of his career as graphic designer question—which was used a deluxe celebratory volume for the cover, the fron- published by Campari, ed- if, as it seems, a few illustrations identi- tispiece, and the headers, ited and printed by Raffa- fied in ads from 1927–28 actually are his.43 paired with a classic Bodoni ello Bertieri. Although the for the poetic texts—is dif- text does focus on various Aside from posters, print advertisements ficult to identify, but has aspects of the company’s in the form of black-and-white classifieds characteristics similar to ads (from posters to inte- Alessandro Butti’s Quirinus rior fliers, ads, and objects), were the main advertising vehicle at the (Nebiolo, 1939), which was it does not provide any in turn inspired by Imre information regarding the time, as evidenced by the vast repertory Reiner’s Corvinus (Bauer, artists or dates of the works’ of bianchi e neri (black-and-whites) con- 1929). production. 42 . Noi due, ‘Il futu- 44 . Cf. Ferrigni 1937: ceived for Campari. Artists with deliber- rismo alla pubblicità’ in 171–8; Vergani 1990: 21, ately different styles were commissioned L’Ufficio Moderno VII, 11 27–30; Falabrino 2001: (November 1932): 662. Di 93–5. Among the more well to create the ads—Guillermaz, Sto, Nizzoli, Corato (2008: 219–20) at- know series: Memoranda tributes the article to Ricas (Aforismi, Didascalie, Con- Depero, Brunetta, Mochi, Rubino, Rove- and Munari. However, the cludendo); Diario di Petronio roni, Conalbi, Fontana, Negrin and Mu- signature ‘Noi due’ (Us and Petronius Dixit; il Deca- 44 two) which takes up Mazza- logo nuovo; il Decamerone; i nari —but all ads shared an emphatic li’s practice of signing ‘Noi’ Proverbi; le Massime celebri; (Us) under the brief editor’s le Sintesi parolibere (parole note that opened each issue. Grego, grafica Nizzoli), le The article was most likely Sintesi pericolose; Nostalgie written by the magazines novecentiste; Campari, per- two directors, Mazzali and ché?; Concludendo; Talismani; Villani, as can be inferred by Amari; il Consumatore è re; the tone of the prose, which Libri; Opere liriche; Monu- seems to be penned by an menti antichi; Problemi nuo- author with a more liter- vi; Quattro stagioni (Ferrigni ary background; nor does it 1937: 171–7). seem logical that the posi- 45 . For an overview of tive comments came from the various types of ‘black- the artists themselves. and-whites’ of the period, see Bauer 1998a: 160–1.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism humorously illustrate some rather banal were published in 1930–31, and were signed food hygiene tips and are signed with an by Munari and Studio crea. One, titled unusual b (like the pseudonym Munari I classici (The Classics), was purely illus- adopted at the time, bum). The handwrit- trative, and depicted some books held up ing and the comic strip–like hatching (the by two classical bookends with two bot- 62 depiction is also reminiscent of American tles—Bitter Campari and Cordial Campa- cartoons, and is a recurring feature in Mu- ri—enthroned in the middle; it differs from nari’s illustrations even after 1930) seem his previous ads in that the illustration, in hesitant, as does the title lettering, reflect- grisaille, is of a higher quality. The other ing the fact that they are the work of a nov- ad instead falls fully within the tradition ice, and may even predate the robotic ‘me- of figurative lettering (already widely used chanical’ forms of the caricatures he began by Guillermaz, for example) and is based publishing in 1928.46 on the slogan ‘Campari apre e chiude ogni Some small drawings on the cover and banchetto’ (Campari begins and ends each |3| inside one booklet, titled Amare gli ama- banquet), which Munari ably fit into a key/ ri (Loving Bitters) by one Dottor G. Ellas, bottle opener–shaped logo. This attribution are from the same period, if not earlier.47 is based on the fact that the acronym crea The author behind that pseudonym was (Create) was actually an advertising initia- Emilio Grego, a physician who became tive of the Milanese Centrale Futurista (Fu- an advertising consultant to the Italian turist HQ), which existed between roughly Government’s General Staff during wwi 1930 and ’32, and was likely directed by and owned an ad agency. He had already Munari before he opened his own studio worked with the Campari publicity office, with Ricas.50 and in the mid-twenties Campari hired The two bottles reappear in a different him for a campaign aimed at spreading project, in which Munari built on his poly- scientific word of bitters’ health benefits material experience in painting. It is an (even with doctor endorsements, follow- |5| interior/exterior sign titled Carta di Iden- ing the American hard-sell model), sup- tità Campari (Campari id), and features ported by a trilingual pamphlet distributed for free.48 Munari can be identified as the 46 . The unusual B form Nazionale, Milan). The Ital- illustrator because of the work’s striking shows up, for example, in ian edition was reprinted his signature (ing. BrUNo/ by Edizioni Campari in the stylistic similarities to his first illustrations, mUNari) in the drawing ’60s. The original is in the published in magazines at the end of the ‘Progetto di locomotiva per Archivio Storico Campari, la nuova stazione di Milano’ Milan (Vergani 1990: 27; decade, and based on those two black-and- published in the Almanac- Ferrigni 1937; Villani 1964: white Memoranda—which would date the co letterario 1933; Munari 171–2; Eligio Bossetti, au- was still using it in 1941, as thor correspondence, au- work toward 1927, when Munari had al- proved by one of his let- tumn 2010). 49 ters to Zavattini (from the 48 . Vergani 1990: 16, 27. ready settled in Milan. Archivio Zavattini, Biblio- 49 . Ibid. This booklet is The dating and attribution of two other teca Panizzi, Reggio Emilia, usually dated to 1925, which m844/1). can either mean it is one of ads for Campari are less uncertain, as they 47 . Dottor G. Ellas Munari’s early debut pieces [Emilio Grego], Amare gli (done during a stay in Milan amari. Il breviario di chi vuol before he went to Naples) viver sano [Milan:] Edizioni or that the dating is incor- Campari, n.d. [c.1927], rect. The latter hypothesis [Printing: Bertieri, Mi- seems more likely. lan]. 11.8×16.2 cm, pp. 32. 50 . Both reproduced in This pamphlet was printed Ferrigni 1937. The first (I in multiple languages: in classici) is signed M at lower French (Aimer les amers, le right, while the crea mark breviaire de la bonne santé, is visible at lower left; the printed by Garagnani, second (Campari apre e chiu- Paris) and in German (Du de…) only carries the crea sollst das bittere lieben: ama- mark at lower right. re amara, printed by Grafica

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 an image created by skillfully combining press ads from that period: perhaps it was cardboard silhouettes and elements of the not considered dynamic enough, or was bottles (labels, bands, cork seals) into a too similar to other ads.54 cubist-type collage. Optical play between 62 orthogonal planes gives the composition a 63 depth that, photographically reproduced, Magazine publishing highlights the visual characteristics of the In the 1920s, before the advent of rotogra- two products in a sharp, intriguing image. vure in Italy, although the range of illus- Munari began to experiment with multi- trated periodicals offered a greater variety material collage techniques around 1932, than the ‘omnibus’ newspaper formula which allows us to date this work to that accessible to a differentiated readership,55 period.51 it was nevertheless still linked to the mod- If Campari’s only interlocutor thus far els of the period immediately following seems to have been Munari, his 1935 ad wwi. The illustrated weeklies founded at |4| series titled Dal diario di Petronio (From the dawn of the century were the Milan- Petronio’s Diary) was entirely conceived, ese L’Illustrazione italiana (1873), aimed written, and drawn with Ricas—even if at a middle-class readership, and popular the signature ‘Munari+R’ seems to in- illustrated newspaper supplements like dicate who had the greater role. Like the the Domenica del Corriere (1899), aimed others, this was a series of newspaper ads, at an audience in the process of broaden- worked into at least 10 different composi- ing its cultural horizons. However, despite tions based on reflections attributed to the the inclusion of photographs and color author of the Satyricon (whose scholastic plates and their continual success, these reputation as arbiter elegantiae is associ-

ated with worldliness) commented upon 51 . Specimen repro- literary market, created the through vaguely surreal illustrations.52 duced in Ferrigni 1937. The conditions for the so-called signature is visible at upper omnibus formula, meaning As evidence of their lasting relation- right. a newspaper for everyone, ship with the company, the two also de- 52 . The total can be a newspaper that contains deduced from the ads’ subjects that interest not signed an ad for Bitter Campari, which— numbering (cf. Ferrigni only all members of a given 1937; Vergani 1990). The family, but targets the kids although it was rejected—is included as Campari historical archives through sports and theater, |6| a sketch in an overview of the studio’s have 7 original ink draw- and the parents through ings: (1) Dubbi (260×165 other things—as well as projects published in L’Ufficio Moderno in mm) [895]; (2) Inter- different [social] classes. 1935.53 From a graphic point of view, this mezzo od epilogo (166×132 (…) The newspaper was mm) [896]; (3) La greca created with the idea of the ad seems much more sophisticated and up- (167×130 mm) [893]; (4) elementary-school teacher Novecento (165×130 mm) in mind—the high-school to-date, as it played with the integration [894]; (5) L’Ora del thè teacher or other cultured of typography and photography in a clever, (165×130 mm) [891]; (6) people. But within that Distinzioni (165×130) same newspaper there was balanced way. It is hard to see why the pro- [892]; (7) Gusti e paesi also something for their posal was rejected, as the company also (165×128 mm) [889]. doorman. At the time al- 53 . L’Ufficio Moderno x; most all dwellings had a used a typo/photographic language in its 5 (May 1935): 252–3. concierge who was inter- 54 . See, for example, ested in major court cases, the many Campari ads by which were big news, as Negrin (reproduced in Fer- well as minor local current rigni 1937) and Carboni (in events stories. The profes- Guida Ricciardi 1936: 82); sor, the teacher, or other regarding the Ricas+Munari readers, all had the third collaborations, see the ad page. That page, created in for Indirizzi Delfini, c. 1935 Italy, (…) was one of the (in L’Ufficio Moderno x; 5, literary pages’ (Paolo Mu- May 1935, cit). rialdi, interview 3 June 1998, 55 . Murialdi 2000: 95. titled ‘L’evoluzione del gior- ‘(…) Italy [being] a country nale in Italia’ available at with a prevalently literary www.mediamente.rai.it). culture, with a very limited

Futurism, advertising, rationalism current-affairs weeklies remained largely cultural industries had a major influence unchanged in both content—world events, on illustrated periodicals.60 Similarly to travel stories, political notes, cultural re- developments in the book sector, where views, entertainment columns, advice, and the market’s expansion into emerging quotidian curiosities—as well as in graphic demographics relied on a broad range of 64 layout, modeled on the historic illustrated entertainment literature (romance, mys- magazines of France (L’Illustration) and tery, stories of major feats) and interna- Britain (Illustrated London News).56 tional fiction, the periodicals sector also While social and structural factors expanded its genres and readerships, with at the turn of the century—population a proliferation of new offerings aimed at growth and urbanization, the rail networks’ the average reader (employees, shopkeep- extension, postal service improvements, ers, teachers, soldiers, professionals).61 De- the advent of the telegraph—enabled spite the regime’s official reticence toward magazines to broaden their market despite new forms of commercial culture, during widespread illiteracy (48.7% of the total the Fascist period the number of registered population of 32 million in 1901), what publications went from 3,859 in 1921 to most influenced the Italian publishing in- 4,927 in 1941, a figure that, despite its gen- dustry after wwi were economic changes: erality, indicates how readers’ habits shift- the abolition of duties on paper imports ed in favor of magazines.62 (1921), reduced postal rates (1922) and a Publishing’s dynamism was also closely new copyright law (1925), along with new related to the ‘conditioning presence of concentrations of capital, created favorable conditions for publishing’s expansion.57

Milan in particular became ‘the city that 56 . Murialdi 1986: 1931, with the usual im- produces and consumes the most printed 102–3. balances from region to 57 . Murialdi 2000: 89, region) remained a major paper in Italy’; it was home to historical 121, 125; Tranfaglia, Vittoria problem: from 1931–40 2000: 24–5. the average titles published publishers like Treves, Sonzogno, Vallar- 58 . Annuario della Stam- annually was 10,947 (com- di, Hoepli, Mondadori, and Rizzoli, for a pa 1924–25, cit. in Lombar- pared to approximately do, Pignatel 1985: 38. 9,000 before the war)—a total of 86 publishers, 75 printing plants, 59 . The main regions level still quite far from 455 typesetting printshops, and 18 gravure and cities related to pub- the averages in France and lishing included: Piedmont Britain (registered around 58 plants. (De Agostini, Utet, Lattes, 16,000 titles) and Germany Sei); Florence (Vallecchi, (c. 23,000). Cf. Pischedda Within a national landscape dotted Le Monnnier); Bologna 2001: 74; Pedullà 1997: with regional centers,59 Milan gained su- (Zanichelli, Cappelli); Bari 374–5; Lombardo, Pignatel (Laterza); and Rome (tied 1985: 42; Tranfaglia, Vitto- premacy between the late 1920s and early to the government, Prov- ria 2000: 24–5. 1930s with the rise of new publishing com- veditorato dello Stato, and 62 . Cf. Forgacs, Gundle Istituto dell’Enciclopedia 2007: 37, 96. Although the panies, especially Mondadori and Rizzoli Italiana) (Pedullà 1997: national statistics ignore 350–5). publications’ regional, so- (focused on the book and magazine sec- 60 . Forgacs, Gundle cial, and typological varia- tors, respectively). Their transformation 2007 maintain in a recent tions, the growth rate of in- study (based on oral ac- dividual periodicals (27%) from traditional small businesses to mass counts) that, despite Ital- in this period was higher ians’ scarse propensity for than that of annuals (21%). reading, during the 1930s Further confirming this fact, there was a broad public during wartime, despite that read periodicals—par- stric quotas on paper, the ticularly sports, illustrated, number of periodicals in and comic magazines: ‘over- circulation remained for- all, weekly magazines had midable (3,978 publications sales far larger than those in 1943, of which 79 were of newspapers or books’ dailies) compared to the (ibid.: 36). understandable reduction 61 . Despite the progress in book publishing (Pedullà schooling had created by 1997: 374, 380; cf. Tranfa- enlarging the base reader- glia, Vittoria 2000: 300). ship, illiteracy (21.1% in

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 Fascist power.’63 Following the laws of magazines and comics—which, taken to- 1925–26 and faced with full State control gether, were perhaps the most significant over the media,64 the magazine industry phenomenon in Milanese journalism be- was actually censored to a lesser extent tween the two world wars.69 While the 64 than other sectors and, thanks to the re- traditional French cultural hegemony was 65 gime’s protection, experienced substantial gradually giving way to the more pervasive growth in both supply and circulation.65 American culture, in terms of graphics Furthermore, the suppression of freedom there was an explosion of color: between of the press was countered by other sig- the mid-twenties and the early thirties nificant compensations offered to publish- nearly every magazine updated its look and ers and journalists (subsidies and secret layout, starting with the cover.70 funding from the Government press office, and a journalists’ association). All of this sparked, in response to the economic crisis Stile meccanico, Mechanical style as well, a strengthening of the Italian press As an illustrator, over the span of a decade from both a technological (moderniza- Munari worked exclusively with magazine tion of production facilities) and editorial offices based in Milan—both small and (increase in the number of pages, of edito- large publishers, covering various types rial staff, and of special editions) point of of publication, ranging from literature to view, enjoyed equally by newspapers and 66 magazines. 63 . Pedullà 1997: 357. 1841–1926). This proce- 64 . Carried out through dure was used primarily for In the early 1930s, when Rizzoli property transferrals and newspaper and periodical brought rotogravure67 printing to Italy, it managerial appointments printing: in 1904 a section at all major newspapers, as of the Berlin newspaper Der was first used to produce magazines. That well as sequestrations and Tag was printed in rotogra- particular market was dominated by fic- intimidations; from 1926 vure, followed in 1910 by this was done through the the Freiburger Zeitung. With tion and lifestyle (La Lettura, 1901 and Le regulations of the Govern- the development of reel-fed ment press office (from rotogravure and mixed reels Grandi Firme, 1929), popular science (Na- 1937 on known as the Mi- (with both typographic tura, 1928), travel and tourism (Rivista nistero della cultura popo- and intaglio printing) after lare, or Ministry of Popular World War I the new pro- mensile del Touring Club Italiano, 1895), and Culture), whose ordinances cedure (capable of simul- technical periodicals; while the women’s, controlled press content in taneously printing recto an increasingly rigid fashion and verso, and up to 3,000 sports, and young adults’ sectors were still (Cambria 1994: 134–5, 141). copies per hour) led to the 68 65 . Lombardo, Pigna- development of new jour- in their infancy. The sudden success of tel 1985: 41. Cf. De Berti, nalism outlets, such as illus- the new rotogravure weeklies sped up the Mosconi 1998: ‘(…) the trated periodicals aimed at popular press was a kind of wider readerships (Twyman current trend toward a more mass-oriented duty-free zone compared 1998²: 59; Lombardo, Pigna- cultural production: thus, over the course to [those more rigidly con- tel 1985: 36–7). trolled under] the regime’s 68 . Murialdi 2000: of the decade the periodicals sector grew directives, at least up until 95; Ajello 1976: 186n. The World War II’ (ibid.: 149). situation at the end of the and print runs were updated so as to sup- The relative tolerance of 1930s: of 4,987 magazines ply readers in all classes and at all cultural consumer-press censorship in circulation in 1941, 2,388 does little to minimize the could be traced back to the levels, with particular success in women’s fact that during the twenty- Catholic sector, 280 to Fas- year Fascist period Italian cism and current politics, culture ‘existed in a sub- 353 to the technological and stantially provincial realm’ industrial realms, and the (Pedullà 1997: 361). remaining 1,800 to other 66 . Murialdi 2000: sectors; their publication 136–7, 146–8, 150–1. was centered mainly in 67 . The last printing Lombardy, Piedmont, and technique to become mech- the Veneto regions, fol- anized, rotogravure (or lowed by Lazio, Emilia photogravure/photoetch- Romagna, and Tuscany ing) was discovered in 1878 (Pedullà 1997: 374). in Vienna (and later per- 69 . Cambria 1994: 142. fected in England, ca. 1895) 70 . Pischedda 2001: by Karel Klícˇ (Karl Klietsch, 74–5; Pallottino 1988: 260.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism current events, women’s issues, humor, |7| article in the elegant fashion magazine Li- and specialized sectors like aeronautics. del.73 Caricatures published the following Conversely, Munari did not work with year in two quite different magazines show sporting magazines, nor those closest to similar characteristics. A short article on the regime (dealing with politics), nor with Munari’s artistic experience, published in 66 the Catholic press (which occupied a sub- |8| the Rivista Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia (a stantial share of the market)—all of which current events monthly from the epony- implies an evident, not necessarily ethi- mous Fascist newspaper in Milan74) and cal, but rather aesthetic and commercial a dedication penned by Marinetti in L’Ala choice. As might reasonably be expected, d’Italia, a technical aviation journal,75 were Munari’s illustrations and other graphic illustrated with prominent literary figures’ contributions were commissioned by those portraits (the writer Orio Vergani, and Fu- publishers who were sympathetic to Fu- turist artists Marinetti and Azari), execut- turism and more or less open to modern ed in an elementary reduction of geometric visual culture, or at least the type of new features and generally depicted in profile. visual culture most acceptable to the gen- A few unpublished aeronautics-themed eral public.71 drawings, whose current whereabouts are unknown, probably date to the same pe- Bum is only nineteen years old and is from riod. The first, chronologically, would ap- Milan, and his real name is bruno munari… with a lower-case b and m, as you can |9| pear to be an ink drawing on a collage of see on his business card. As a mechanical aluminum foil and colorful papers, signed draughtsman enamoured of technique, about bum with collaged letters from a typewriter: three years ago he began to extract, from the simplicity of lines he saw in complex con- both the drawing’s rough execution and traptions, the elements of an art that, while imprecisely traced Bodoni-style and Eng- still classifiable within the vein of Futurism, lish cursive letters suggest it was a very has already acquired a delightfully personal expression through a clear, humorous sen- 71 . Cf. Meneguzzo had a hand in Lydel Film, a sibility, coherent with the kind of life un- 72 1993: 30. production house in Turin folding before the artist’s observant eyes. 72 . From a review pub- specialized in film advertise- lished in the Milanese press ments, it is possible she met in 1927 on the occasion of Munari around 1928, as he In its initial phase, which ran from roughly the Futurist group exhibi- was working with the Cos- tion at the Galleria Pesaro, sio brothers on animated 1928 to 1930, his magazine work consisted which was also Munari’s shorts; it is also plausible public debut (cit. without that de Liguoro brought largely of line drawings—often but not al- sources in Lichtenstein, Hä- Munari into the editorial ways humorous—that reflected his Futurist berli 1995: 275). staff of the magazine she’d 73 . Arturo Lanocita, founded and then directed ‘mechanical’ influences, as well as his in- ‘L’arte di sembrare intel- up until 1927 (cf. Verga- terest in comics, whose popularity was rap- ligenti’ in Lidel ix; 7 (July ni 2009: ‘de Liguoro’ and 1928): 48–9; even the geo- ‘Lidel’). idly on the rise in Italy. Such references are metric lettering of the title 74 . (Manlio Morgagni) and the article’s closing can ‘Un pittore futurista: Muna- unmistakably clear in the first caricatures be attributed to Munari. ri’ in La Rivista illustrata del he published, which date to the summer Lidel was a fashion monthly, Popolo d’Italia vii; 6 (June founded in 1919 by Lydia de 1929): 57. The text high- of 1928 and appeared alongside a lifestyle Liguoro (an Italian journal- lights how his caricatures ist who adhered to Fascism are ‘curious because of the from its very beginning sheer ability with which and became known for her their creator made use of nationalistic campaigns). geometric elements—but es- The title was taken from a pecially interesting because derivation of the founder’s of the artist’s sure intuition pen name (Lydel), adapted in capturing the most char- as an acronym of Letture acteristic and expressive Illustrazioni Disegni El- lines of the physiognomy.’ eganze Lavoro (Readings, 75 . The portraits of Ma- Illustrations, Drawings, rinetti and Azari appeared Elegances, Work), the main in L’Ala d’Italia, viii; 10 (Oc- themes the monthly dealt tober 1929): 916. with. Because de Liguoro

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 early attempt or, more likely, a sketch for ‘mechanical’ depiction of figures com- a primer (abecedarium), similar to others posed of basic volumes (cones, cylinders, he made in the 1940s—which would make spheres). This aesthetic’s most emblematic it the first evidence of Munari’s recurring iteration was in theatrical sets, where the 66 |10| interest in the alphabet.76 Two illustrations 67 in tempera on cardboard for the aviation 76 . The drawing, in the several variants: the dating company Caproni, dating back to 1928–29, collection of the Massimo of the drawing, therefore, show a higher level of graphic design sen- and Sonia Cirulli Archive, is not problematic. The New York/Bologna, is dated same cannot be said of the sibility: the first depicts the famous Capr- c.1927 and is reproduced second case, insofar as with the title rRrR, Rumo- the aircraft name seems oncino biplane; the second an imaginary re di aeroplano (rRrR, the to refer to the design of a aircraft labeled Caproni 3000 hp, and Sound of an Airplane) hydroplane design for the in Pellegrini 2009: 121. Ca.60 Transaereo, created the third the twin-engined Ca.103. Al- 38×27 cm. The 1927–28 for transoceanic flight, a though the circumstances surrounding dating is also confirmed by prototype of which was the bum signature, which tested (but destroyed after their creation are unknown, it is conceiv- can be traced back to the the first flight) in 1920–21; late 1920s. Even if, com- it was a massive aircraft, able they were meant to be reproduced as pared to the noteworthy capable of carrying 100 pas- postcards.77 In addition to the geomet- quality of the drawings sengers, with three groups Munari did as an adolescent of triplane wings on which ric decomposition and vivid background in Badia Polesine (a few 6 motors were mounted color (in keeping with Futurist stylistic are in the Jaqueline Vodoz for a total of 3,000 Hp. Yet and Bruno Danese collec- Munari’s drawing depicts a elements), their typical art nouveau–style tion, others in the posses- single-winged aircraft, with sion of the Munari family), two motors and landing lettering is noteworthy, as it is quite differ- the possibilty that this is a gears that do not match re- ent from the more immediate, geometric childhood sketch cannot ality, except for their large be excluded; the most prob- size. The Caproni Ca.103 forms of art deco alphabets extensively able hypothesis seems to was a light-bomber biplane used in advertising of the period, and sug- be a parody of a childhood (derived from the Ca.73, drawing (Antonello 2009: developed between 1922 gests these may have been an apprentice- 7). Munari actually did do a and 1924), known for be- series of abecedaria in the ing the first Italian aircraft ship exercise. early 1940s and later on in built with an entirely metal A portrait of the Futurist composer the postwar years, a few of structure. 78 which were published by 78 . Coll. Bruno Mu- Luigi Russolo, perhaps dating back to Einaudi (Abecedario, 1942 nari, Milan, riproduced in 1927, is perhaps an extreme case of such and Alfabetiere, 1960), while Lichtenstein, Häberli 1995: others remained mere try- 26. The signed drawing is geometric minimalism in the vein of me- outs or personal exercises dated 1927. However, if one (ABC dadà, 1944, coll. Ha- considers that none of Mu- chanical art, which over the 1920s had left jek-Zucconi, Novara; and an nari’s compositions from behind the study of movement to become untitled one made for Anna this period—reproduced Boggeri’s fourth birthday, plates, illustrations, and the dominant aesthetic of Futurist paint- 1944, coll. Boggeri-Monguz- photomontages—carries a ing.79 Beginning with the 1922–23 mani- zi, Meride). These were fol- date, while sketches given lowed by the book Munari’s to collectors were almost festo Arte meccanica (Mechanical Art) co- ABC (Cleveland/New York: always dated, it is logical to The World Publishing Com- deduce that the date was authored by Vinicio Paladini, Ivo Pannaggi, pany, 1960), the education- added only later, and can and Prampolini—who, alongside Depero, al game ABC con fantasia therefore be taken with the produced by Danese in 1973, benefit of the doubt. In this were its most significant proponents—ex- and an installation Munari specific case, such suspicion altation of the machine as a visual anal- curated for the printer Lu- is reinforced by the fact that cini (Alfabeto Lucini, Milan: the signature appears along ogy for states of mind tended toward a Lucini, 1987). the border of the sheet, not 77 . The signature Bruno, within the drawing itself, as identical in all the drawings, was Munari’s usual practice. allows us to hypothesize a 79 . See Lista, Masoero similar date, around 1928– 2009) in which the period 29. The drawings are now divisions between early and in the Maria Fede Caproni late (primo and secondo) collection, Rome. 22×12 cm, Futurismo are supplanted 23.5×29 cm, and 22×12 cm, by the use of dominant respectively. The Caproni aesthetic: mechanical art Ca.100 aircraft, designed in in the 1920s and aeropaint- 1928, was a commercially ing in the 1930s (ibid.: 19). succesful single-engine Cf. Crispolti 1980: 149–51; aircraft that remained in Lista 2001a: 132–45. production through 1938 in

Futurism, advertising, rationalism body/machine made its most convincing The illustrations accompanying Marinet- appearance in costumes for the balletti |11| ti’s theatrical text Il suggeritore nudo are meccanici (mechanical ballets).80 done in the same style, and were reproduced in Comoedia on the occasion of its we feel mechanically. we feel we’re built run at Rome’s Teatro degli Indipendenti 68 of steel. we, too, are machines. we, too, 87 are mechanized! (...) we futurists want: in December 1929. The line drawings 1st, that the machine’s spirit, not just its exterior form, be rendered (...); 2nd, that these 80 . From Pannaggi and generally seen as children’s expressive means and mechanical elements Paladini’s Balletto mecca- products and adopted for be coordinated by an original lyrical law, and nico futurista (Casa d’Arte educational purposes. In not by some learned scientific law; 3rd, that, Bragaglia, Rome, 1922) to addition to images created Depero and Casavola’s bal- by American artists, ac- by ‘essence of the Machine,’ one under- let Anihccam del 3000 (Tea- quired with exclusive rights, stands the strengths, the rhythms, and the tro Trianon, Milan, 1924), the Corrierino (as it was also infinite analogies the Machine evokes (…)81 Ruggero Vasari’s L’angoscia known) featured numerous delle macchine (performed characters created by Ital- in 1926, with costumes ian artists—often major il- Because Munari’s earliest works were so by Pannaggi and music by lustrators (like Sergio Tofa- strongly shaped by both Depero and Pram- Casavola), and Prampoli- no, who created the famous ni’s Théatre de la pantomime Signor Bonaventura, the polini, that impact was reflected not only futuriste (Paris, 1927). Cf. character associated with Lista 2001a: 146. the weekly for the longest in the works made for gallery settings, but 81 . From the Arte mec- period). Luigi Albertini, his- first and foremost in his daily work as canica manifesto, signed by toric director of the Corriere Enrico Prampolini, Ivo Pan- della Sera, decided to replace graphic designer and illustrator—which naggi, and Vinicio Paladini, the characteristic nuvolette processed those influences into freer, more published in Noi, second (balloons) with rhyming series, i; 2 (May 1923): 1–2; lines of text (underneath 82 accessible, often ironic work. Although text reproduced in Birolli the vignettes), which were 2008: 194–8. considered more in keeping its chiaroscuro volumes still followed in 82 . À propos of similar with middle-class tastes. Cf. Prampolini’s tracks,83 this different ap- illustrations also published Bona 1998; Santoro 1998b: in Lidel during the summer 82–3). proach was characteristic of a series of il- of 1930, Di Corato writes 85 . Lidel x; 8 (15 August lustrations Munari did in 1929–30, which of an ‘ironic translation of 1929): 22–3. For the story Prampolinian aeropainting’ ‘Fra due mantelli’ by Lyana also responded to specific editorial crite- (2008: 213). In fact, the Cambiasi Munari made 3 playful tone also came from line illustrations plus the ria. These illustrations had two key fea- the Futurists’ ‘mechanical’ title; the layout of text tures: affinities with comics, as was the theatrical works. and images appears rather 83 . Crispolti 1992: 193. conventional, based on the case with those done for the Corriere dei Within Prampolini’s me- page’s central symmetry, Piccoli;84 and a visible quest for an imme- chanical period, which went and does not seem to reflect from 1924 to ’28, Crispolti (as maintained in Di Corato diate, graphic signature with modern con- specifies two phases: the 2008: 210) ’an initial inter- first characterized by planar vention in terms of editorial notations, as was the case with those that geometric depictions, the graphic design.’ Liana Cam- accompanied sentimental short stories second by an ‘accentuated biasi Negretti (1897–1995) 85 plasticity (...) of an almost adopted the pseudonym or entertaining pieces in Lidel. Yet with “purist” order’ in which Liala for her first novel, Si- respect to the theoretical assumptions of the color is overlayed with gnorsì, published in 1931 by chiaroscuro modeling. For Mondadori, and became a the manifesto, in his illustrations of this a more in-depth discussion very prolific author, as well of the mechanical theme as the uncontested queen of period Munari uses a ‘mechanical’ visual in Futurist art see Masoero the romance novel. language while omitting all its ‘cosmic’ 2009. 86 . Contrarily, this 86 84 . Corriere dei Piccoli aspect was present not only connotations. xxi; 23 and 25 (9 and 23 in the pictorial works but June 1929, respectively), cit. also in the complex illustra- in Di Corato 2008: 210. The tions and photomontages weekly supplement of the created for the press during Corriere della Sera, launched the 1930s, once again influ- in December 1908 (con- enced by a ‘cosmic realism’ ceived of by Paola Lombro- (a spiritual variant of aer- so Carrara, but entrusted opictorial poetics) Prampo- to the oversight of Silvio lini championed during that Spaventa Filippi), is consid- same period. ered the first Italian comic. 87 . This work debuted Compared to North Ameri- 12 December 1929, directed ca, where comic strips were by Carlo Ludovico Braga- aimed at adults, within glia, with set designs by Italian culture they were Anton Giulio Bragaglia, and

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 illustrating a few of the play’s scenes seem mark making, characterized a series of il- like preparatory sketches, or drawings ob- lustrations published alongside lifestyle tained from the set curtains Munari (in |12| articles in Lidel in the summer of 1930.94 his first theatrical experience) prepared, These were small, hatched drawings, syn- 68 along with costumes, for the stage.88 The thetic little pictures that drew literally, and 69 experimental theater directed by An- sometimes jokingly, from the text, winking ton Giulio Bragaglia—who, alongside his at the cosmic atmospheres of aeropaint- brother Arturo, was a key exponent of Fu- ing through a play of perspectival planes. turist photography—in Rome was one of Printed in plain black or another color, set the major reference points of avant-garde in the margin or within the text column, theater, and presented a broad range of they helped animate the page, creating a domestic and foreign experimental, sceni- unity with the headlines. More than the cally innovative works.89 Marinetti’s text, art deco geometric patterns predominant considered among his best contributions to in French and Italian posters of the period, the genre, is a more balanced summary of the titles’ lettering (aside from their still earlier Futurist stagings,90 constucted as ‘a uncertain outcome) recalled the stencil series of comic skits’ of stereotypical char- typefaces in vogue at the time and the de- acters based on the Pirandellian theme of constructed forms of Cassandre’s Bifur.95 the author’s disappearance.91 Although it scenery curtains and cos- http://www.scuolaromana. is difficult to assess Munari’s scenographic tumes by Munari. The text it; and http://it.wikipedia. work without the help of contemporary ‘Il suggeritore nudo. Simul- org/wiki/Teatri_di_Roma. taneità futurista in undici 90 . Verdone 1988: 173; documents, we can get an idea of it from sintesi’ appeared in Como- cf. Girolami 1993: 1125; and published illustrations: the automaton-like edia xi–xii; 1 (15 December Schnapp 2004: xxvi–xxvii. 1929–15 January 1930): 91 . Schnapp 2004: xxx- figures, while lacking color, nevertheless 38–44, with 5 drawings by vii. The opera’s thematic Munari depicting the first, core could be summarized show an unmistakable similarity to Depe- fourth, sixth, eighth, and as a series of characters ro and Pannaggi’s mechanical costumes eleventh scenes. For Ma- who refuse their own au- 92 rinetti’s text, see Schnapp thor (Verdone 1988: 174). and stage sets, which allowed Munari to 2004: 381–408. 92 . In addition to the come up with similar solutions—so much 88 . Schnapp 2004: 407 Balletto meccanico futurista 89 . Like the Casa d’Arte of 1922, Pannaggi’s book so that they are replicated on the promo- Bragaglia gallery, an impor- cover and costume de- 93 tant center of the capital signs for Ruggero Vasari’s tional postcard. Yet his fourth stage cur- city’s artistic scene, the L’Angoscia delle macchine tain is more interesting: built upon a typo- Teatro sperimentale degli (1925–26) are also worth Indipendenti opened in mention, as are the sculp- graphic collage of letters with vaguely pa- 1922. Anton Giulio Braga- tural costumes designed rolibero (albeit not particularly dynamic) glia (1890–1960) managed for a dance set to music it as a private club, where by Stravinsky at the Teatro compositions, it may have become the re- he staged (with his brother degli Indipendenti in 1927 Carlo Ludovico as director) (reproduced in Lista 2001a: current motif for the show’s other curtains. works by playwrights who 147–9)—examples Munari Ultimately, the show met with a warm wel- were under-represented was certainly aware of. in Italian theaters (Cam- 93 . Example reproduced come from both critics and audiences. panile, Pirandello, Svevo, in Fanelli, Godoli 1988. A different approach, leaving behind Shaw, Jarry, Apollinaire, 94 . Luciana, ‘Bibite Strindberg, Brecht), as well estive’ in Lidel xi; 7 (15 July geometric rigidity in favor of a more fluid as pantomime, marionette, 1930): 25; Lucio Ridenti, and dance performances. ‘Sotto il tetto di un amico’ in Marinetti’s works staged Lidel xi; 8 (15 August 1930): there included (in addition 50–1; Luciana, ‘In cerca to shorts and Il Suggeritore di funghi’ and Dancing, nudo)—Bianca e Rosso and ‘Quest’inverno balleremo…’ Fantocci elettrici (Verdone in Lidel xi; 9 (15 September 2005: 22). The theater’s 1930): 23 and 47 respec- intense period of activity tively; ‘Cantano i bimbi’ ended in 1931 because of and Luciana, ‘Trofei di cac- serious financial problems cia’ in Lidel xi; 10 (15 Oc- and Mussolini’s direct re- tober 1930): 20 and 26–7 pression of the endeavor. Cf. respectively. Cappa, Gelli 1998; Archivio 95 . The Deberny & Pei- della Scuola Romana at gnot foundry, Paris, 1929.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism Stile aeropittorico, Aereopictorial style The cover for the November 1930 is- The intensification of Munari’s collabo- |13| sue of Lidel was the last work Munari pub- ration with Lidel is indicative of his early, lished with the magazine before their col- increasing professional autonomy; during laboation drew to a close,100 and marked this period he expanded his network in a definitive change in his visual language— 70 Milan’s publishing world, and began to col- noticeable also in his paintings of the same laborate with other periodicals, all while period, which fell decidedly within the developing his illustration skills. Some car- cosmic vein of aeropainting (evident in the icatures published in 1930 in the current- works shown in 1931 at the Galleria Pesaro). events weekly Il Giovedì can be traced back A stylized portrait of a woman, in a hybrid- to the previous period96—a small caricature ized manner between abstract and art deco, of Buster Keaton, and another, fairly large appears to hover in a cosmic space shaped series of ‘synthetic’ portraits published by the play between perspectivally projected in the May issue of L’Ufficio Moderno,97 planes and geomorphic shapes rendered in a monthly business publication that be- a strong chiaroscuro that accentuates the came the forum for an intense debate on work’s depth.101 economic rationalization.98 The magazine became a promotional voice for the gar Presented in no.9 (January 99 . L’Ufficio Moderno, 1929) of Arts et métiers gra- La pubblicità v; 7–8 (July/ or Gruppo amici della razionalizzazione phiques (578–9), the graph- August 1930). As was cus- (Group of Rationalization’s Friends), and ic arts magazine published tom for most magazines up by the foundry itself. Bifur until the 1930s, aside from Munari’s personal involvment in their ac- is an ornamental alphabet the background color, the composed of deconstructed cover remained the same, tivities brought him into contact with the uppercase letters reduced and was ‘distinguished by economic leaders most sensitive to new to their minimal elements, a symbol—Mercury seated which can be variably com- atop a line of books inside developments in advertising—a step that bined through four differ- a gilt tondo set between the also coincided with his professional part- ent variants with different title (…) and the subtitle’ parts fo the letter in black (Bauer 1998b: 162–3). In nership with Ricas. or hatched (cf. Wlassikoff 1929, when Mazzali took 2005: 84–5). In addition the lead, the magazine re- This openness of interests also led to a to the obvious influence newed its graphic layout transition in his work. His stylistic sensibil- of Renner’s Futura Black and began to vary the color (Bauer, 1929), other sten- of the cover with each is- ities became more sophisticated, as can be cil alphabets Munari was sue, entrusting the design to seen in his cover for the July/August 1930 certainly aware of included various commercial artists Albers’s experimental type (Carotti 2001: 71). |14| issue of L’Ufficio Moderno, wherein two me- (c.1925), used on the cover 100 . Di Corato 2008: of one of the Bauhausbü- 214. Munari’s collabora- chanical figures move within a rudimen- cher (Walter Gropius, Bau- tive relationship with Lidel, tary urban scene. The innovative touch hausbauten Dessau, 1930) intermittent as it was, was and lettering on a cover tied to the management with respect to earlier illustrations in the Prampolini designed for the of Gino Valori, a journal- same genre comes from his accentuation Italian-American magazine ist and comedy writer who Broom (no.3, October 1921). had succeeded de Liguoro of the two mannequins’ volumes and their 96 . M. Serandrei, ‘Bust- in 1927. Under his lead, the er l’impossibile’ in Il Giovedì, magazine’s graphic look was insertion in a scenographic space (however cit. without further refer- entrusted to art director schematic), in which the magazine’s title, ence in Di Corato 2008: 213. Francesco Dal Pozzo, who 99 97 . L’Ufficio Moderno, La welcomed the contributions reduced to basic forms, also appears. pubblicità v; 5 (May 1930), of young illustrators like cit. in Di Corato 2008: 213. Renato Gruau, Brunetta, 98 . Magazine conceived Giorgio Tabet, and Muna- of and directed from 1926 ri, whose work with the on by Francesco Muscia, magazine ended in late 1930, and (from 1929) by Guido when Valori left the edito- Mazzali. L’Ufficio Moderno rial team (Vergani 2009: was the first Italian maga- ‘Lidel’). zine dedicated to modern 101 . Lidel xi; 11 (15 No- business office organiza- vember 1930). For the cover, tional systems, sales, and Di Corato records the title advertising. Cf. Valeri 1986: Futurismo (2008: 214). In 60–3; Bauer 1998b: 162–4; that same issue, Munari Carotti 2001: 67–72. illustrated and likely did the layout for a brief article

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 The novelty of the illustration, which emphasis on the alphabetic elements (in was a personal version of aeropictorial po- keeping with contemporary art deco mod- etics, was also featured in similar solutions els) which close two stage curtains around Munari adopted in some of his graphic two synthetic winged figures. Bare-bones as 70 work of the same period, directly related to it is, the image successfully evokes the ir- 71 Futurism: two published covers, a theater rational dimension of Masnata’s theatrical poster, and his participation in a disputed works, focusing on a scenic visualization of (it failed in the end) advertising project. the characters’ inner worlds (akin to the Munari’s graphic design debut in the pub- cinematic flashback). |15| lishing realm came in 1929 with Aquilotto The poster Munari created for the the- implume, Giuseppe Romeo Toscano’s ad- |17| atrical run of Simultanina (1931), one of venture novel for young-adults, for which Marinetti’s last plays, stylistically belongs Munari made the cover and illustrations to the same group of works.104 Compared throughout.102 The cover, in two colors, to their collaboration two years before, for refers to the storyline celebrating the Ital- Munari this was a more demanding test: it ian exploration of Africa. Composed ac- was the first time he had worked on a post- cording to aeropictorial ideas, it depicts er (a format he seldom returned to in later an aerial view of the African continent work), and on the one hand it affirmed the against a skewed blue background, against growing recognition he was gaining among which the silhouette of an aircraft in flight the Milanese Futurists, while on the other stands out, done with the characteristic the sheer visibility of the event served as airbrushed gradient. Below, the novel’s title validation for the artist. During the spring appears in sturdy geometric lettering, and and summer of ’31 the tour traveled to is integrated with the rest of the composition through its angled layout, echoing on women’s fashion, ‘Sera’ La moglie infedele, Colori di (60–1)—a drawing of two laboratorio, and Francesca the airplane’s orientation. The black-and- female figures, rather linear da Rimini (written in 1927). with the exception of the A tempera sketch (not the white illustrations accompanying the story background, extended over final version) of the cover appear more coarsly drawn, but are still a two-page spread, allowing is in the Casaperlarte Fon- for the inclusion of some dazione Paolo Minoli col- interesting because of the contrast between photographs as well—and lection, Cantù (reproduced elements, as well as their accentuated drew the headline for a se- in the catalogue Mostra rial novel ‘La triste vittoria’ di Bruno Munari. Artista, perspective. (62), which featured the designer, architetto, grafico, same design solutions he scrittore, inventore gioca con i Shortly afterward, yet with dissimilar had previously used. bambini. Mantua: Corraini/ effects, Munari designed the cover of a col- 102 . Giuseppe Romeo Cantù: Associazione Amici Toscano. Aquilotto implu- dei Musei Cantù, 1995). lection of theatrical works by the poet Pino me. Avventure di terra e di Pino Masnata (1901–1968) |16| Masnata titled Anime sceneggiate, published cielo. Milan: Casa Editrice poet, playwright, and radio Gianbattista Rossi, 1929. author (in collaboration in 1930 by Marinetti’s Edizioni futuriste The book was issued in an- with Carmine Guarino). 103 other—identical and simul- Author of the Manifesto di «Poesia». In this case the illustra- taneous—edition published del Teatro Visionico (1920) tion is unadorned, and plays upon a more by Ambrosiana Editoriale, and, with Marinetti, of the Milan. 22.5×15.5 cm, paper- Manifesto della Radia (1933) allusive, raw composition, with a greater back, pp. 178 (6); duotone (Bassi 2001d: 712–3; Bossa- cover, 4 b/w illustrations, glia Zatti 1983: 85–7; Verdo- 2 geographic maps. Printed ne 1988: 405–15). by Officine grafiche Schor 104 . Marinetti/Si- SA, Milan. Giuseppe Romeo multanina/Tournée Teatro Toscano (1895–1981), popu- Futurista. 100×140 cm. lar young-adult fiction au- Printed by Industrie Grafi- thor, teacher, and writer. che N. Moneta, Milan. The 103 . Pino Masnata. Ani- image was also reproduced me sceneggiate. Rome: Edi- as a postcard (cf. the speci- zioni futuriste di «Poesia», men at Mart, Archivio del 1930. 13.5×20 cm, paper- 900, fondo Giannina Censi: back, pp. 326; preface by F. Cen 5.01). Marinetti’s text T. Marinetti; duotone cover. was published in Milan by A. A collection of the texts & G. Carisch (1931).

Futurism, advertising, rationalism many Italian cities, and was accompanied Continuing with Munari’s theatri- by the usual notoriety Futurist soirées gar- cal work, during 1931 he developed the set nered.105 Recalled Ricas: designs for the Futuristic drama Dottor |18| Mattia by Angelo Rognoni,108 staged for At the time, the Teatro Manzoni was across the first time on 10 May 1931 at the Sala 72 the street from San Fedele and the police precinct, and was later wiped out by bombs. Bossi in Milan by the experimental com- [In ’31] a heartbreaking Simultanina (played pany Teatro Nuovo dell’Arte Drammatica, by the marvelous Anna Fontana, whose back directed by Ettore Gian Ferrari.109 Gian was bare all the way to her buttocks) had two types of audience—those who admirered the Ferrari chose Munari to design the sets, show, and those who were shocked by it—and which were particularly well adapted to ran from 8 in the evening to 10 the follow- the Futurist text, and was completely satis- ing morning, with shouts, tossed tomatoes, and repeated intervention by the cops.106 fied with them: ‘I love Munari’s sketches. They are absolutely beautiful!’110 Only four sets sketches are known of (created by the The poster composition centers on the Milan-based Ercole Sormani company), contrast between stylized airplane silhou- and they confirm the maturity of Munari’s ettes and a synthetic female bust—a direct pictorial style—even when, as in this case, reference to the play’s two main characters the representation is more realistic, all the (Simultanina and the aviator), whose di- versity is further emphasized by the back- 105 . The Compagnia (…)’ (Apice, Fondo Reggi: ground’s contrasting colors and shapes. del Teatro Futurista staged 0003-0522). There is also Simultanina at the Teatro a promotional postcard (in The aeropictorial stylistic elements not only Manzoni in Milan, open- addition to the one repro- allow for an immediate association with ing on 10 May 1931. It was ducing Munari’s poster) directed by Marinetti and that draws upon one of the the Futurist world, but also, thanks to the Piero Cornabuci, with stage graphic syntheses in Bene- image’s allusiveness, relate to the symbol- sets designed by Benedetta detta’s book Le forze umane (made by Gino Galli), and (1924) (reproduced in Lat- ism of Marinetti’s theatrical characters. music by Carmine Guarino tarulo: 1995). with lyrics by Marinetti. 108 . Angelo Rognoni, Il Although it does not yet include references The tour ran through Au- Dottor Mattia. Tre atti. Pa- to the cosmic and surreal atmospheres that gust, with stops in Turin, via: Edizioni S.U.P.E.R., 1931, Gorizia, Fiume, Trieste, reprinted in 1942. Teatro distinguished Munari’s illustrations for Rome, Bari, Lecce, Brindisi, series. Angelo Rognoni most of the decade, the poster nevertheless Potenza, Foggia, Padua, (1896–1957) was, alongside Modena, Mantua, Reggio Masnata, a proponent of shows a degree of maturity in the handling Emilia, Ferrara, and Lu- the Futurist group in Pavia; gano (Schnapp 2004: 441, he was a painter, poet, and of the figurative and typographic elements, 821; Crispolti 1980: 566). prolific playwright (Zatti in especially his ability to control different Among the ‘clever touches’ Godoli 2001: 979–80; Ver- that enlivened the show done 1988: 417–8; Bossaglia, letterforms and visually articulate various were interventions by Esco- Zatti 1983: 15–7, 28, 80–1). levels of information in a striking image.107 damè before and after the 109 . Rognoni’s work, performance, the presen- which dates back to Note the presence, next to Munari’s sig- tation of a carneplastico (a 1929/30, gained a degree of meat-based Futurist recipe) notoriety (for its opening nature, of the acronym crea, the advertis- in the middle of the audi- night, Marinetti gave a pres- ing studio linked to the Milanese Futurists ence, a Futurist dance (per- entation as well) thanks to formed by Giannina Censi), the Gian Ferrari company’s Munari was affiliated with. perfume wafting through- staging. The following sea- out the theater (a scent cre- son they staged another ated by Gi.Vi.Emme), and play by Rognoni, La gelosia an exhibition of aeropaint- di Alfredo Rossi (Bossaglia, ings in the foyer (cf. the Zatti 1983: 16n, 28). In show poster in Apice, fondo addition to theatre, Ettore Reggi: 0003-0522). Gian Ferrari was also an 106 . Ricas in Lopez art patron, and opened his 1994: 8. eponymous gallery in 1936 107 . From the poster it (Grazia Gian Ferrari, email is clear that the tour’s ad communication to author, campaign included other 31 August 2010). materials: ‘Advertising ma- 110 . From a letter to terial created from sketches Rognoni, cit. in Bossaglia, by Benedetta and Munari Zatti 1983: 80.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 while maintaining his illustrations’ syn- of airplanes between dawn and dusk. [It will thetic line quality and rich colors.111 have] a machine-gun launch. [It will have] re- peat editions. —F. T. Marinetti, art director118

72 Futurist publishing 73 The context surrounding the ambitious 111 . Done in tempera of Milan’s Fiera (trade fair), (24×32 cm): these were worked as a journalist and |19| publishing project for the Almanacco dell’I- sketches for act I, scene 1; documentary director, and talia veloce, an advertising publication, was act III, scene 2; and another taught at the experimental two for unidentified scenes cinematography school in more complex. Alongside Depero’s Numero (reproduced in Lista 1989: Rome (the Scuola speri- unico futurista Campari (1931), it was the 253 and 1990: 119). They mentale di cinematografia). originally belonged to Vini- He became a Partisan after Futurists’ largest promotional project of cio Paladini. ’43, but his political career 112 . The Edizioni Metro- was cut short by his sudden the 1930s, and Munari not only took part poli offices were located at 4 death (Cammarota 2001: in it, but he was also instrumental in its of the Galleria del Corso, in 491–2). 112 the center of the city, where 115 . Almanacco dell’Italia organization. The idea of a Futurist an- Ricas and Munari opened veloce: prime adesioni, primi nual summarizing ‘all the arts, inventions, their first studio in 1931 collaboratori. Milano: Edi- (cf. Bassi 1994: 8). They zioni Metropoli [1930]. In- award winners, and industries’ of Fascist may have taken over the 16º; pp. 16, perforated index 113 Edizioni Metropolis spaces with increasingly large page Italy aimed at the international luxury following the failure of the size. It is quite likely that tourist circuit was launched by Oscar Fu- Italia Veloce project. See the idea for the format Munari’s letter to Thayaht, was influenced by Vladimir setti, who founded the Edizioni Metropoli 20.9.1930, written and Majakovsky’s Dlia Golossa in Milan for that express purpose.114 An- signed by hand on Edizioni (For the Voice), edited by Metropoli letterhead: ‘My El Lissitzky and published nounced several times over the course of dear friend, thanks for in Berlin in 1923 (Lutze the photos which, once & Vogt), the same year in 1930 to spread word of Marinetti’s art di- Marinetti sees and selects which Diulgheroff attended rection and Fillìa’s technical consultation, them, will be published. the Bauhaus in Weimar Share the material I sent (Salaris 1986: 151–2). advance promotional copies designed by you as widely as possible. 116 . Almanacco Italia Diulgheroff began to circulate: these were I’m awaiting the badge for veloce. Milan: Edizioni Me- uomini veloci (fast men). tropoli, 1930. Printed by Ar- 115 done in the form of a brochure index Best wishes from Hoscar chetipografia, Milan. Fold- Fusetti. Sincere regards, out with 3 panels, 23×30 cm (of the first subscribers and collabora- Munari’ (Mart, Archivio (closed); duotone printing tors) and a foldout flier116 for recruiting del 900, fondo Thayaht: (black and red). The speci- Tha 1.2.19.11). men in the collection of the new subscriptions; this was followed by a 113 . The inevitable Biblioteca Braidense has lengthier specimen (program), presented homage to the regime is a dedication to Mussolini emphasized on both the written by Marinetti. In ad- 117 at the IV Triennale di Monza in May 1930, letterhead (cf. Fusetti’s let- dition to the detailed list of ter to Thayaht, 20.10.1930: subscribers, the document as well as the book pavilion of the Fiera di ‘Almanacco dell’Italia ve- has typographic composi- Milano in July, announcing a 30 December loce (…) the most Fascist tions created by Diulgheroff book / dedicated to “Benito and clearly based on con- publication date. In his introductory text, Mussolini, fast leader of structivist models. There Marinetti proclaimed: fast Italy”,’ Mart, Archivio is also a flier, with similar del 900, fondo Thayaht: typographic layouts, in the Tha 1.2.19.12) as well as in collection of Mart, Archivio The typographic look will be entirely original: print advertisements (cf. Il del 900, fondo Thayaht: nothing ever seen or foreseen before. [It will Giovedì no.22, 9 October Tha 1.2.19.4-4. 1930). 117 . The fourth Exposi- include] a selection of papers and inks that 114 . Oscar Fusetti tion of modern decorative can be compared only to the changing colors (1900–1947) joined the and industrial arts was Florentine Futurist group the last one to be held in in the early 1920s and the historic Villa Reale in directed the magazine Monza, from 11 May to 2 Firenze Futurista; he also November 1930; with the participated in the Futurist shift of management to the Congress held in Milan in state, the later expositions 1924, but soon broke off his became triennial and were ties to Marinetti because held in the Palazzo dell’Arte of political differences. He in Milan. returned to the movement 118 . This quote was in ’29 through Fillìa, and taken from the manifesto launched the Almanacco text published in both the publishing project. In the foldout and in the promo- 1930s he was commissioner tional specimen.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism The specimen, also laid out by Diulgheroff, factors certainly added to the difficulties was a collection of promotional composi- (despite his interest in Futurism, Fusetti tions by Balla, Diulgheroff, Dottori, Mu- was tagged as an anti-Fascist and put under nari, Pozzo, and Prampolini, interspersed special surveillance).121 with parolibero typographic composi- Munari’s contribution to the specimen 74 tions and photographs with commentary consisted of two advertising plates. The penned by famous supporters.119 curators’ selection criteria are not known, The intention of the editors was that but the inclusion of two pages in his case, the publication’s strength would lie not compared to the other participating art- only in its content, but also in the shape ists (Diulgheroff was the other exception, of the printed object itself, presented as a as he created the overall constructivist repertoire of the technical possibilities and graphics), can be read as a recognition of creativity of Futurist graphic design. A true his role in the organization, or his grow- typographic tour de force, the specimen ing professional achievement as graphic features: an aluminized paper cover and designer for advertisements. They are ficti- the Edizioni Metropoli logo printed in re- tious creations: the first plate is an aeropic- lief with gold ink; eight types of paper with torial depiction of a plane in flight through varying colors, finishes, and weights; and space—it feels like a sketch for an aviation- printing in metallic inks, serigraph, and industry magazine cover, and even the title on cellophane.120 The financial investment Ali d’Italia (Wings of Italy) recalls the Ala for a publication of this sort—consider- d’Italia Munari collaborated on the year ing the volume’s format (a quarto of 1,000 before; the other is a sort of collage of dy- pages), planned print run (300,000 cop- namic symbols cherished by the Futurists ies, printed in rotogravure), international (a ship, plane, car, gears, with the addition distribution, the collaborators’ compen- of a book) diagonally intersected by the sation and subscription fee (rather high title Pubblicità a scoppio (Internal-combus- for the time), and the complexity of the tion advert),122 in which certain elements various promotional efforts—evidently cor- (an economy of means, the absence of a responded to the Futurists’ ambitions, as background) foreshadow a more autono- they were always looking for the regime’s mous manner, freed from painting and support. However, despite the numerous open to graphic ideas from outside of the and prestigious subscriptions received from the highest state offices and the culture 119 . Programma Al- fondo Thayaht relating manacco dell’Italia veloce. to the Almanacco is titled sphere, the Almanacco project remained Milan: Edizioni Metropoli, ‘Aborto dell’Italia veloce’ unrealized. The reasons for its failure are 1930. In-quarto, pp. 36. (The Abortion of Fast Italy), 120 . Among the Alma- which is indicative of the unknown, but the most obvious hypothesis nacco’s announced publish- delusion felt by the organiz- ing innovations were some ers, regardless of their sig- is that funding was insufficient for an edi- pages in the form of discs nificant dedication to it. torial achievement of such scale and tech- with recordings of Il Duce 122 . The sketch’s title and poetry performances. refers to the expression nically complex requirements; and political An idea Depero returned to used to promote the pub- in 1931 for his book-object lication: ‘(…) we will cre- project (never realized) ate the Futurist internal- New York—film vissuto con- combusion advert, full of taining parolibere plates, unexpected, improvised photomontages, and two contrasts, so as to cre- discs (Lista 1984: 102). ate the atmosphere most 121 . Cammarota 2001: favorable to the products’ 491–2. Cf. Crispolti 1980: presentation’ (letter sent 408–9; Lista 1984: 102; Fa- to subscribers, 21.3.1930, nelli, Godoli 1988: 145, 147; on Edizioni Metropoli let- Salaris 1995: 32; Ceriani terhead; in Mart, Archivio 1998: 158–9; Cammarota del 900, fondo Thayaht: 2006: 203. The envelope Tha 1.2.19.01). in Mart, Archivio del 900,

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 movement. The latter echoes a similar il- lirica (1934), wherein a vaguely surreal at- lustration that appeared a few months later mosphere predominates.126 as the cover of a sports and travel maga- |20| zine from Trentino titled Vie Latine (March 74 1931), for its special issue on the Fiera di Lito-latte, Tin-litho books 75 Milano;123 the previous January Munari In the spring of ’33 in a letter to Tullio had published a color plate in the maga- d’Albisola, between word play and poking zine that anticipated his later explorations fun at business correspondence, Muna- in collage.124 ri mentioned he was very busy with work Therefore, in the 1930s the attempt to for the trade fair, but had nevertheless ac- create a new advertising trend shaped by cepted the job of creating illustrations ‘for aeropictorial innovations (a trend Munari, eleven kisses,’ whimsically adding that he Dottori, Diulgheroff, and Prampolini were had refused Campari’s offer of ‘1,000 lire associated with)—for which the Almanac- per drawing.’ The conclusion is instructive, co dell’Italia veloce was basically the most and helps one understand the kind of non- advanced experiment—met with moderate sense humor Munari so loved: success and remained limited primarily to the Futurist realm; much as they had tried We will pay no attention whatsoever to your graciously attractive letter, because we have a to do the previous decade with mechani- rather poor opinion of the crap you create (tin cal art, which remained far from becoming books) and if you would kindly accept a one- a dominant force.125 While this held true way ticket (at an 80% discount) for the Gates of Hell, we’ll gladly arrange it for you. With in general for the poster, in Munari’s case our sincerest contempt, / Bruno Munari [and the transposition of the style into his il- Ricas] / P.S. Dirty old man, do tell us the final 127 lustrations was successful, as proven by his submission date for these drawings. Go on. published work in 1929–31 and his cover for Lidel in November 1930. The latter were the 123 . Monthly founded (A Futurist view of the Scala first concrete examples of his application in 1921 and published in as the radio spreads the of an aeropictorial visual language to the Trento by the Studio Edi- sound of its performances toriale Dolomiti. Its name throughout the world) field of graphic design, although they do was in continual flux up un- shows an axonometric view til 1926, when Gazzetta del of the Scala inserted into a not yet take full advantage of the expressive turismo was substituted by planisphere emitting rays possibilities of the Prampolinian cosmic the more Roman name Vie representing radio trans- latine. How Munari came mission (14.8×19.8 cm; current that would come to the fore a little into contact with its edito- duotone). later. Indeed, the work where such ‘cosmic’ rial offices is unknown, but 125 . Fanelli, Godoli one could suppose it was 1988: 145. evocations were most evident was in his through Depero (also from 126 . Tanchis writes of the Trentino region) or ‘a propensity towards Sur- more distinctly painterly publishing pro- through the plant where the realism (…) checked by a jects, beginning in the end of ’31 with the magazine was printed, the metaphysical estrangement, Officine Perego in Milan. Cf. or by a cool constructivist Cantastorie collection for Campari (1932) Di Corato 2008: 214. approach’ (id.: 1987: 13). and the ‘litolatta’ or tin-litho L’Anguria 124 . Vie latine: Gazzet- Cf. Menna 1966: ‘(...) quite ta del turismo xi; 3 (March close to Prampolini’s imma- 1931) and 1 (January 1931), nent declinations of aerop- respectively. 23.5×30 cm. ictorial poetics (…) Munari The cover image not only did not aim to create a col- borrowed compositional el- lective stupor (…) as much ements from his two plates as he instead aimed to cre- for the Almanacco dell’Italia ate fabulous little worlds veloce, but also took chro- for what I would call a more matic elements (hinged everyday, domestic use’ upon brown and green-blue (orig. in La botte e il violino tones) from his contem- no.3, 1966, reprinted in porary poster for Sultani- Bruno Munari 1979: 73). na. The plate, titled ‘Una 127 . Letter Munari to visione futurista della Scala d’Albisola, 6 April 1933, in mentre la radio diffonde nel Presotto 1981: 149. mondo l’eco degli spettacoli’

Futurism, advertising, rationalism Thus began the collaboration between the materials in advertising carried out by the Ligurian ceramicist and Munari to create Futurists of Turin and Liguria.132 |21| L’anguria lirica, a book-object made up of

21 litho-printed tin plates hinged into a 128 . Tullio d’Albiso- of metal, consisting of 15 tubular spine, published in 1934 by Edizio- la. L’Anguria lirica (lungo litho-printed tin sheets 76 poema passionale) [The hinged into a tubular spine 128 ni futuriste di Poesia. It is a long poem Lyrical Watermelon (a and inserted into a metal Long, Passionate Poem)]. slipcase, weighing a total that describes the ‘five typical stages of Rome: Edizioni futuriste di of 850 gr. (Lista 1984: 103; passion’s trajectory (…) appearance of the Poesia/Savona: Lito-latta, Fanelli, Godoli 1988: 40; [August 1934]. Printed by Mainieri 2009: 3). woman and advent of passion; the insist- Lito-latta, Savona. Edition 131 . The development of ent and persistent image of the woman; of 101, of which 51 were a typographic theory that, nfs. 17×19.5 cm; pp. 42 (21 however fragmentary, could the fever of possession; alternations of litho-printed tin sheets); be pushed forward by the tubular hinged binding; in a Futurists ‘as a corollary to hope and disappointment; and the joy of a litho-printed metallic slip- the theoretical elaboration dream come true,’ for which d’Albisola had case; 700 gr. Cover and 11 of the words-in-freedom’ color lithographs by Bruno began with the Manifesto been proclamed Record Poet at the Second Munari, 1 black illustration tecnico della letteratura futu- Circuito di Poesia (Poetry circuit) in Turin (portrait of Tullio d’Albiso- rista (Technical Manifesto la) and the Lito-latta logo of Futurist Literature, 11 129 the previous year. by Diulgheroff. Preface by May 1912), followed by Marinetti, and an appendix the Supplemento al manife- It was a complex editorial project, an by Vittorio Orazi. The book sto tecnico della letteratura ambitious poetic work, and was Albisola’s was first exhibited in Rovigo futurista (Supplement to in July 1936 at the Seconda the Technical Manifesto of second tin-litho edition. It included contri- Mostra d’Arte Sindacale Futurist Literature, 11 Au- butions by Diulgheroff (the author’s por- Polesana (Maffei 2002: 17; gust 1912), in which, draw- Cammarota 2006: 115; Lista ing on Mallarmé, the idea trait), Vittorio Orazi (afterword), and the 1984: 121; De Grassi 1986: of the poetic text as musical 83–8; Iannaccone 2004: score was formulated, and omnipresent Marinetti. It was produced 4–6; Verdone 1988: 354; ultimately led to the ‘Ty- and copublished by the industrialist Vin- Mainieri 2009: 3). pographic Revolution’ Ma- 129 . Vittorio Orazi, rinetti lucidly announced cenzo Nosenzo (owner of a food-packaging from the ‘Clarification’ in L’immaginazione senza factory in Savona), another supporter of at the end of the book; fili e le parole in libertà (The cit. in Verdone 1988: 379. Wireless Imagination and the unique publishing initiative that had Poet, writer, critic, and Words-in-Freedom, 11 May playwright, Vittorio Orazi 1913). See Fanelli, Godoli aroused the Futurists’ enthusiasm two was the pseudonym of 1988: 11–2, 17; Cammarota years before.130 The tin books were, in fact, Alessandro Prampolini 2006: 23–5; cf. also Ravaioli (1891–1976), brother of the 1998: 12ff. the culmination of the progressive disso- more widely known painter 132 . The use of metallic lution of writing’s linearity launched by Enrico. The ‘Circuiti di po- effects in the graphic arts esia’ (poetry circuits) were (for its obvious mechanical Marinetti in 1912–13. Following the Futur- competitions held to elect connotations) gained solid Italy’s Record Poet (the footing as metallic papers ists’ various publishing experiences, his first year’s final competi- and cardboards became idea now came to the fore to challenge the tion was held at the Galleria available on the market 131 Pesaro on 31 October 1931) (cf. the cover of the afore- book’s traditional form and materials. organized annually in vari- mentioned specimen of the Materially, d’Albisola and Nosenzo’s pub- ous cities throughout Italy Almanacco dell’Italia Veloce), by local Futurist groups. As while earlier experiments lishing project was connected to Depero’s described by Marinetti: ‘a had used metallic inks (De- cyclonic racket of aerop- pero’s ‘bolted book’ cover). experiments with the book-object Depero ictorial, Futurist, critical, Regarding the use of metalic futurista/Dinamo Azari (1927), and, more glasses-wearing, relaxing materials in advertising, the students and shouting paro- most oft-cited precedents directly, to the experiments with metallic liberi climbing atop others’ are: the ‘cartelli lanciatori’ shoulders’ (from his pref- (enamel-coated metal no- ace to the Anguria lirica). tice boards printed on both 130 . The first volume of sides) made in Turin by this sort had been Marinet- Diulgheroff for the Arturo ti’s Parole in libertà futuriste Tucci advertising agency, as olfattive tattili-termiche well as by Farfa (1928–29); (Olfactive, Thermo-Tactile and the aluminum cover Futurist Words-in-Free- of the menu at the Taverna dom), a collection of texts Santopalato, also by Diul- published in November gheroff (1930). Addition- 1932. It is easy to imagine ally, in Liguria the Futurist the sensation this book group of Savona (Farfa and created upon its arrival, as Giovanni Acquaviva) made it was a book made entirely a triumphal arch of tin on

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 The path paved by the new book-ob- has narrow margins, with a justified block ject was anything but linear. Already the of text alligned with the exterior border; choice of hiring Munari—who evidently the verses—set entirely in a boldface Sem- was not sufficiently well known, despite plicità138—take up (with a few variations) 76 the undeniable success of the Cantastorie two narrow columns, linked by syntactic 77 book—gave rise to some controversy in Tu- alignments or according to their meanings, rin.133 In the summer of 1934, in addition with a red thread framing prominent sec- to the delay due to production difficulties, tions and headers. Additionally, Munari’s the volume’s debut was further delayed by layout (echoing the schematic used in the a distribution ban imposed by police be- Cantastorie) is based on the double-page cause of two female nudes they considered spread, with the facing illustration inserted scandalous; it was only thanks to Mari- into a smaller rectangle printed atop a me- netti’s political connections that the ban tallic background, positioned to aid com- was lifted a month later.134 The tin-litho positional balance with regard to the text edition of L’Anguria lirica was preceded by as well. a first edition of the poem on paper, which the occasion of Mussolini’s he has finished his illustra- was substantially identical in content, but visit; in 1931 Farfa (who tions for l’Anguria, which illustrated by Nino Strada and published likely put d’Albisola in touch will be printed that same with the Nosenzo plant) week (in Presotto 1981: in July 1934 in Milan by Mario Chiattone’s published the parolibero 130); also cf. Mainieri 2009: Officine d’Arti Grafiche.135 The pamphlet’s poem ‘Litolatta,’ which was 3. Nino Strada (1904–1968), lithographically printed on Milanese ceramicist. After composition closely recalls the layout of a tin plate; and, following studying art at the Accade- the success of d’Albisola’s mia di Brera, he began his the first collection, Marinetti’s Parole in books, other objects were career as a draughtsman, libertà futuriste tattili termiche olfattive, ed- made in tin: passes, busi- painter, and model-maker ness cards, and calendars in Albissola Marina, where ited and illustrated by d’Albisola; it was spi- (Cammarota 2006: 22–5; he became a part of the ral bound, and the text was freely distrib- Lista 1984: 103; Lista 2009a: Ligurian group of Futurist 7–8; Crispolti 1980: 394–5; ceramicists, with whom he uted across the page, using a combination Salaris 1995: 31–2). showed work at all of Mi- 133 . Just as Munari was lan’s biennial and triennial of different faces. Compared to the first accepting d’Albisola’s offer, art exhibitions. In the 1930s collection, in which an approach inspired Fillìa wrote to ask: ‘Why did and then after wwiI he not you invite Oriani, Pozzo, collaborated with various by the constructivist work of Diulgheroff and Mino Rosso, who are Italian ceramics manufac- prevailed,136 with composition influences much more important, as turers, primarily in Liguria painters and sculptors, than and Umbria. ranging from abstraction to Futurist pa- Munari?’ (letter Fillìa to 136 . In the early 1930s d’Albisola, 2.4.1933, in Pre- Diuglheroff designed the roliberismo, Munari made the most of his sotto 1981: 69, cit. in Ian- Casa Mazzotti in Albissola experience as an advertising designer, per- naccone 2004: 4). Marina, the new headquar- 137 134 . In asking d’Albisola ters of Ceramiche Mazzotti, fecting d’Albisola previous graphic look. for news, Fillìa wrote: ‘(…) in pure rationalist style L’Anguria lirica was a typographically more In the bulletin that came (1934). out today we talk about 137 . In the first tin- sober work, beginning with its very format, your ceramics and your tin litho, with a layout by d’Al- book (Marinetti says it’s a bisola, the text had been which Munari made slightly smaller and myth, that it doesn’t exist) composed in a column brought into vertical proportions, facilitat- (…)’ (letter Fillìa to d’Albi- whose size/width varied sola, 11.8.1934, in Presotto from one page to the next, ing the volume’s easy handling. The page 1981, cit. in Iannaccone in a sans-serif face (Super, 2004: 7n). Schriftguss, 1930: see Jas- 135 . Tullio d’Albiso- pert, Berry, Johnson 1970: la. L’Anguria lirica. Milan: 343–4); while the illustra- Officine d’Arti Grafiche tions followed the poem on Chiattone, [July 1934]. the recto side of the sheet, In-8º. Edition of 500 num- rather than mirroring it bered copies. With 12 il- across the gutter in a two- lustrations by Nino Strada. page spread. Pamphlet spiral bound 138 . This was a face with wire. À propos of the from the Nebiolo foundry, object’s date, see the letter designed under the man- from Nino Strada to d’Albi- agement of Alessandro sola, 7 July 1934, in which Butti (1930–31); it is clearly the former tells the latter inspired by Futura (the

Futurism, advertising, rationalism The ‘abstractions’ inspired by the Comic illustration poem are of the same tenor as those made A graphic work done in a very different for Campari two years earlier, based on a context, Munari’s participation in the go- minimal design combined with an accen- liardic publication of the local University tuated perspectival layout, rendered here |22| Fascist Group, titled Cip! Cip!142 (Chirp! 78 in a limited color range which privileges Chirp!), is interesting from a biographical the contrast between the black type and point of view, and helps one understand the warm red and orange tones. The cover the type of scene he frequented in Milan. features a perfect integration of image and It was a ‘unique issue’—the traditional sa- typography, wherein the linear profile of tirical newspaper published occasionally a knife overlaid atop a red disc succinctly by students to raise money or show their depicts the watermelon the poem is named irreverence toward authority—’to benefit for. Some time before, in a letter to Tul- the birds of the guf (Gruppi Universitari lio d’Albisola, Diulgheroff had written: Fascisti),’ the student pilots of the aero- ‘I see the future reader of your book calmly nautics section. The aviation-related theme seated on a chromed steel chair, completely perhaps explains the presence of Munari as concentrated, turning the pages of colored well as other Futurists like Franco Grignani tin atop a smooth plane of shatterproof and Carlo Manzoni. The humorous illus- crystal that is axonometrically projected trations and short texts reflect the student- and mirrored in the rectangle of inlaid run context in which the publication was linoleum floor spread across the room’s created: Munari did a series of drawings, 50 rational cubic meters, in a light-filled hovering between his caricatures and his ambience full of lyricism’139—an evocative early mechanical puppets, which were evi- image that, in addition to including all the dently appreciated for their ironic take on major symbols of modernity as borrowed the Futurist mechanical mythology; and he from architecture, can easily be read as a also designed one of the two savvy covers. comment on the many illustrations Mu- nari made during this period. resemblance is most evident Marinetti’s preface was in the uppercase letters), taken from the original Despite the uncontested success of the but the lowercase letters edition (1933) of the artist’s two tin editions, thanks also to d’Albiso- take noteworthy liberties verses, as was the ‘distribu- and have a real originality. tion warehouse’ (Riolfo la’s considerable promotional efforts, no 139 . Letter Diulgheroff Marengo 1987: 51–2). to d’Albisola, 2 January 142 . Cip! Cip! Gor- other ‘mechanical books’ were ever pro- 1933, in Presotto 1981: 18–9. gheggio unico dei goliardi duced (though another had already been 140 . For the launch of milanesi [Chirp! Chirp! 140 Parole in libertà futuriste ol- The Unique Warble of the announced in September 1935) —except fattive tattili termiche a few Milanese Goliards]. Milan: for the tin-litho with verses by Farfa made pages printed separately informally published, Feb- were used as posters and ruary 1931. Printed by S.A. much later, again by Munari, with some of hung up at various exposi- Stampa Periodica Milanese, 141 tions; additionally, in Savo- Milan. 25×35,2 cm; pp. 54. his drawings from the 1930s. na d’Albisola set up a store Below the frontispiece a dedicated exclusively to sell- note reads: ‘a favore degli ing the book. A third edition uccelli [piloti della Sezione was announced by d’Albi- Aeonautica del Guf] del sola in an article published Gruppo Universitario Fa- in Stile futurista (no.11–12, scista milanese’ (’to benefit September 1935: 40) (De the birds [student pilots of Grassi 1986: 83, 86–7). the aeronautics section of 141 . On the occa- the GUF] of the Milanese sion of the major Futurist University Fascist Group’). retrospective at Palazzo Double cover in color de- Grassi, Venice, in 1986. The signed by Munari and G. volume was titled Farfa, il Duka; additional contribu- miliardario della fantasia tions by Carlo Manzoni (Savona: Marco Sabatelli and Franco Grignani (Bassi editore, 1986) and con- 2001b: 277–8; Di Corato tained three verses by Farfa 2008: 215–6). and six drawings by Munari;

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 The publication’s original facing-page lay- his hand had taken on a degree of adapt- out—logically attributed to Munari, as are ability to different contexts which, com- the typographic illustrations of the double bined with his keen sense of humor, led frontispiece—allows the work to be read in him to develop an illustrational style suited 78 both directions, with a Dadaist parolibera to the humorous newspapers that were one 79 image set in the middle of the pamphlet of the decade’s most important editorial acting as a hinge between the two sections. phenomena.146 The text titled ‘Tragedia futurista’ (Futur- ist Tragedy, signed with a laconic Mah?/ Huh?), is probably also his. Comics, humour and literary newspapers A few years later Munari was again Munari’s first illustrations for Lidel and involved in another such initiative for the the Corriere dei Piccoli, as well as his ads same group of Milanese goliards (includ- for Campari, marked his debut in comics— ing Carlo Manzoni, Bassano Erba, and An- datable between 1927 and ’29—and his ad |23| gelo Uglietti) titled Latteria di Tripoli (Tri- shorts for the ipc can be traced back to the poli Dairy) and released in early 1934. The same period. Indeed, humour illustrations pamphlet—published in a double edition constituted an important part of Muna- of deluxe and common versions ‘for the ri’s illustration work during the 1930s, as benefit of needy students’—beginning with they meshed well with his personal sense its very title, is a parody of the homony- of irony and responded to the public’s mous lottery Lotteria di Tripoli (Tripoli growing taste for the new comic strip and Lottery) launched a year earlier by the Ital- humourous newspaper genres. Despite ian government.143 The color cover, signed the appearance of American comics in the Munari/r+m, depicts a Disneyesque cow144 Corrierino, aimed at an adult readership, with a student underneath wearing a In Italy comics were still considered a mi- tricked-out goliardic cocked cap and milk- nor genre, aimed primarily at a younger or ing banknotes from its udder; furthermore, semi-literate readership.147 Furthermore, the composition jokingly riffs on a famous conditioned by educational aims, the new poster by Fabrizio Seneca.145 The inside medium was inevitably affected by the includes humorous short texts, cartoons, general climate under Fascist rule, yielding and photomontages by Munari, who was to become a vehicle of nationalist propa- one of the magazine’s editors (all depicted ganda for both the regime and the Catholic in a color illustration by Balilla Magistri), and alongside Ricas designed the layout. 143 . Paired with the includes an advertisement Tripoli Gran Prix auto com- for the r+m studio. An illus- Compared to the caricaturesque tone of petition, the Lotteria di tration by Balilla Magistri the cover illustration, Munari’s develops a Tripoli (1933–41) was the shows the editors Bassano first annual lottery run by Erba, Berto Andreoli, Carlo surreal tone in the vignettes—similar to the the Italian government. Manzoni, Angelo Uglietti, ones he published in the Almanacco lette- 144 . See, for example, Pino Donizetti, and Bruno the short film Steamboat Munari—some of whom rario Bompiani 1933— thereby proving that Willy (1928). also authored work for the 145 . Fabrizio Seneca, previous special issue, Cip!… ‘Lotteria di Tripoli’ (1934), Cip!…(Cammarota 2006: 34×48 cm. Salce Collection, 226–7). Museo L. Bailo, Treviso. 147 . This prejudice did 146 . Latteria di Tripoli. not, however, prevent the Numero unico dei goliardi mi- Corriere dei Piccoli from lanesi a favore degli studenti reaching a weekly circula- bisognosi. Milan: unoffi- tion of 80 thousand from cially published, [February/ its first issue (1908) on, March] 1934. Printed by and reaching a vast reader- S.A. Stampa Periodica Mi- ship that extended into the lanese, Milan. 22.5×30 cm; postwar period after wwii paperback; pp. 64. With (Bona 1998). numerous caricatures;

Futurism, advertising, rationalism Church.148 It was primarily during the desire for criticism of Fascist-era rhetorics’, 1930s, in the wake of the economic crisis, those magazines became a custom of their that American adventure comics became own, and their characters and expressions a hit in Italy (thanks to all King Features were adopted for everyday use.153 This ex- Syndicate’s main characters, from Tarzan plains why comics—which were so popular 80 to Mandrake, as well as Disney’s, led by with a young readership, whose moods Topolino (Mickey Mouse), as evidenced by they interpreted, to a certain degree—also the appearance of countless new publica- circulated and were appreciated in intel- tions.149 Their increasing success (which lectual circles, and in Milan’s literary and the regime tolerated until 1938) inspired publishing world in particular: there’s no original Italian productions, whose artists other explanation for the collaborations came primarily from the fields of illustra- publishers like Bompiani and Mondadori tion and, above all, satirical papers. established not only with Munari, but also The juxtaposition of the two genres is many other satirical artists, cartoonists, not surprising, insofar as humour was, at and authors. the time, an emerging phenomenon of the cultural industry, capable of horizontally penetrating various broad, rather heteroge- 150 neous readerships. Although in the pre- 148 . Both Il Balilla Galantara, Attalo (pseudo- (published by the Fascist nym of Gioacchino Colizzi), vious decade the establishment of the re- daily Il Popolo d’Italia) and Mameli Barbara, Cesare gime severely limited freedom of the press, Il Giornalino (published by Zavattini, as well as Metz the Catholic Edizioni San and Mosca. It was a biweek- in the early 1930s comic papers—albeit with Paolo) debuted in 1923–24. ly, published Thursday and a different tone—made a comeback. Fol- 149 . The main publica- Saturday. Characterised tions: Jumbo (1932–38), to by a goliardic, slightly rude lowing on the tails of Marc’Aurelio’s (1931) which the Cossio brothers spirit (which was in turn 151 also contributed; L’Audace characteristic of the Roman phenomenal success, a series of papers (1934–41); L’Avventuro- scene), it was an immediate targeting an adult, bourgeois readership so (1934–43); L’intrepi- success and between 1935 do (1935–43); Topolino and 1940 reached weekly appeared; these periodicals marked the ar- (launched in 1932 by Nerbi- runs of over 350 thousand rival of ‘a new, intelligent formula for sat- ni, taken over by Monda- copies. See Gianeri (Gec) dori in ’35 under a Disney 1967: 148; Gianeri (Gec), ire, made up of allusions, suggestions, and licence); Il Vittorioso (1937). Rauch 1976: 33–4; Man- Such widespread circula- gini, Pallottino 1994: 163; indirect swipes more than openly expressed tion ultimately led to the Pallottino 1998: 324; Carpi things. It was the only kind of satire that adoption of speech balloons 2002: 60. 152 instead of the rhyming 152 . Gianeri (Gec), could be done’. It was a surreal humour, captions originally used by Rauch 1976: 33; cf. Murialdi based on nonsense and word play, following the Corriere dei piccoli in 1986: 103–4, 154. the teens (Pallottino 1998: 153 . Chiavarini 1998: in the footsteps of the absurdist humour 318–20). 139. See also the observa- 150 . Just as it is not sur- tions of Oreste Del Buono Ettore Petrolini innovated in the theatre prising that the main forces and Italo Calvino: ‘It does and Achille Campanile worked with in on the market were the two not seem insignificant that largest periodical publish- comics and humour papers prose. Deploying a kind of humour that, ers, Rizzoli and Mondadori. were so popular at the time ultimately, responded to the ‘widespread 151 . Marc’Aurelio (1931– (…)’ (Del Buono 1971: xvii); 1943) was a comic paper and ‘(…) certainly Bertoldo presence, throughout Italy, of a repressed founded in Rome in 1931 by gave youth a ‘somewhere Oberdan Cotone and Vito else’ where they could take de Bellis. It gathered all the refuge from the totalitar- best satire writers from oth- ian language (…)’ (Calvino, er papers of the early dec- ‘L’irresistibile satira di un ades of the twentieth centu- poeta stralunato’ in La Re- ry (Il Becco giallo, Il Travaso pubblica, 6 March 1984: 19, delle idee), which had been cit. in Mangini, Pallottino muzzled by the laws and 1994: 164). prohibitions imposed by 154 . Cesare Pavese, ar- the regime. Directed by the ticle published in L’Unità, 3 young Giovanni Mosca and August 1947, cit. in Braida Vittorio Metz, it featured 2003: 46. Cf. Pedullà 1997: some of the most famous 358, 360–1. contributors: Gabriele

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 The publishing industry’s dynamism af- The compilation-oriented structure fected both the periodical and book sec- of the publication, centered on a review of tors: it was the decade of translations, as the year’s literature in Italy and abroad, in- Cesare Pavese later said, and publishers itially conformed to the literary customs of 80 both large and small aimed to popularize the time, and therefore appeared in a medi- 81 international literature—a goal facilitated um-sized format with vignettes and draw- by reduced royalties for foreign authors.154 ings but without any photographs. Thanks While Rizzoli focussed on mass-market il- to the new editorial formula launched lustrated magazines, especially women’s in ’33 (the first edition edited not only by magazines, the other key new publisher, Bompiani, but also Cesare Zavattini), the Mondadori, made an upward leap from Almanacco soon became a more unusual children’s books and textbooks to litera- publication, and its editors—attentive as ture, thanks to their aggressive author- they were to young talents, and open to recruitment campaign (which allowed innovation—allowed themselves (at least them to offer more than the competition), up until 1937) to indulge in unusual ap- their maniacal attention to books’ graphic proaches to both the layout and images. look, and their remarkable promotional efforts. Part of that strategy included the I met him in 1930 (…) Bompiani was the new publisher, and his Almanacco featured work 1925 launch of the Almanacco letterario, an by new draughtsmen, painters, caricatur- annual gift book of curiosities and un- ists, illustrators, graphic designers (…) who, published texts.155 In 1930 the Almanacco alongside literary news, ironic texts, and gos- sip (…) published their drawings; the young letterario was acquired and further devel- architects showed architectural sketches and oped by Valentino Bompiani—Mondadori’s drawings; basically, this Almanacco intro- former secretary general, who in 1929 left duced readers to a developing cultural spec- trum that went beyond just Italian culture.160 to found his own publishing house, focussing on contemporary fiction, especially 156 foreign titles —who made it a key publi- 155 . Founded by Monda- annual book edition. It was cation within his larger advertising strat- dori in 1925 and directed by only available in bookshops. Umberto Fracchia (literary It aimed to be a ‘summary’ egy, aimed at a broad public rather than a director of the publisher’s of the year in culture. It cre- more specialised readership.157 Munari had book division, and later ated a chance for Italian founder of the magazine writers, even from other already met Bompiani at the Libreria Uni- L’Italia Letteraria), the an- publishers, to meet. It be- 158 nual publication was edited gan with Zavattini in the tas bookshop, but his first contact with by Valentino Bompiani and 1930s (…)’ (Silvana Ottieri, the editorial offices on Via Durini must Enrico Piceni until 1928. ‘Valentino Bompiani: impa- The magazine went with ginare la vita’ at http://rcs- have taken place in 1931, perhaps through him, as a gift from Monda- libri.corriere.it/bompiani/ Marinetti, who alongside Masnata was a dori, when Bompiani briefly pantaeditoria/3.htm, last went to work at the publish- accessed 5 November 2010) contributor to the 1932 edition, in which er Unitas, and from 1930 158 . Opened by Bom- on it was run by Bompiani piani during his brief period Munari debuted with a series of caricatures as part of his own publish- directing the small publish- similar to those of his early career.159 ing venture (Valli 1990: 18; er (1928-29), it was fre- Bompiani 1976: 6; Piazzoni quented by Milanese writ- 2007: 55–64). ers, intellectuals, and artists 156 . Decleva in Rumi, (Piazzoni 2007: 43). Vercelloni, Cova 1994: 34–5, 159 . Almanacco lettera- 40; cf. Accame 1989: 30–49. rio 1932. Milan: Bompiani, 157 . Piazzoni 2007: 55. December 1931. Printed by The publication was initially Unione Tipografica, Milan. (from 1930 to ’33) accom- 15.5x20.5 cm, paperback, panied by an Almanacco pp. 368 (11). Cover by Bru- Aeronautico, edited by Orio no Angoletta. It included Vergani and Giuseppe Mor- 5 line drawings by Munari mino (ibid). ‘Bompiani was to accompany the ‘Dialogo not a periodical publisher, illustrato’ text by Falconi and he knew it. (…) The and Biancoli (ivi: 189). Almanacco Letterario was not 160 . Munari in Accame a periodical, but rather an 1989: 66.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism In 1932 Munari designed the cover of a longer yet more intermittent collaboration novel that became a bestseller for the with the monthly L’Ala d’Italia—consti- |24| small publisher, Un’avventura a Budapest tuted his most long-term professional ex- by the Hungarian author Ferenc Körmendi, perience of the 1930s. His name appears in which was soon followed by another title, each edition up to 1939 amongst those of 82 also designed by Munari.161 For both covers Bompiani and Zavattini’s closest collabo- the artist adopted an intentionally paired- rators; and in his role as graphic designer down, against-the-trend approach, with he was able to work not only with illustra- the title rendered in informal, immediate tion and photography, but layout as well. writing, without relying on the support of Observing each successive edition of the any imagery whatsoever.162 Published in annual, a clear transition from Munari’s the Letteraria Stranieri (Foreign Literature) comics-inspired style to the use of various series, the two books marked the begin- other techniques can be seen, from photo- ning of a long collaboration with Bompiani montage to collage to photograms, all the designing covers; his work with them in- while maintaining his distinctive ironic tensified in the 1940s, and continued even tone. Even though small, light-weight stronger in the postwar period. The success line drawings (a few featuring collage) of Körmendi’s books helps explain Muna- were still a part of the Almanacco letterario ri’s conspicuous role in the Almanacco let- 1935,166 by the 1934 edition photographic terario 1933, which explicitly credited him 163 in the colophon. In addition to a series 161 . Ferenc Körmendi, 164 . ‘Progetto di loco- Un’avventura a Budapest motiva per la nuova stazio- |67| of photomontages (‘Atmosfera 1933’) that (orig. title: A Budapesti ne di Milan’ (17), ‘L’annata attest to the editors’ unusual attention to kaland). Milan: Bompiani, letteraria in Italia’ (44–55), 1932. In-8º, pp.414. Pub- ‘marzo nudista (…), maggio photographic imagery, Munari contributed lished in Italian the same bellico’ (141), ‘Le grandi |25| illustrations for two texts by Marinetti (‘Il year that it won the inter- manovre navali della let- national competition run by teratura italiana’ (143–7), teatro totale delle masse’ and ‘Il Futurismo the Associated English and ‘giugno novellistico’ (187), American Publishers, this ‘Viaggio a sorpresa’ (193–4), al 1933’) and numerous drawings to ac- novel was issued in 13 edi- ‘Le donne letterate’ (239), company literary reviews, divertissements, tions over just a few years. ‘settembre avanti lettera’ 164 Ferenc Körmendi, Via Bo- (301), ‘Il teatro totale delle and miscellaneous columns. On the denbach. Milan: Bompiani, masse’ (Marinetti) (302–7), whole, these were comic- and caricature- 1933 (orig. title: Pa. 7, 15 Via ‘Il Futurismo al 1933’ (Ma- Bodenbach). In-8º, pp.275. rinetti) (312–5), ‘Panzini type illustrations, which sometimes veered Both novels were published and Pegaso’ (316), ‘ottobre in the Letteraria series, statistico’ (319), ‘liriche toward the grotesque; the quality of his which was the most long- di Luciano Folgore’ (355), contributions is not always the highest, lived. The two covers are ‘Indiscrezioni statistiche,’ reproduced in Almanacco ‘Milano proteste,’ ‘Dove va and the best examples are those in which letterario 1935 (for an exam- il romanzo?’. his comic verve unites with a sure-handed ple of Munari’s handwrit- 165 . For example, a ing, see his graphic work in few representations of the mark making, in forms reminiscent of his Almanacco letterario 1936: months (May, September), 165 99). Cf. Longoni in Braida an illustration opening the aeropictorial works. 2003: 78. text on Futurist theatre, Munari’s collaboration with the Alma- 162 . A completely dif- and drawings interspersed ferent approach applies to throughout the annual nacco letterario—with the exception of his the cover design of the next literary review. Manzoni’s novel, La generazione felice work in the same volume (Bompiani, 1935) which shows similarities to Mu- introduces a constructivist nari’s graphic style, which approach in his work. was also evident in the pho- 163 . Valentino Bom- tomontages and could be piani, Cesare Zavattini explained as a reciprocal in- (ed.), Almanacco letterario fluence or an exchange be- 1933. Milan: Bompiani, De- tween the two young artists cember 1932. 15.5x20.5 (as happened between Ricas cm, paperback, pp.(48) and Munari in painting). 384. Colour cover by Bruno 166 . Valentino Bompia- Angoletta; Carlo Manzoni ni, Cesare Zavattini (ed.), and Erberto Carboni were Almanacco letterario Bom- among the illustrators. piani 1935. Milan: Bompiani,

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 |68| works—photomontage and photograms in Toward mid-decade, basically, Munari had particular—took the upper hand.167 The rel- definitively embraced collage, and showed ative weight of traditional illustration (ink a predilection for the manipulation of fin drawings, albeit still in the style of comics), de siècle magazines and catalogues to diso- 82 declined, making way for formal experi- rienting and ironic ends: collage became 83 ments in collage and montage, which led his most relevant technique during this Munari—much like Manzoni and Carboni— period, and he used it primarily to create to try his hand first at incongruous collage illustrations for the most varied editorial (following the example set by Max Ernst contexts (but then abandoned it complete- and Jacques Maret), and later at bona fide ly after wwiI). In the following edition, ti- photomontage, often with graphic or pic- tled Almanacco antiletterario 1937—which, torial elements. as stated in the preface, was provocatively This trajectory can also be seen in his conceived of as a controversial and tongue- contributions to L’Ala d’Italia, an avia- in-cheek book—photography in all its man- tion monthly published in Milan, whose ifestations (photomontages, photocollage, editorial team, led by Federigo Valli, was photo sequences) did not act exclusively as surprisingly open to the innovations of the a visual support for the text, but rather as- Milanese avant garde—while, conversely, sumed its own role as an autonomous, par- aviation’s ‘mechanical’ connotations allel narration.171 made it an important meeting point be- 1934. Printed by Tip. Pizzi founded in 1919 as Gazzetta 168 tween Futurism and Fascism. In 1932 the & Pizio, Milan. 21×28 cm, dell’aviazione, but published paperback, pp.128 (civ). regularly only beginning in magazine changed its format and layout; Colour cover by Erberto 1922. Directed by Attilio Munari’s hand is evident on the covers as Carboni. Munari is incor- Longoni, and later Federigo rectly listed as ‘C[arlo] Valli. In 1935 L’Ala d’Italia well as the layout of several articles that, in Munari’ amongst the con- was named ‘the national pe- both their photographic cropping and text tributors, together with riodical of Fascist aviation’ Giorgio Tabet and Mario and the publisher moved formatting, introduce a constructivist-type Vellani Marchi. His draw- to Rome, into the newly ings (small coats of arms) built Ministero dell’aero- approach. Throughout his long collabora- accompany a collection of nautica; the editorial offices tion with the magazine, which continued authors’ declarations (12– remained in Milan. Regard- 3), while the divertissement ing the connection between up until ’39, Munari (sometimes alongside ‘Multa rinascentur…’ recy- Fascism and Futurism, see Ricas) produced noteworthy humorous cles drawings already pub- Schnapp 2008: 146. lished in the 1933 edition 169 . For the article by and propagandistic photomontages, the (20). A curiosity: on p.38 Pietro Maria Bardi, ‘At- an engraving by Eric Gill is tenzione, attenzione!’, in first of which appeared in the February 1933 reproduced, and was almost L’Ala d’Italia xii; 2 (Febru- issue; and (as a unique case) the same is- certainly taken from an ary 1933): 33–6. One of the article published in Arts et three drawings is signed sue featured line drawings analogous to the Métiers Graphiques (no.25, Munari+D (Mario Duse, comics he had illustrated for Bompiani.169 September 1931: 357–64). of the Milanese Futurist 167 . V. Bompiani, group; Di Corato 2008: The change in style appears fully com- C. Zavattini (ed.), Alma- 224). nacco letterario Bompiani 170 . V. Bompiani et al. |71| pleted in the Almanacco letterario 1936, in 1934. Milan: Bompiani, (ed.), Almanacco letterario which Munari published a series of collage 1933. 21×28 cm, paper- Bompiani 1936. Milan: Bom- 170 back, pp.112 (lxviii). ‘This piani, 1935. 21×28.5 cm, images that supplanted comic drawings. catalogue was compiled by paperback, pp., (lvii) 112 Valentino Bompiani and (2). Munari, in addition to Cesare Zavattini with the doing the layout, created collaboration of the painter a series of collage illustra- Munari and the photog- tions (‘Film documentario rapher Egone’. Cover by dell’anno 1935,’ pp.19–28; Erberto Carboni. Munari ‘Peccati letterari,’ pp.42– did various photomontages, 43), two photomontages photograms, and photo- and a little graphic scherzo graphs for this edition, (p.99). Note also the photo- in addition to designing its collages by Carboni and the layout. group of architects known 168 . The official pub- as bbpr. lication of the Regio Ae- 171 . Emilio Radius, Dino ronautico Club Italiano, Buzzati, Bruno Munari,

Futurism, advertising, rationalism Setting aside political satire, which was ef- of the Rizzoli paper’s authors and artists, fectively impossible, Marc’Aurelio marked Munari was not included in the circle of its the transition to a more imaginative hu- contributors—who nevertheless almost all mour as an end in itself: throughout the crossed paths again as the editorial team 1920s, the earlier satirical papers had ex- of Settebello, the competing humour weekly 84 perienced changes in direction and adap- Mondadori launched in 1938, to which tations of their editorial line that ended Munari was a regular contributor up until up conforming to the climate imposed by 1939.177 the regime.172 In addition to vignettes and Il Settebello was associated with the short pieces making fun of Fascist Italy’s editorial team of Marc’Aurelio, which Mon- enemy du jour, these papers took aim at dadori acquired and entrusted to Zavattini the same bourgeois public of which their and Campanile to turn it into an illus- readerships consisted: ‘pre-fab motifs: trated magazine. For its relaunch, Zavattini women in crisis, sterile couples, bon vi- focused on contributions from well known vants and fat bourgeois’.173 Rizzoli’s Ber- artists and writers (Trilussa, Campani- toldo and Mondadori’s Settebello were the le, Guasta, Steinberg, and Zavattini him- chief papers to fully perfect the formula self, all of whom formed the new editorial begun by Marc’Aurelio, accentuating its

surreal aspects: on a graphic level, that type Valentino Bompiani (ed.), Gianeri (Gec), Rauch 1976: of humour translated into a space without Almanacco antiletterario 33–4; Mangini, Pallottino Bompiani 1937. Milan: Bom- 1994: 37–47, 183; Carpi perspective or gravity, accentuated by a lin- piani, 1936. 21×28.5 cm, 2002: 62–4. paperback, pp. 236. Munari 176 . Zavattini: ‘Rizzoli ear mark in which objects and characters designed the layout, the gave me some papers to are immersed.174 Faced with the commer- cover, and a series of pho- manage (…) I brought out tomontages and collages. some young cartoonists cial success of Marc’Aurelio, in 1936 Rizzoli There are also two small and humour writers, Gua- (which had tried to acquire the Rome- line illustrations for the reschi, Manzoni, Brancacci, piece by Marinetti, but they because we’d decided to based publication to no avail) created its are minimal (112–3). publish that kind of weekly’, 172 . Aside from from an interview in Parlia- own humour weekly, Bertoldo, planned Marc’Aurelio, the most mo tanto di me (Milan: Bom- alongside Zavattini—who, however, due widespread comic papers piani, 1977): x, cit. in Man- were Il Travaso delle idee, gini, Pallottino 1994: 39. to a last-minute clash with the publisher, 420, Guerin Meschino, and 177 . Founded in Rome went to Rizzoli’s competitor, Mondadori.175 Pasquino (Gianeri (Gec), in 1933 by Egeo Carcavallo Rauch 1976: 32–4). and Bepi Fabiano, mod- Rizzoli then entrusted Giovanni Mosca 173 . Gianeri (Gec) cit. elled on the French Ric et in Aloi, Moretti 2006. Rac (a comic-strip weekly and Vittorio Metz with its management, 174 . Mangini, Pallottino published by Fayard, 1929), and hired an editorial team of very young 1994: 41–2. later compiled by the edi- 175 . Bertoldo (Milan: tors of Marc’Aurelio, in 1938 humorists adept at the new style, includ- Rizzoli, 1936–43). Biweekly Il Settebello (1938–1943) ing Giovannino Guareschi, Carlo Manzo- (Tuesdays and Fridays), was acquired by Mondado- but when Rizzoli ended up ri, who moved its editorial ni, Walter Molino, Giaci Mondaini, and acquiring Marc’Aurelio in offices to Milan and hired 1940, Bertoldo turned into a Zavattini and Campanile as Saul Steinberg (who was an architecture weekly. The masthead was directors. It has been called student in Milan at the time).176 Although designed by Mario Bazzi, ‘the most peripatetic paper the layout (which remained in all Italian journalism, it he certainly knew and frequented several virtually unchanged over passed through so many the years) was by Guareschi, hands’ (Gianeri (Gec) who was also managing edi- 1967: 151). In 1939 the pa- tor until its closure. Aside per changed its title to Ecco, from a few colour editions, and later switched back to Il the graphics were entirely settebello: nipote settimanale black and white, in order del Bertoldo and the news- to distinguish itself from paper format; in 1941 it was illustrated women’s maga- acquired by Rizzoli, with zines, which were identified Giovanni Mosca as director. more by the colour of the See Gianeri (Gec), Rauch ink than by their content 1976: 34; Cf. Mangini, Pal- (Manzoni 1964: 20). See lottino 1994: 38–39; Pal- Manzoni 1964: 22–32; Gia- lottino 1998: 324–5; Carpi neri (Gec) 1967: 151–152; 2002: 59–90.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 board), on improving the editorial formula Einaudi, titled Le macchine di Munari (Mu- (with more vignettes and fewer texts), and nari’s Machines, 1942).182 on a new graphic look.178 The contributors During the first phase of its relaunch, included those who worked with Rizzoli's with editorial offices still centered in Rome, 84 Bertoldo, like Steinberg, Bazzi, Manzi, Mo- Settebello kept its large-scale format, albeit 85 lino, Mondaini, and new names, including with variations to the original typographic Boccasile, Gec, Tabet. Munari, according layout; the editorial offices moved to Mi- to Zavattini’s ‘name policy’, ran his own lan between October and November 1938, space in the paper: indeed, in his rather whereupon the weekly adopted a smaller unique contributions he presented, follow- format and different graphic look, with ing the example of the American cartoon- a colour cover and higher page count.183 ist Rube Goldberg, a series of implausible Although there is no concrete proof, Mu- contraptions that were as complicated as nari may have been directly involved with they were useless.179 Whether it was a deliberate choice or not, Munari avoided the 178 . Large format root of it: ‘(…) I’ll gladly more hackneyed types of humour with his (40×56 cm) and 6 pages accept your proposal but I (later 8); news announced think it would be advisable |28| machines—for example, types of satire ex- in issue no. 232, 16 April to revisit those machines ploiting women and the more advanced 1938 (Carpi 2002: 71). and do them better, and in 179 . Already well colour. I could also man- cultural currents—and instead embodied known in Italy: cf. Munari age the graphic design and the paper’s nonconformist spirit, which 1966 (Arte come mestiere): binding. I’d like to make it 15. Rube Goldberg (1883– ‘my book’ (…)’; ‘Dear Cesa- was more popular with his younger gen- 1970), American cartoonist rissimo, the book I’m do- and draughtsman. He rose ing with Einaudi is in good eration. This ironic and detached attitude to fame with ‘Foolish Ques- shape and I often think of can also be seen in his use of surrealist col- tions’, vignettes published your altruism and your now in the New York Evening long-standing friendship. I lage in other editorial contexts (that were Mail in the teens, charac- hope it is a success. Einaudi not specifically humour-based), where the terised by a surreal sense will also publish the silla- of humour. Beginning in bario (you remember the technique allowed him to carve out his 1914 he created a series of primer?) (…)’ (Archivio 180 satirical vignettes featur- Zavattini, Biblioteca Panizzi, own original space. In light of such de- ing improbable gadgets that Reggio Emilia: Zavattini/ velopments, it is worthwhile to reflect on performed chain reactions Munari correspondence, to complete banal tasks. His m844/4 and m844/1 re- two interesting examples from the early success led to such inven- spectively; italics mine). 1930s: Tullio d’Albisola’s letterhead, which tions being named after 183 . The new format him. Winner of the 1948 was 19.5×28 cm, pp.24/32. Munari designed around 1932 or ’33, fea- Pulitzer Prize. On 16 May 1939 the weekly 180 . Cf. Mangini, Pal- changed its name, Ecco turing a drawing that foreshadowed such lottino 1994: 167–8. Mu- Settebello (later just Ecco) |25| inventions; and an illustration that ap- nari himself considered and returned to the news- his comic output with a paper format. The change peared in the Almanacco letterario 1933 de- slightly condescending eye, can most likely be attrib- picting an imaginary mechanism similar to as if it belonged to his ju- uted to the goal of shutting venilia: ‘(…) those comic the publication down; the the ‘comic machines’ that made him a suc- [machines] that I drew regime did not approve of it, 181 during my student years, with but because it was on good cess in the pages of Settebello. Later on, in the sole aim of making my terms with Mondadori it one of Zavattini’s ventures, those images friends laugh’ (Munari offered them a way out: the 1966: 15, italics mine) weekly could continue pub- were collected into a book published by 181 . D’Albisola’s let- lication for a year or so (but terhead can be seen in the in 1940 both Campanile Mazzotti-Thayaht corre- and Zavattini left) reduc- spondence dated 3 March ing the page count to 16 and 1934 (Mart, Archivio modifying its content to a del 900, fondo Thayaht: more literary focus. Dur- Tha 1.2.07.63); the illustra- ing the war, other Mon- tion titled ‘Settembre avanti dadori mastheads had to lettera’ is in Almanacco lette- cease publication: Il Milione rario 1933, cit.: 301. (which replaced Le Grandi 182 . See Munari’s cor- Firme) and Novellissima, respondence with Zavattini while the illustrated week- [late 1941/early ’42], which lies Tempo and Grazia car- clearly leads one to believe ried on (Carpi 2002: 78–9). that Zavattini was at the

Futurism, advertising, rationalism the magazine’s redesign; actually it is Yet even that became a brief experiment: quite probable, since within the next few by 1939 Mondadori was already working months (if not as early as November) he on the new illustrated magazine Tempo, became an artistic consultant for another which joined the women’s weekly Grazia of Mondadori’s illustrated magazines, (launched in November of the previous 86 Grazia—which paved the way for him to year): thus the last issue of Il Milione closed become art director of Tempo only a few with the editors saying their farewells to months later. the readership by effectively saying ‘see you As an illustrator, during this same pe- soon in the pages of the new periodical.’ riod Munari occasionally contributed to another periodical associated with Zavat- tini: Le Grandi firme, a literary magazine Realist style founded and directed by the writer Piti- Through this exposure to the complex re- grilli.184 In 1937 Zavattini had Mondadori alities of a major editorial group like Mon- acquire the Turin-based biweekly, became dadori, Munari caught a glimpse of new managing director, and turned it into an possibilities for working within the nascent illustrated weekly, characterised by Bocca- cultural industry. Such experiences were sile’s voluptuous colour covers.185 While quite distant from both the niche environ- keeping the editorial formula of the short- ment surrounding Futurism as well as the fiction magazine, the new management editorial offices of minor magazines and secured (thanks to the publisher’s strong publications not affiliated with an indus- catalogue) better authors, and the colour- trial group nor conceived of as illustrated illustration format, weekly schedule, re- magazines, which were the real publishing duced price, and inclusion of photography innovation of the 1930s. These possibilities all helped the magazine gain greater visibil- were fundamentally different with respect ity, setting itself apart from other literary to the paths taken up until then, insofar as and specialist periodicals.186 Because it was they allowed for a broader and more capil- a sui generis literary magazine, Munari’s lary influence on the social landscape and contributions were limited to a few line mass communications. Therefore it was, illustrations, such as the ones that accom- once again, in Milanese magazine publish- panied an article by Angelo Frattini, ‘La ing, where he had already experienced his Lamentevole istoria di Giovannino rovina- to dalla passione per il cinema,’ in March 184 . Literary magazine to begin the endeavour with 187 founded and directed by Rizzoli, but Mondadori 1938. Dino Segre (a.k.a. Pitigrilli) ultimately made it happen. Despite its success, the magazine was in Turin in 1924, Le Grandi The provocative ‘signorine firme was a bimonthly of grandi firme’ were the Ital- forced to shut down in October 1938, re- novellas and serial novels, ian equivalent of American which adopted the French pin-ups, and entered the placed by the new Il Milione, which con- custom of including a fac- male psyche of the times tinued along the same lines, with the simile of the original sig- with equal ease. natures (firme) below each 186 . ‘(…) Today the same editorial team and graphic look. text. Focussing primarily on public is not content to just comic novels and erotica, it read. They want photogra- became the fashional maga- phy. The stadium and the zine of Italy’s ‘decent mid- cinema have taught them to dle class’ (Pallottino 1998: see. Between the columns 256, 325; Carpi 2002: 91– of typographic composi- 120. Cf. http://it.wikipedia. tion and fantasy, they want org/wiki/Le_Grandi_Firme, to see some photographs, last accessed July 2010). or some window into life Segre (1893–1975) was a and into reality’ (Zavattini, writer, journalist, and spy from the editorial in issue for Ovra, the Fascist secret no.308, 22 April 1937; cit. police. in Carpi 2002: 91). 185 . As with Bertoldo, 187 . In Le Grandi firme, Zavattini originally planned xv; 357 (31 March 1938).

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 first significant graphic evolution—from the various publishing products he worked comics and humour illustrations to col- on.188 lage and photomontage—that at the dawn This type of repertoire belonged pri- of the 1940s Munari discovered a new pro- marily to illustrated periodicals directly 86 fessional realm as art director for Monda- tied to the regime, like La Rivista illustrata 87 dori’s periodicals. But he did not take this del Popolo d’Italia, and secondarily to il- step without first exploring other possibili- lustrated current-events monthlies like La ties in the broader field of illustration. Lettura and Natura, which nevertheless re- At the time, the field of graphic design flected the increasingly repressive climate. was still developing, and reflected a prac- The control the Ministry of Popular Cul- tice that included disciplines now consid- ture wielded over any and everything that ered autonomous, even if complementary: was published was exercised through both illustration, photography, advertising, ty- preventive censure and seizure as well as pography, exhibition design, interior deco- the self-censure of publishers themselves. ration—Munari’s experience went fluidly Not surprisingly, beginning in 1935 with from illustration to advertising and vice the war in Ethiopia and the international versa (not to mention his strictly artistic sanctions, there was a return to order in all endeavors). Along this open, non-linear sectors of culture that was clearly reflected route he did not hesitate to try out well in the press’s esthetic choices and con- beaten paths, if he felt they were the ap- tent.189 The Almanacco letterario Bompiani is propriate choice within his given context. a case in point: as early as the monograph- Thus, parallel to his work in comic draw- ic edition of 1938, dedicated to the passing ings, Futurist illustration, and avant-garde of Luigi Pirandello, and even more in the photomontage, Munari also explored tra- following editions, the periodical’s typo- ditional visual languages that were curi- graphic look was decidedly more sober and ously close to the expressive values of the traditional, and both comic illustrations Novecento movement. He used a realistic and photomontage were newly absent.190 approach for the covers of the periodicals Beginning in the late 1920s, the avail- most in keeping with the regime and the ability of a broader range of columns more generalist press. Many of his tempera and the appearance of illustrated supple- illustrations from the early 1940s (at the ments favoured newspapers’ spread to height of the war) while documenting oc- ever greater swaths of the population.191 casionally embarrassing political themes, often resort to an iconography that is any- 188 . One must remem- alongside Bompiani and thing but original, expressed in a crude ber the meticulousness with Zavattini; in addition to the which Munari constructed duotone photomontage on mannerism. Incongruous as it may seem his own personal mythology the cover, Munari also did during the postwar period, the layout. Almanacco lette- with his Futurist militancy and artistic in- emphasising certain aspects rario Bompiani 1939. Milan: clinations, such a choice is explicable when of his work and exclud- Bompiani, 1938. 27,8×20,8 ing others that could seem cm paperback, pp. (xcviii) one considers the communicative ends of contradictory, less original, 192. Printed by Società Gra- or even embarrassing when fica G[iuseppe] Modiano, compared to the persona of Milan. The typographic the rational, creative de- design basically followed signer. Cf. Schnapp 2008: that of the previous edition, 144. while the cover featured a 189 . Braida 2003: 48. design based on a wooden 190 . Almanacco letterario texture (on which a sheet of Bompiani 1938. Milan: Bom- letterhead is depicted) and piani, 1937. 27,8×20,8 cm, the photographic illustra- paperback, pp. (lxiv) 160. tions (aside from the ones Printed by Società Grafica of architecture) were sim- G[iuseppe] Modiano, Mi- ple realist montages. lan. Munari was amongst 191 . Cannistraro 1975: the many compilers, 202–3.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism Of the Milanese newspapers, the Fascist Munari did for the Rivista up until 1940 all daily Il Popolo d’Italia192 had created its featured political themes and iconography own monthly supplement in 1923, founded that were near and dear to the regime’s and directed by Arnaldo Mussolini and rhetoric: toeing the magazine’s line, the Manlio Morgagni.193 As a widespread images translate themes like ‘Roman-ness’, 88 current-events periodical that was richly autarchy, swamp drainage and land recla- illustrated and played a strong role as a mation, the war in East Africa, the Empire; showcase for the regime’s achievements, La at times they are literal transpositions of Rivista Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia enjoyed propagandistic slogans (like the ubiquitous constant contributions by Mario Sironi— inscriptions covering the façades of public who strongly influenced its graphic aspect buildings). Beginning with the Septem- through his large repertoire of covers, il- ber 1935 issue, which painted a nationalist lustratons, and headings—as well as those picture of the Ethiopian war, the montage of important artists like Nizzoli, Garretto, technique was abandoned in favour of a Prampolini, Depero, and Sepo.194 Between less precise, more immediate type of draw- late 1931 and early ’32 Munari also joined ing, which was part of a tendency that grew the magazine’s team of contributors, ini- stronger over the years and culminated in tially doing aeropictorial illustrations and an elementary, two-dimensional, almost his first compositions based on photomon- childlike style.197 Other covers, generally tage. His collaboration with the magazine lasted until 1940, with alternations be- 192 . Il Popolo d’Italia, politics to sports, fashion, historic Milanese Fascist art, theatre, and literature tween more sophisticated illustrations and paper founded by Benito (Pallottino 1988: 314, 256; propagandistic covers modelled on picto- Mussolini in 1914 (directed Lattarulo 1995: 94; Mar- by his brother Arnaldo gozzi, Rum 2007: 76–7). rial realism. and, following his death in Mussolini’s daily paper also His first cover appeared on the March ’32, by their brother Vito), published a weekly supple- remained a relatively wide- ment, L’Illustrazione fasci- |29| 1934 issue, and depicted the foot of a co- spread party paper (largest sta, which had difficulty print run, 200,000 copies competing with established lossal statue overlaid with the outline of in 1938), despite the pre- periodicals like L’Illustrazio- Italy atop a blue background. Despite the dominance of the Corriere ne Italiana and Domenica del della Sera (Cambria 1994: Corriere; in 1931 the weekly form-emphasizing graphic treatment, it 135). became the official publica- is ultimately just a retouched photograph 193 . Manlio Morgagni tion of the Opera nazion- (1879–1943) journalist and ale dopolavoro, based in inserted into a drawing: the image basi- political figure closely tied Rome, and one can easily to the regime: contributor, imagine that the editorial cally seems like an attempt at integrating, and later administrative offices in Milan would have through concealment, the principle of director of Il Popolo d’Italia, decided to invest their new along with Arnaldo Musso- resources in a current- photomontage with very traditional illus- lini he founded La Rivista events monthly of its own, |30| tration.195 Even the following cover, in No- illustrata del Popolo d’Italia alongside the sumptuous (1923), and later Natu- editions of the Almanacco vember, was created by the same technique, ra (1928). He is primar- fascista (Cambria 1994: 141; ily known for having been cf. Margozzi, Rum 2007: and depicts a plough in the foreground the general director of the 76–7). while offering a glimpse of a tank in the Agenzia Stefani, the historic 195 . La Rivista Illustra- 196 press agency that became ta del Popolo d’Italia xii; 3 background. On the whole, the covers the official mouthpiece of (March 1934). 33.5×24.5 the regime in the 1920s. cm, pp.92. Morgagni was unwaveringly 196 . La Rivista Illu- faithful to Mussolini, and strata del Popolo d’Italia committed suicide in July xii; 11 (November 1934). 1943 upon hearing news of 33.5×24.5 cm, pp.120. This his arrest. issue is dedicated to drain- 194 . La Rivista Illustrata age of the Pontine Marshes, del Popolo d’Italia (Milan, and the image echoes Mus- 1923–1943). General- solini’s motto ‘È l’aratro interest monthly directed che traccia il solco, ma è the by Arnaldo Mussolini until spada che lo difende’ (It is 1931, thereafter by Manlio the plough that makes the Morgagni. The subject mat- furrow, but the sword de- ter it covered ranged from fends it).

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 without any particular distinction in ei- normally used for magazine. This cover ther the drawing quality or the choice shows a foreshortened view of the statue of subject matter, followed at the rate of of Emperor Augusts overlaid by the sche- about one per year: in April 1936 (an im- matic structure of an airplane wing, while 88 age dedicated to autarchy, with an Italian a flock-like formation of large airplanes 89 flag waving from a chimney in front of the diagonally cuts across the background sky. Coliseum);198 April 1937 (on the occasion It is quite probable that the stylistic choice, celebrating the ‘birth of Rome’ the cover paired with ancient Rome-inspired ico- depicts the tower of an industrial plant);199 nography, was to some degree dictated by |31| December 1937 (Roman legioneers’ in- the publication’s international context, as signia, symbolising the Imperial subject it was a collection of numerous technical matter);200 September 1938 (wheat shocks and institutional texts and was published against a blue sky crossed by three bomb- in five languages. Again here the illustra- ers);201 March 1939 (Italy’s intervention tion seems to be a compromise between in the Spanish civil war, represented by a drawing and photomontage; nevertheless, Fascist tank rolling forward);202 May 1939 the asymmetrical, diagonal composition (a view of the Gulf of Naples, dominated and the subtle play between planes give by an Italian navy submarine);203 and De- the image some dynamism and depth.205 cember 1940 (with the war underway, the The illustration published in the January image evokes a nighttime air raid).204 From 1938 issue of L’Ala d’Italia is in the same this brief overview it is easy to see how Mu- vein, and celebrates Italy’s victory in the nari adopted a deliberately paired-down, Rome-Dakar-Rio de Janeiro aeronautical loose, almost sketch-like approach for the competition.206 Rivista; and that choice is also visible in the magazine’s masthead, which was often 197 . La Rivista Illu- (December 1940). 33.5×27 strata del Popolo d’Italia cm, pp.80. imprecisely outlined. Despite his falling xiii; 9 (September 1935). 205 . L’Ala d’Italia xv; 33.5×24.5 cm, pp.92. The 10–11 (October/November back onto facile, mannered formulas, Mu- iconographic choice of a co- 1936). 21×28 cm. The statue nari’s work for two other magazines, Natu- lonial helmet hanging from is visibly retouched by a a rifle, with a bunch of texts brush (to the point of ap- ra and La Lettura, showed a greater degree in honour of the Fatherland pearing out of focus), while of liberty, and, indeed, those publications and Il Duce, appears fairly the airplane silhouettes are predictable… The same can photo clippings glued onto were less politically driven; even in his re- be said of the other covers the crudely painted sky. described here. The image’s propagandist alistic covers Munari sometimes managed 198 . La Rivista Illustra- content is unquestionable, to include his personal research on percep- ta del Popolo d’Italia xiv; 4 and associates aviation (April 1936). 33.5×24.5 cm, with the celebration of the tive phenomena (tâches, textures, figure/ pp.188. ancient Roman Emperor ground). 199 . La Rivista Illustra- Augustus during the ‘Anno ta del Popolo d’Italia xv; 4 Augustano’ (Augustan Year) |32| A cover created in 1936 for L’Ala d’Italia (April 1937). 33.5×24.5 cm, proclaimed by Mussolini to pp.116. celebrate the conquest of can also be traced back to this group, and 200 . La Rivista Illustra- Ethiopia and the proclama- its type of imagery was quite unusual com- ta del Popolo d’Italia xv; 12 tion of the empire. It was (December 1937). 33.5×24.5 during this final phase that pared to the photographic work Munari cm, pp.80. ancient Roman archaeol- 201 . La Rivista Illu- ogy became yet another tool strata del Popolo d’Italia for reinforcing the idea of xvi; 9 (September 1938). Fascist power: in 1937 the 33.5×24.5 cm, pp.80. Mostra Augustea della Ro- 202 . La Rivista Illustra- manità (Augustan Exhibi- ta del Popolo d’Italia xvii; 3 tion of Romanness) opened (March 1939). 33.5×24.5 in Rome (cf. Silk 1996: 63; cm, pp.80. Schnapp 2008: 162n). 203 . La Rivista Illustra- 206 . ‘Sorci Verdi’ in ta del Popolo d’Italia xvii; L’Ala d’Italia xviii; 1 (Janu- 5 (May 1939). 33.5×27 cm, ary 1938): photo ill. The pp.80. title was taken from the 204 . La Rivista Illustra- name of the 205th Squad of ta del Popolo d’Italia xix; 12 the Regia Aeronautica. The

Futurism, advertising, rationalism The monthly Popolo d’Italia was printed meticulousness seeps into the masthead, by Alfieri & Lacroix, the most advanced which the artist had fun with, varying its typo-lithographic press in Italy; at the design and taking different typefaces as time, Antonio Boggeri worked in the office his model for each issue.210 The following of Luigi Poli, who managed the illustrated two covers, while less precise, show equally 90 supplement’s production. For a short while fascinating images—one hinged on the (while still working for Poli), Boggeri was comparison of a prehistoric bird fossil and also art director of Natura, a publishing |36| a hummingbird, the other on a couple of enterprise launched by Alfieri & Lacroix electrical insulators and a lightning bolt together with Morgagni (director of the piercing the night sky.211 But more than all Rivista) in 1928. Natura was among Italy’s |37| the others the cover of issue 3–4 in spring first popular science magazines and had a 1942—the last one of this sort Munari did— graphic look that was relatively sumptuous marked a further, definite evolution of his for that period.207 Boggeri or Poli himself work in illustration.212 The abstract com- may have been the go-between connecting position (which effectively winks, even in the editorial offices and Munari, who be- the title, at the cosmic vein of aeropainting gan to work with the monthly in the spring of the 1930s) was created by pressing an |34| of ’32, with an impactful aeropictorial cov- object soaked in colour, which instead of er depicting a stylised agrarian landscape centred on the line of a furrow dug by a monochrome illustration is seen in 1927 at the III Mo- 208 mechanical plough. This example is also printed in green; the em- stra Internazionale delle blem and a photograph of Arti Decorative di Monza, interesting because of how the masthead is the Savoia Marchetti sm79 where the Soviet Union designed, showing a gradual assimilation fuselage are featured atop had five sections, including 209 a schematic drawing of the one dedicated to Books and of the most advanced typographic work. transatlantic flight path Photography that exhibited While the contributions Munari published (http://it.wikipedia.org/ constructivist film posters. wiki/Sorci_Verdi, last ac- 209 . His awareness of between 1933 and ’36 consisted primarily cessed 23 November 2010). Renner’s Futura Black well 207 . Directed by Luigi before its ‘discovery’ during of compositions based on photomontage, Poli and published by Alfieri the Werkbund exhibition toward the end of the decade he did a series & Lacroix between 1928 and at the V Triennale in 1933 1943, Natura was an illus- is evident. A specimen of of four illustrated covers that are particu- trated monthly magazine the type was reproduced in larly interesting on both a technical and (as stated in the subtitle) ‘of Arts et Métiers Graphiques, 100 pages of high-quality no.18 (15 July 1930); and a compositional level. The first, titled ‘Scher- paper with 200 prints and a few covers of the German colour cover by famous art- monthly die neue linie (April |35| zo con agate’, opened the February 1938 is- ists (…) it covers everything 1931, February 1932) mod- sue and differs from his previous covers in that could be of interest to a eled their mastheads on its modern soul, from econom- forms (cf. Rössler 2009: its hyperrealism (which depicts two agates ics to science, art, nature, 141–2). and a beetle on a wooden surface). Both travel, and sports. The va- 210 . Natura xi; 2 (Feb- riety of subject matter and ruary 1938). 26×34 cm, the foreground figures and background splendour of the printed il- pp.64. lustrations make it the true 211 . Natura xi; 3 (March are rendered down to the smallest detail, magazine of the well-to-do 1938). 26×34 cm, pp.64; the to the point of looking more like a pho- family’ (from an advert illustration is titled ‘Attra- published in the bulletin Il verso i millenni’. Natura tomontage than a trompe l’œil; the same Milione, October 1932). See xi; 11 (November 1938). Fossati, Sambonet 1974: 17; 26×34 cm, pp.64; the il- Monguzzi 1981: 2; Pansera lustration is titled ‘Alte 1984 in Iliprandi: 19n; Lat- tensioni’. tarulo 1995: 96. 212 . Natura xv; 3–4 208 . Natura V; 4 (April (March/April 1942). 1932), 26×34 cm. The draw- 26×34 cm, pp.92; the illus- ing recalls the propaganda tration is titled ‘Fantasia co- poster of the Stenberg smica’ and explicitly recalls brothers, ‘To the Fallow similar compositions by Ground’, constructed Prampolini, Fillìa, and other through the photographic Futurists who belonged to repetition of a tractor in the cosmic aeropictorial successively smaller sizes, current of the mid-thirties. which Munari could have

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 leaving a flat or chiaroscuro field of color novellas and serial novels by drawings, and actually made a chance texture. The reced- the colour cover was done by famous il- ing ground creates a space in which this lustrators of the day (Sacchetti, Dudovich, organic form is suspended, intersected by Brunelleschi, Tofano).214 90 a thread rendered in a contrasting chro- Munari worked with the editorial of- 91 matic gradient. Both his abandonment of fices on via Solferino as an illustrator, and figurative representation for abstract form then as a graphic consultant as well, rela- (which nevertheless still steered clear of tively late, between 1936 and ’40, in the pure geometry) and his investigation into same period of the magazine’s relaunch the communicative value of organic forms with a larger format and new illustrators to prove Munari’s new interests in the visual enliven and give a more youthful edge to its field, and make this image the tangible sign earlier look.215 As with his work for Natu- of a significant change in his approach to ra, Munari’s contributions were generally illustration—which ultimately found its photomontages and collage influenced by ideal field of application (and further de- |38| Surrealism, but he also published articles velopment) in his cover designs for Bom- |39| on various popular topics (which marked piani, Einaudi, and Club degli Editori in the beginning of his writing career)216 and the postwar period. did a significant number of covers. Painted La Lettura, cultural supplement to the in tempera, these covers were characterised Corriere della sera, was a ‘typical railway by a traditional pictorial style; neverthe- magazine’213 that combined the character- less, in the best examples, in which there istics of high-culture magazines with mid- is a noticeable graphic and atmospheric dle-class ones: the visually sober monthly refinement, one can detect a clear emula- offered articles, novellas, poems, books tion of Bayer’s graphic work, while the last reviews, and current-events notes. Over covers from 1939–40 attest to Munari’s use the course of the 1930s, under the man- of solutions derived from his research into agement of Mario Ferrigni and later Aldo perception.217 Borelli, the magazine held its position in

the marketplace and took on a more jour- 213 . Giuseppe Prezzolini at least during the 1937–39 nalistic, consumer-product profile—while (from La coltura italiana, period, in certain cuts and Florence, 1927) cit. in Ca- montages of photographs still maintaining a noteworthy cultural merlo 1992: 10. and illustrations at the 214 . La Lettura (Milan, beginning of articles and level. Next to entertainment columns, the 1901–1945) was founded in the headings of columns. Cf. so-called elzeviro (elsevier) was established 1901 by Luigi Albertini, who Camerlo 1992: 48. was also its director from 216 . These first texts (symptomatic of the gradual emptying- 1900 to 1925, and created a were dedicated to model out of content), as an article of witty, light series of periodicals aimed airplanes (‘I modelli volan- at emerging social classes ti’ in xxxvi; 11, 1 November journalism entrusted to the pens of fa- to accompany the paper: 1936: 942–3), photograms La Domenica del Corriere (‘Che cosa sono i fotogram- mous writers. Another of the magazine’s (1898), Il Corriere dei Piccoli mi e come si fanno’ in xxx- strong points lay in its illustrations: the (1908), Romanzo mensile vii; 4, April 1937: 352–5), (1903). Albertini was suc- printing techniques (‘Ti- articles were accompanied by photographs, ceeded by Giuseppe Giacosa pografia’ in xxxvii; 5, May (successful theatrical au- 1937: 438–43), suspended thor and librettist), Renato sculptures (‘Che cosa sono Simoni (1906), Mario Fer- le macchine inutili e perché’ rigni (1923) and, in 1934, by in xxxvii; 7, July 1937: 660– Aldo Borelli (who was also 5), and the evolution of the the newspaper’s director) chair (‘Sedili’ in xxxviii; 9, in tandem with Emilio Ra- September 1938: 846–51). dius (Camerlo 1992: 10–1, During the war years Mu- 40–53; Contorbia 2007: nari refined his writing 1772; Santoro 1998a: 76). in the pages of Tempo and 215 . Although Munari’s Domus. name does not explicitly 217 . Cf. Tanchis 1986: appear in the colophon, his 45. art direction is recognisable,

Futurism, advertising, rationalism From a visual point of view, there are |42| of the November 1939 issue was similarly two noteworthy covers from 1937 wherein made, aside from the war-related subject Munari offers a glimpse of the varied in- matter.221 It is interesting to note that, in terests and graphic inventiveness he was general, despite the broad fields of uniform capable of creating. The illustration that colour that flatten the design, the compo- 92 |40| opens the April issue was entirely created sition is balanced by a degree of depth be- in mosaic, using small, coloured card- tween the foreground and background, in board tesserae; the technique was naturally a solution that perhaps took into consid- tied to the subject (the face of a Roman eration the magazine’s eventual visibility emperor), reinforcing certain connota- within the newsstands. tions, but can also be situated alongside The two illustrations opening the June the experiments with texture Munari was and October 1938 issues are more aestheti- carrying out at the time, as demonstrated cally appealing, and are openly modelled by several other covers.218 The cover of the on the subject of evasion, albeit still built July issue (which depicts an aerial view of a around the relationship between planes bather on the beach) took a completely dif- that, like theatrical curtains, rhythmi- ferent approach, between photomontage |40| cally divide the space. The first shows a and polymaterial compositions, and was foreshortened view of a ship’s bridge with made using a three-dimensional assem- a large wind sock, with a few passengers blage of various elements (photographs |42| looking at a distant island;222 the second, cut into unusual contours, cardstock, fab- showing a window opened onto the sea, ric, sandpaper) created with a fairly ‘tac- plays upon the idea of a picture within tile’ technique.219 The following covers, a picture (with the palpable influence of however, returned to the somewhat crude Magritte).223 Quite differently, the Janu- visual language evident in his work from ary 1939 issue features an unusual image, the same period for La Rivista Illustrata del whose main element (more than the ac- Popolo d’Italia, even if, compared to the lat- tual subject matter, a snow-covered tree) ter, war-related and nationalistic subjects consists of so-called tâches, created with did not appear until conflict broke out. The light brushstrokes, which Munari experi- cover of the October 1937 issue, for exam- mented with to depict natural phenomena ple, shows a pupil at the chalkboard seen like snow, waves, or reflections on water.224 from behind the teacher’s back, which This and the following cover exhibit a more takes up half of the image; riffing on the scholastic subject matter, the masthead is 218 . La Lettura xxxvii; been done in the 1930s (cf. also outlined in pen, as if a child had doo- 4 (April 1937). 19×28 cm, Piet Zwart’s puppets in pp.104. Examples of experi- his famous PTT Boek); in dled on it. The November issue, with the mentation with pictorial the sixties the technique means of creating natural experienced a revival, and faces of two newlyweds in profile, cleverly textures can be seen in was used primarily for winks at the regime’s rhetoric by depicting some details of the Octo- illustrations. 220 ber (the fabric of the two 220 . La Lettura xxx- the groom wearing a helmet. The cover jackets) and November 1937 vii; 10 (October 1937) (the bride’s veil) issue cov- and 11 (November 1937). ers, as well as the October 19×28 cm, pp.96. 1938 (ocean waves) and 221 . La Lettura xxix; January 1939 (snowflakes) 11 (November 1939). issue covers. 19×28 cm, pp.76. 219 . La Lettura xxxvii; 222 . La Lettura xxxviii; 7 (July 1937). 19×28 cm, 6 (June 1938). 19×28 cm, pp.96. Well before the pp.96. recent infatuation with 223 . La Lettura xxx- stop-motion in the fields of viii; 10 (October 1938). advertising and animation, 19×28 cm, pp.96. the creation of images made 224 . La Lettura xxix; 1 from three-dimensional (January 1939). 19×28 cm, paper objects had already pp.104.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 decisive inclination toward visual experi- parallel work as an illustrator, while it did mentation and research, above and beyond not exclude any specific styles, nevertheless the client’s brief: similarly, in February went in a direction of more frequent use 1940, the theme behind the compositional of collage, which he increasingly identified 92 framing of a fighter-plane cockpit is actu- with as a flexible expressive technique well 93 ally the optics of camouflage.225 During suited to his creative flair. Initially, in the the war, a few Futurist artists were hired black-and-white as well as colour illustra- by the military to work on camouflage: be- tions published in various periodicals between ’41 and ’43 Tullio Crali worked on tween 1931 and ’33, the spatial illusion cre- camouflage for the Italian Supreme Com- ated by perspectival foreshortening was ac- mand near Rome, and then in the camou- centuated by the layering of abstract forms flage centre in Macerata.226 Called to arms and polymaterial textures.230 This period in ’41, Munari was sent to an anti-aircraft saw the beginning of Munari’s collabora- battery not far from Milan.227 It is possible tion with La Rivista Illustrata del Popolo d’I- he had a chance to work on camouflage talia, where he soon published two aeropic- patterns; but even if he did not, it seems |45| torial compositions with an athletic theme: clear from a number of illustrations he did despite the typical presence of geometric during this period that he was quite inter- elements, the first was dominated by a cari- ested in it. Certainly his study of percep- caturesque tone, while the second included tion-based figure/ground relationships was a photographic cut-out that was one of his the logical source of his additional research very first photomontages.231 Yet the im- into negative/positive visual relationships age’s layout remained pictorial, much like carried out in the 1950s. This new line of |44| the illustrations done for Natura toward pictorial research—like the one into organ- the end of ’32, in which cosmic overtones ic forms and textures—was reflected in his graphic work as early as the 1940s, as can 225 . La Lettura xxix; 1 228 . See for example, |43| be seen in a few covers for novels published (January 1939). 19×28 cm, the cover of Donald John by Bompiani.228 pp.84. Hall’s novel Spinosa ospita- 226 . Cf. www.tulliocrali. lità. Milan: Bompiani, 1943⁴ it, last accessed November (1938) [orig. title: Perilous 2010. sanctuary]. Letteraria se- 227 . Cf. letter to Za- ries. 12×21 cm, paperback, From the cosmic style to photomontage vattini, undated but evi- pp.301. The image on the dently from the end of 1941, dust jacket has a green In the early 1930s, as Munari’s painting in which he speaks of a background and a piece of and sculpture tended toward a more open ‘month-long licence’ (Ar- bark with the title in the chivio Zavattini, Biblioteca middle. The actual card- abstraction—as an observer noted as early Panizzi, Reggio Emilia: Za- stock cover has the series’ as 1931, ‘Munari, the youngest of all, is vattini/Munari correspond- standard typographic lay- ence m844/4). For a more out, with the publisher’s gaining ground in abstract interpretations recent quote, Munari him- logo. self said: ‘At the beginning 229 . Vittorio Orazi. ‘La that reveal the temperament of an origi- I did not go to war. I was mostra di aeropittura’ in La nal, self-assured artist through their visual rejected because of a prob- Rivista Illustrata del Popolo 229 lem with my chest (…) and d’Italia viii; 11 (November balance and pictorial harmony’ —his in the last year I was sum- 1931): 49–51. This was a moned to an anti-aircraft review of the Futurist show battery just outside Milan at the Galleria Pesaro in au- (…) It was a sad experience, tumn 1931; the article opens under a mafioso, profiteer- with a reproduction of Mu- ing commandant. (…) I was nari’s ‘Sosta aerea’. having stomach problems 230 . Cf. Ravaioli 1998: at the time and kept going 22; Fanelli, Godoli 1988: 83. to the infirmary, to no avail, 231 . ‘Il tifoso’ in La Ri- but then a doctor sent me vista Illustrata del Popolo home for something I did d’Italia viii; 12 (December not even have: that, too, 1931): 72¹; and ‘L’inutile was part of the Surreal- acrobazia’ ivi ix; 2 (Febru- ism…’ (in Branzi 1984: 42; ary 1932): 70¹. Cf. Di Cora- cf. also Manera 1986: 153). to 2008: 218

Futurism, advertising, rationalism rendered with a map-like precision were hand Munari absorbed the specific stylistic predominant,232 and the commemorative elements of aeropainting through the work illustration published in La Rivista Illustra- of Prampolini, Fillìa, and Diulgheroff, all |48| ta del Popolo d’Italia in August 1933, whose of whom worked in the cosmic vein;237 on subject matter, although reminiscent of a the other, he kept abreast of metaphysical 94 previous cover, took on an unusually meta- 233 232 . ‘Meteora e pianeta altered photomontages: the phorical aspect. spento’ and ‘Viaggio nello first was for a short article Elsewhere Munari made graphic modi- spazio’ in Natura v; 11–12 by Guglielmo Marconi (an (Christmas double issue, antenna and two electrical fications to photographic elements so as 1932). See also Raffaele poles are depicted against a to insert them into aeropictorial composi- Carrieri’s article ‘Munari: starry sky dominated by an illusionista degli spazi’ in eclipse); the second was for tions without creating an excessive break the same issue (ivi: 67–70). Gino Rocca’s article ‘Scena- Munari’s interest in carto- rio della nuova Italia’ (on from the overall atmosphere. He soon graphic marks emerges in top of chimney silhouettes adopted this technique for the covers that many of hiw works, both obtained through multi- pictorial and graphic: see, ple printing, several image most closely approached propaganda, and for example, Cartina co- boxes show a group of citi- it can also be seen in the illustrations pub- smica, 1930 (reproduced in zens and, overlapping them, the catalogue Officina del two theatrical masks, sym- |96| lished over the course of ’33 in L’Ala d’Ita- volo, 2009: 150–1) and the bolising comedy and trag- 234 wall map he made for the edy); the third was dedi- lia and again in May ‘34 in La Rivista V Triennale in 1933 (repro- cated to the Italian advance Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia,235 in which duced in Natura vi; 6 June into East Africa (illustrated 1933: 42–3). by two photographic col- graphic and photographic interventions 233 . ‘Volo di Verona del lages portraying two roman combine, proving that it was one of Mu- 2 agosto 1919’ in La Rivista swords). Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia 237 . Munari’s relation- nari’s tried and true procedures. In later xi; 8 (August 1933): 66. The ship to the two leaders of composition recalls the the Turinese Futurists, Fillìa examples—like the illustrations published crash in which a few pilots (Luigi Colombo, 1904– in La Rivista Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia lost their lives (including 1936) and Nicolaj Diulghe- 236 Tullio Morgagni, the sports roff (1901–1982), although |47| in November 1935 —the compositions journalist who founded the unintense, seem to have were still a combination of drawing and first Giro d’Italia, as well involved a mutual respect: as the magazine director’s in an article in L’Ufficio photography, but the latter was domi- brother), and features an Moderno (vii; 11, November image that, beyond the sym- 1932), next to the work of nant, and is evidence of his transition to bolic value of the plough, Ricas and Munari, three photomontage. also formally echoes the trade show installations by subject matter on the cover Diulgheroff are reproduced; of the April 1932 issue of Munari had worked with Natura (Di Corato 2008: him on the Almanacco dell’I- 222). talia veloce and more recent- Influences 234 . ‘I cento soldati di ly on d’Albisola’s tin lithos. Balbo’ in L’Ala d’Italia xii; Beyond their occasional Up to that point, as we have seen, Munari 7–8 (July/August 1933): 48. encounters (like at the Fu- utilised many different visual languages, 235 . ‘Giuochi atletici’ turist-inspired soirée organ- in La Rivista Illustrata del ised by L’Ufficio Moderno in going progressively from mechanical pup- Popolo d’Italia xii; 5 (May February 1931), Munari also pets to comics, aeropictorial illustration, 1934): 13. The composition had a direct relationship depicts jumping athletes: with Fillìa, and in particular and realism. Beginning in 1932–33 his ex- aside from the aeropicto- with La Città Nuova, the rial backdrop, it is similar to architectural and applied pressive repertoire became more clearly the contemporary photo- arts bimonthly he directed: defined, and this change indicates new montages published in the although it does not seem to Almanacco fascista del Popolo have published any images points of reference. Indeed, on the one d’Italia 1934 xiii (repro- or texts by Munari (aside duced in Lista 1985: 79). from a brief declaration on 236 . La Rivista Illustra- aeropainting in issue no.1, ta del Popolo d’Italia xiii; 6 February 1932), in a 1934 11 (November 1935): 58–9, letter to d’Albisola Munari 67, 127. This was a celebra- mentions having written tory issue dedicated to the to Fillìa to praise the maga- Fascist accomplishments of zine’s layout (by Ugo Pozzo), the previous year, including but adds, ‘Oh! My poor numerous illustrations and pages (...)’, which suggests photomontages by Ricas/ that he had written an arti- Studio Boggeri, Carboni/ cle or perhaps overseen the Studio Boggeri, Nizzoli, layout of a particular sec- Depero, and Munari, who tion (undated letter, 1934, contributed three manually in Presotto 1981: 147).

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 and surrealist developments through the regularly distributed in Italy in the early European examples he saw reproduced in 1930s included: Cahiers d’Art, Cercle et Car- foreign publications. Despite the closed ré, Abstraction-Création, and Art Concret for intellectual climate imposed by the regime, art; L’architecture d’aujourd’hui and special 94 consumer culture—cinema, comics, sports, editions of the Éditions Cahiers d’Art for 95 and popular music (from America and architecture; Arts et métiers graphiques, La elsewhere)—enjoyed a degree of flexibility Publicité, Gebrauchsgraphik (distributed by and was sometimes able to slip through the publisher Görlich), Commercial Art, the censors’ sieve, such that a few foreign Farbe und Form (published by the Reimann publications on the applied arts and archi- Schule in Berlin), and the series of Bau- tecture were circulating in some of Milan’s hausbücher and technical periodicals like bookshops.238 In addition to the book- Deutsche Drucker, Archiv für Buchgewer- shops affiliated with the Galleria del Mi- be und Gebrauchsgraphik for commercial lione and Lino Pesaro gallery, a few others graphics.243 are worth mention: first and foremost the A few significant encounters between Libreria Salto,239 a constant point of refer- the Milan’s cultural scene and the Central- ence for the spread of modernist culture in European exponents of Surrealism and Milan; the Futurist bookshop run by Um- Constructivism are also worth mention: as berto Notari; and the publishers Sperling & early as 1927, at the III Mostra Internazio- Kupfer and Editoriale Domus, who acted as nale delle Arti Decorative (Third Interna- commission-based merchants for the pub- tional Decorative Arts Exhibition) in Mon- lications reviewed in their magazines.240 za, the Soviet Union had presented five And it is likely that the Futurist Headquar- sections, including one dedicated to books ters in Milan also had a library or archive. and photography, which included contem- Certainly, as Giuseppe Salto recalled, such porary film posters (Prusakov, the Stenberg ‘openness to the world, in a country as pro- Brothers) that had never been seen in Ita- vincial and backward as Italy, could only ly;244 and in ’33 the exhibition installation last a few years’, more or less into the mid-

1930s, when the Italian involvement in 238 . Cf. Forgacs, Gun- 242 . From an advert in Spain and annexation of Ethiopia sparked dle 2007: 272–3. the bulletin Il Milione, pub- 239 . Opened in 1933 by lished by the eponymous a return to autarchic order and restrictions, Alfonso Salto, the Libreria Milanese gallery and edited Salto was a bookshop spe- by Giuseppe Ghiringhelli ending up in stark wartime isolation- cialised in Italian and for- (bulletin of 7 November ism.241 As for art galleries, the Milione, Tre eign publications on archi- 1933, cit. in Pontiggia 1988: tecture and the applied arts. 16). Arti, and a few other exhibition spaces of- Located in the rear court- 243 . The magazines fered ‘free entry and consultation of books, yard of via Santo Spirito 14, mentioned here were regu- in the postwar period it larly distributed in Italy: newspapers, and art and literature maga- was run by Alfonso’s sons see the announcement in Giuseppe and Giancarlo, Campo grafico (no.5, 1935: zines. [Access to] the modern debate in its who also made it available 65) and various reviews in entirety’, as a period advertisement pro- as an exhibition space. In the bulletin Il Milione. Cri- 242 particular, it was the centre spolti (1992c: 81) mentions claimed. The international magazines of many events surrounding Minotaure as a source, but the Movimento Arte Con- the magazine run by Albert creta (mac Concrete art Skira appeared only in 1933, movement) (Salto 1996: 6; well after the first evidence also Piera Salto, interview of Surrealism showed up in with author, 15 July 2009). Munari’s work (cf. Di Cora- 240 . Di Corato 2008: to 2008: 213). 217 and 217n. 244 . At the time, the 241 . Nevertheless, al- striking contrast between though it catered to a small Russian posters and the clientele, the Libreria Sal- narrative style predominant to continued importing in Italian posters provoked books from around the unmistakably perplexed re- world, even during the war, actions (Mori 2007: 64). through neutral Switzerland (Salto 1996: 7). Futurism, advertising, rationalism curated by Paul Renner for the Mostra I was continually keeping on top of things, delle arti grafiche (Graphic Arts Show) of looking for books and publications (…) but I did not have any direct ties. (…) I was try- the Deutsche Werkbund at the V Triennale ing to assimilate those developments through caused a stir; on a more local level, in Janu- the newspapers, in whatever field they hap- ary 1932 the Galleria del Milione mounted pened to be in, because I’ve never considered 96 art to be divided into separate fields.248 an exhibition of French painting, including work by Max Ernst, which had significant consequences for Munari’s work;245 in ’33 Munari’s exposure to such a range of Villani of L’Ufficio Moderno organised an stimuli pushed his visual language in two exhibition titled Cartello internazionale e distinct directions: on the one hand, he cartello nazionale rifiutato (International developed a taste for the semantic bait and Poster and National Reject Posters), which switch between graphically heterogeneous included the work of Bayer, Moholy-Nagy, elements, clearly inspired by Ernst’s col- Carlu, Cassandre, and the Russian con- lages; on the other, he deployed recurring structivists; and through the mid-thirties metaphysical elements influenced by the there were solo shows by Kandinsky, Vor- work of Herbert Bayer, which ended up en- demberge-Gildewart, Albers, and Bau- riching and transforming his sense of aer- meister.246 Although Munari did not travel opictorial space.249 A key example of this is much, his indirect personal relationships |49| his cover for the January 1933 issue of Na- with artists and intellectuals must not be tura, a suggestive composition wherein the underestimated—at a time when modern surrealist transformation of the Futurist means of communication (like the tel- ephone) were just beginning to take hold 245 . During the show 247 . Crispolti (1969: copies of Ernst’s romans- 13) mentions—à propos of in Italy, these contacts were a fundamental collage were probably avail- the Lombard abstraction- vehicle for exchange. One example from able for purchase through ists affiliated with Milanese the bookshop. In these Futurist and rationalist close artistic circles was the ‘travelling works—La femme 100 têtes circles—trips to Paris taken (1929) and La jeune fille qui by Veronesi, Licini, Reggia- salesman of Marinetti & Co.’, as Pram- rêvait d’entrer au Carmel ni, and Veronesi’s personal polini was known, who lived in Paris for (1930)—Ernst carried the contacts with Moholy-Nagy, technique of the ‘disorient- Vantongerloo, Max Bill, and extended periods and was in contact with ing collage’ to its fullest Delaunay. The ironic state- nearly all the European art movements; he heights. ment about Prampolini was 246 . The exhibitions by Ivo Pannaggi, quoted in also knew the fairly nonconformist artists at the Galleria del Milione Verdone in Crispolti 1995: generally lasted a fortnight 50. Paladini was a vital link Vinicio Paladini and Ivo Pannaggi, the only or so. Aside from the afore- to Russian visual culture Italians to gain in-depth experience with mentioned ‘Tre pittori di during the 1920s, while Parigi: Jean Lurçat, Max Pannaggi played a key role the Soviets; finally, his friend Luigi Vero- Ernst, Louis Marcoussis’ (9 as a foreign correspondent nesi knew Moholy-Nagy personally and January 1932), other show in Berlin for many archi- included ‘Wassily Kandins- tecture newspapers and exhibited with Albers at the Galleria del ky’ (24 April 1934); ‘Fre- magazines. 247 derick Vordemberge-Gil- 248 . Munari in Branzi Milione in 1934. dewart’ (15 October 1934); 1984: 42. As Munari himself recalled: ‘Josef Albers/Luigi Veronesi’ 249 . Many critics cite (23 December 1934); ‘Willi Bayer with regard to the Baumeister’ (25 May 1935); metaphysical overtones ‘Arp, Domela, Kandinsky, in Munari’s work: see Cri- Magnelli, Seligmann, So- spolti (1992: 92) regarding phie Täuber Arp, Vézelay’ (5 the pictorial work, Tanchis March 1938); in the field of (1987: 28, 45) regarding the graphics, the Esposizione graphic work. Neverthe- del cartello internazionale less, such references remain e del cartello italiano ri- fairly generic, and do not fiutato, organized by Dino indicate how Bayer’s graph- Villani of L’Ufficio Moderno ic and pictorial work would (June 1933), and a solo show have spread in Italy: at least by Xanti Schawinsky (Sep- Di Corato (2008: 217) pro- tember 1934). Cf. Pontiggia vides some information on 1988: 104. reproductions and reviews of it in the press.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 legacy appears complete.250 This photo- vocabulary, Bayer aimed not so much at montage, which depicts a sort of meta- decontextualisation and disorientation as physical dialogue between a Greco-Roman ends in themselves, but rather more for an bust and an ultra-modern, metal tubular evocative atmosphere, made up of concrete 96 chair,251 is noteworthy in many respects. objects set within an irreal space, the end 97 It shows not only a perfect integration of target being mass communications.257 The photography within pictorial space, but allusion to the classical world falls into this also a radical leap forward compared to the approach; above all—especially in Fascist esoteric evocations of cosmic aeropaint- Italy, which was increasingly interested in ing.252 A number of illustrations published returning to the image of ancient Roman in ’32–33 in Natura, L’Ala d’Italia, and La monumentality—such a stance took on a Rivista Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia docu- strong nationalist resonance, if not explicit ment this transitional style.253 consensus. It is therefore difficult to sort out the references that are at work in the |50| cover Ricas and Munari designed for L’Uf- Bayer and Moholy-Nagy ficio Moderno inMay 1935, and although it The playful approach Munari took to such is technically a photomontage, it can be illustrations is similar to Bayer’s visual grouped with the aforementioned illustra- advertising vocabulary, and well ahead of tions featuring altered photographic im- its first appearance in Italy in the pages of ages. The cover depicts the face of a Roman Natura,254 Munari must have been aware 250 . Natura vi; 1 (Janu- no.18, July 1930) and reap- of his refined style, as the presence of the ary 1933). 26×34 cm, pp.84. pear in Bayer’s work for the classical imagery proves.255 It is difficult 251 . Just introduced in Studio Dorland throughout Italy by Columbus, under the 1930s (see the exhibi- to think of any other explanation for cer- licence from Wohnbedarf, tion catalogue Das Wunder tain formal similarities between Munari’s Zurich (1932). des Lebens and the advert 252 . Prampolini’s pic- for Adrianol, 1935), just as graphic work of this period and the rarely torial works focus on the they did in the work of his transfiguration of apparent friend and colleague Xanti exhibited compositions hovering between reality: ‘I see aeropaint- Schawinsky (the poster for the abstract and the surreal that Bayer ing as a means for crossing Princeps Cervo, 1934). The 256 over the frontiers of visual atmosphere of this work painted between 1925 and ’28. The most realities (…) and experi- owes more to the metaphys- characteristic images include amorphous encing the occult powers ics of de Chirico than to of cosmic idealism’ (from Surrealism. bodies, animated geometries, clouds, and ‘L’Aeropittura. Valori spir- 256 . In 1929 Bayer ituali della plastica futurista’ exhibited drawings and stage sets, all recurring elements in Muna- in Futurismo i; 4–5, 1932, cit. paintings at the Galerie ri’s aeropictorial work. In the advertising in Fanelli, Godoli 1988: 82). Povolozky in Paris and 253 . See the composi- the Künstlerbund März work of Bayer’s Berlin period, he proceeded tions at the beginning of in Linz, Austria; in ‘36 he in similarly proto-surrealist vein, tak- Raffaele Carrieri’s article exhibited at the Salzburg in Natura v; 11–12 (Novem- Kunstverein. His paintings ing them into his own graphic repertoire, ber/December 1932): 67; had never been exhibited ‘Amori subacquei’ in Natura in Germany, although a which clearly echoes surrealist work as vi; 7 (July 1933): 58; ‘I 42 number of his works were much as functionalist typography. And yet, minuti di Colacicchi’ in in German museum collec- L’Ala d’Italia xii; 2 (February tions—such that they were even though he made use of that visual 1933): 12–3; ‘Vertigini’ in eventually included in the La Rivista Illustrata del Po- ‘degenerate art’ exhibitions polo d’Italia xi; 2 (February of 1937–38 (Cohen 1984: 41, 1933): 74. 56n, 404–5). 254 . Article by Luigi Poli, 257 . Cohen 1984: 25–8, ‘Herbert Bayer, un maestro 43, 404n. Bayer was among dell’arte grafica’ in Natura the artists selected for the vi; 11–12: 53–60. Dada and Surrealism retro- 255 . Greco-Roman stat- spective at the Museum of ues had already appeared Modern Art in New York in in the advertising work of 1936, and upon his arrival Alexei Brodovitch (see Aux in America he became as- Trois Quartiers, reproduced sociate more with Surreal- in Arts et Métiers Graphiques ism than with Modernism no.14, November 1929 and (ibid: 43).

Futurism, advertising, rationalism statue in an extreme close-up that con- most accessible source in early-thirties sumes the entire page; on half of it, con- |52| Milan regarding Bayer’s work was die neue veniently out of focus and divided along linie, a luxury women’s magazine also dis- the nose, a Futurist synthesis of Roman tributed in Italy.262 This German monthly iconography appears. The graphic render- 98 ing of the image leans toward abstraction, 258 . L’Ufficio Mo- return to the Futurists a derno x; 5 (May 1935). few years later). In 1927 he but the linear elements seem to be de- 21.5×28.5 cm. Cover signed co-launched a short-lived ployed more as stylistic touches than in any ‘Ricas+Munari’. This image surrealist movement, the 258 is similar to a photographic Movimento Immaginista functional sense. work Munari later made (Imagist movement). He Compared to Bayer, however, in the for the weekly Film, also could not stand Italy’s pre- reproduced in the Alma- vailing air of conformity, photomontage-based illustrations Munari nacco Letterario Bompiani and constantly travelled 1938 with the title ‘Antica e throughout Europe (France, seems to make the most of the paradoxical recente iconografia romana. Germany, Belgium, Rus- implications created by the juxtaposition La razza è sempre la razza’ sia), and finally settled in (ivi: 8). New York in 1938, where he of incongruous elements precisely in order 259 . This held to such stayed until 1953, working to create a surreal or comic atmosphere. an extent that his most as an interior architect and famous posters, even graphic designer. Rampant So one cannot help but wonder why he so though based on a dynamic McCarthyism forced him composition with the use to return to Italy, and his rarely turned to this type of composition in of montage, are neverthe- architecture and set-design his advertising work, and instead limited less done with pictorial, career were cut short by his not photographic means: sudden death in late 1971 its use to magazine illustrations. Obvi- see the posters Princeps (Baldacci 2006: 6–11; Lista ously the answer can only be partial and Cervo (1934), Esposizione 1985: 129; Lista 2001a: 220; Aeronautica Italiana (1934), Fanelli, Godoli 1988: 84, would require further proof, but by observ- Aranciata S.Pellegrino 194–5). (1935). His work for Olivetti 261 . Photographs by ing what was being produced in Italy at the was an exception, as were Bayer appear in Werner time—if, that is, even the work Schawinsky the works done within the Gräff’s Es Kommt der neue context of regime propa- Fotograf (Berlin: H. Recken- was doing in Milan appears conditioned by ganda (his 1934 ‘poster for dorf, 1929, published on prevailing pictorial tastes—one could con- the plebiscite’, published the occasion of the Film und in La Rivista Illustrata del Foto exhibition in Stuttgart) clude that the most significant damper was Popolo d’Italia), which and in a special issue of was to some degree more Arts et Métiers Graphiques the provincialism of patrons and clients responsive. dedicated to photography as well as the public in general.259 The fact 260 . Vinicio Paladini (no.16, mars 1930, ed. Wal- (1902–1971), painter, archi- demar George); his adver- is that photomontage, which Munari be- tect, set designer, graphic tising compositions are re- gan to explore as early as 1930 following in designer, and art critic. produced in Publicité, edited Born in Moscow to a Rus- by Cassandre for the L’Art 260 the footsteps of Pannaggi and Paladini, sian mother but raised in international d’aujourd’hui Italy, he kept close ties to series (Paris: Editions d’Art gradually allowed him to distance himself Russian culture. He was Charles Moreau, 1929). from Bayer’s influence and find his own self-taught, and joined the Two articles on Bayer were Futurist movement in 1922; also published in Gebrauchs- more controlled, minimal style halfway along with Pannaggi he graphik: ‘Umbo–Herbert between the allusiveness of surrealist illus- wrote the Manifesto dell’Ar- Bayer’ by Kurt Hirschfeld te meccanica and presented (no.7, 1930: 44–51) and tration and the dynamic contrasts of con- the Ballo meccanico futurista ‘Herbert Bayer’ by H.K. at the Casa d’Arte Bragaglia. Frenzel (no.5, 1931: 3–19) structivist work. He earned a degree in archi- (Droste 1982: 198). Apart from occasional reproductions tecture (1931), and in the 262 . Published from 261 years between the wars he 1929 to 1943 by the Verlag included in collections and articles, the worked as both an art critic Otto Bayer in Leipzig, which and set designer for both specialised in women’s theatre and film, as well magazines, die neue linie as doing work in graphic was a relaunch of the ear- design and exhibition de- lier magazine Frauen-Mode, sign (Padiglione dell’Ope- with a new editorial ap- ra Nazionale Maternità e proach and important rede- Infanzia, at the Exposition sign by Moholy-Nagy. Un- Internationale in Brus- der the direction of Bruno sels, May 1935). Russian E. Werner and Arndt Bayer, constructivism was a major the magazine was an imme- infuence on his aesthetic diate commercial success, and ideological stance, an with an average print run in 1923 he publicly broke of 35 thousand copies. Of from Marinetti (only to these, approx. 10 thousand

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 stood out on newsstands and major Italian entrusted to significant photographers like hotels thanks to its unusual large format Umbo, Erich Salomon, Cecil Beaton, and and elegant graphics, which reflected the Germaine Krull.265 interests of its bourgeois target audience: This discreet yet constant presence 98 fashion, domestic lifestyle, travel, and cur- within the Italian press could explain the 99 rent events, all presented from a modern broader interest in Moholy-Nagy and Bay- angle. Its publishing strategy included a er’s work—which spread beyond the closed rather sophisticated graphic presentation, circles of Milan’s avant-garde even before which can be traced back to the formal the well known Werkbund exhibition innovations of the constructivist new ty- at the 1933 Triennale.266 Indeed, within pography: indeed, its typographic design the covers of die neue linie it is possible to and art direction were entrusted to László identify the themes and graphic cues later Moholy-Nagy and Herbert Bayer, with the found in Munari’s work, after he had as- collaboration of many former Bauhaus similated them in various ways.267 On the students (including Irmgard Sörensen- other hand, even though it was not the Popitz, Kurt Kranz, and Georg Teltscher). sole stimulus for the revivification of the Aside from a series of photographic cov- graphic arts in Italy, die neue linie neverthe- ers, Moholy-Nagy also designed the format less is a concrete example of the channels and layout, which remained essentially the through which that generation of adver- same up until the war years, while Bayer tising designers absorbed certain aspects designed the masthead, set in his famous of Central-European modernism—and in universal alphabet, and numerous cov- particular the stylistic elements less directly ers.263 Moholy-Nagy determined the pe- linked to rationalist architecture, which in culiar visual style of die neue linie’s covers Italy was the main vehicle for the spread of through images based on a combination the new typography. |51| of photomontage and various illustration were distributed abroad, neue linie remained one of techniques, from line drawing to airbrush in over forty countries. A the biggest clients of the retouching, all characterised by an almost special issue dedicated to Dorland-Studio, which he Italy appeared in January was director of. surreal atmosphere. It was precisely that 1938, and another in Au- 265 . The colophon of approach that became Bayer’s distinguish- gust 1940 (Rössler 2009: 13, the first issue (Septem- 19, 25, 39, 73). As proof of ber 1929) credits ‘Prof. ing style, and he ably made use of montage the magazine’s circulation Moholy-Nagy, Berlin’ with in Italy, a spread from die the magazine’s cover and and the graphic manipulation of photogra- neue linie was reproduced typographic layout; both phy to create evocative images.264 Although in Guido Modiano’s article Moholy-Nagy and Bayer ‘Fotografia 1931’, published are listed as members of he translated such typo/photographic in Campo grafico ii; 12 (De- the editorial committee in principles into his own less radical version, cember 1934): 276–7. Addi- the December 1931 issue tional proof can be seen in (Rössler 2009: 29–33, 35, adapted to the realities of the commercial the magazine’s fairly broad 39–45, 47–53, 59). availability in the antique 266 . Photographs by press, Moholy-Nagy’s approach was also publications market (con- Moholy-Nagy appear in La reflected in the use of photography, which firmed by researcher Pa- Rivista Illustrata del Popolo squalino Schifano, in corre- d’Italia in June and August played an essential role and was often spondence with the author, 1933; the same year, Natura 21 May 2010). hired Bayer for the cover 263 . Presented in the and devoted an article to pages of the magazine Off- him in the December issue. set, Buch und Werbekunst 267 . For example, the no.7 (1926): 398–400. use of crumpled-up kraft 264 . Rössler 2009: paper to resemble rocklike 41–5. Moholy-Nagy did a forms (vi; 11, July 1935; by dozen covers in all, from H. Bayer) recalls similar the first issue (September work by Munari for covers 1929) to the May 1933 is- made in the postwar pe- sue; Bayer did 26, begin- riod; the cover image of the ning in 1930, espcially in August 1935 issue (vi; 12; the magazine’s early years; by E. Kreimer) recalls Mu- in any case, up until ’38 die nari’s mosaic cover for La

Futurism, advertising, rationalism [With Kandinsky, Braque, Picabia, and in Rome and Paris).269 It is important to Magritte I did not have] any personal rela- emphasise that, beginning with photo- tionship, just the awareness and study of their [work and] experiences, which I then tried montage, Munari almost simultaneously out so as to understand them better. Ditto began to try his hand with layout according for Man Ray, Duchamp, and a few others to constructivist principles, and there, too, 100 (…) I made all these acquaintances through the Galleria del Milione, or through friends one can reasonably conclude that Paladini who had been to Paris, especially Prampo- had a significant influence. lini (…) I’ve always dealt with graphics and Like many of his contemporaries, Mu- visual research (…) During that period I was following and experimenting with the nari knew Moholy-Nagy’s fundamental [work and] experiences of Arp, Bill, Schwit- theoretical text, Malerei, Fotografie, Film, ters, Cassandre (for the alphabets), Herbert published in 1925.270 The photographs re- Bayer, and others from the Bauhaus.268 produced in the book offered an up-to-date repertoire of the most recent international Photography research, which made it—alongside the Any consideration of the network of influ- special issue of Arts et Métiers Graphiques ences acting on a given artistic milieu, de- (1930) and the two collections published spite the risk of some schematic generalisa- on the occasion of the Film und Foto exhi- tion, is nevertheless useful for contextu- bition in Stuttgart (1929)—one of the first alising more precisely the activity of those international resources to reach Milan in working in the cultural field, especially in those years.271 Although he did not know a context as closed-off as Italy was during German, it was not hard for Munari to stay the Fascist period. Concerning the inclu- abreast of Moholy-Nagy’s main theories, sion of photography in Munari’s work, his which were more or less explicitly adopted initiation into photomontage took place, by almost everyone who favoured a revivi- even before the examples set by Moholy- fication of Italian photographic culture, Nagy and Bayer, through Paladini and Pan- which was still strongly tied to pictorial- naggi—artists who were in contact with Eu- ism.272 The significance of that text, which rope’s most significant avant-gardes, and whose graphic work Munari was certainly Lettura (April 1937). More Höch, and Moholy-Nagy familiar with, despite their marginal status than a direct lift, these himself), as well as a typo- were primarily cues taken graphic storyboard for a in the Futurist movement and their lack of for visual experimentation film about the city (Moholy- with texture. Nagy). The reproduced direct ties to the Milanese group (as both 268 . Munari in Quinta- images include, in par- lived in Rome). Likely of equal importance valle 1979: 15–6. ticular, many photograms 269 . Founded by Paladi- (Moholy-Nagy, Man Ray) was his discovery of the imagist move- ni along with Roman lite- and photomontages (Han- ment, which Paladini founded in 1926, and rati and artists (Dino Terra, nah Höch, Paul Citroen, Umberto Barbaro, Antonio Moholy-Nagy), as well as wherein Munari saw the same metaphysi- Fornari), the Movimento animated film sequences. immaginista championed 271 . Arts et Métiers cal atmospheres (Paladini actually knew an aesthetic somewhere be- Graphiques no.16 (March both De Chirico and his brother Alberto tween that of the Dadaists 1930), cit.; Werner Gräff, and metaphysicists, but was Es Kommt der neue Fotograf, Savinio quite well, and they often met up short-lived (Baldacci 2006: cit.; Franz Roh, Foto-auge 9–10). (Stuttgart: Akademischer 270 . The eighth book in Verlag Dr. Fritz Wedekind the Bauhausbücher series, & Co., 1929). In Munari’s published by the Albert close circle, the architect Langen Verlag in Munich in Enrico Peressutti, who had 1925 (and in a second edi- taken part in the Stuttgart tion in 1927). The volume exhibition in ’29, acted as consists of a theoretical a milanese spokesperson introduction (c.42 pp.) and for the new photographic a collection of a hundred or currents, and architects like so black-and-white photos Gian Luigi Banfi and Giu- (including work by Stei- seppe Pagano were excel- glitz, Renger-Patzsch, Man lent photographers (Paoli Ray, Lucia Moholy, Hannah 1999: 115).

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 introduced Italy to the principles of pure experimentation with cronophotography— photography, was echoed in the contro- later abandoned because of the opposi- versies that erupted in trade magazines, tion mounted by the painterly current led fueling theoretical debate. In Italy, the by Boccioni274—it was not until 1930 that 100 argument had two opposing sides: accord- Tato’s Manifesto della fotografia futurista 101 ing to one, the ideal photography would be (Futurist Manifesto of Photography, 1930) subordinate to pictorial aesthetics; accord- appeared, whereupon Marinetti belat- ing to the other, it would explore the pho- edly condoned the field that many young tographic medium’s inherent possibilities. Futurists working in graphics had already It is significant that Moholy-Nagy’s book begun to investigate on their own. While was taken up as a fundamental reference contributions from the field of architecture by those in Italy who—like Boggeri, Persico, leaned more toward formalist or documen- and Ponti, that is, people outside of the tary photography, and advertising explored professional photographic circles—sought the technical possibilities of framing and to capture the essence of this ‘new vision.’ lighting to arrive at an abstract representa- Indeed, over the course of the 1930s the tion, graphic artists like Paladini, Pannag- influence of the Neue Sachlichkeit (New gi, Veronesi, Grignani, and Munari took Sobriety) movement found fertile terrain a more ‘technicist’ stance, which turned in Milan’s artistic and literary avant-garde to both optical/chemical procedures (like circles and cross-bred with the photo- double exposures, solarisation, negative graphic practices of advertisers, graphic prints, and superimposition/overlapping) designers, and architects. In addition to as well as experiments without any camera Persico’s reviews in Casabella, even a typo- at all—like photograms and photomontage, graphic magazine like Campo grafico dedi- in which the latent potential for interpret- cated ample space to the subject of photog- ing reality in a non-objective, conceptual, raphy, adhering to the precepts of the Bau- or even metaphysical way enjoyed free haus, which echoed throughout Boggeri, reign.275 Modiano, and Veronesi’s texts calling for

an optically pure visual language: 272 . Almost all the October 1913, by the group main theoretical texts on of Futurist painters includ- modern photography from ing Boccioni, Carrà, Rus- Another current (…) counters the pho- the early 1930s look to the solo, Balla, Severini, and tographic version of pictorial means, and ideas expressed by Moholy- Soffici, who excluded the trusts the inherent qualities of the me- Nagy: Antonio Boggeri idea of any link between the dium itself to produce a different way of (‘Commento’ in Luci e om- Futurist’s pictorial research seeing the world and all its objects, un- bre. Annuario della fotografia and the Bragaglias’ ‘pho- artistica italiana, 1929), Giò todynamism’. After 1914 veiling the hidden photogenic charac- 273 Ponti (‘Discorso sull’arte Anton Giulio Bragaglia left ter in never-before-seen images. fotografica’ in Fotografia, photography to focus on 1, 1932), Guido Pellegrini cinematography and thea- (‘La nuova fotografia’ in Il tre (Lista 1985: 8–9). Not that independent photographic Progresso Fotografico no.3, 275 . Zannier 1978: research was not taking place within 30 March 1933 and no.4, 30 70–1; Alinovi 1982: 409–11; April 1933; Pellegrini direct- Paoli 1999: 106–12; Pelizzari the Futurist movement, but after early ed the magazine Fotografia). 2010: 93–4. The broad hori- That same year, Moholy- zons of Fotografia, the an- Nagy published an article in nual published by Domus in Italian in Note fotografiche 1943, reflect the joint con- (‘Su l’avvenire della foto- tributions of architecture grafia’ in ix; 2, August 1932) and graphics: the review in- (Paoli 1999: 101–2, 105; cludes architects (Mollino, Alinovi 1982: 409–10). Pagano, Peressutti), graphic 273 . Antonio Boggeri, artists (Munari, Veronesi, ‘Commento’ in Luci e ombre. Steiner, Grignani, Nizzoli), Annuario della fotografia ar- film directors (Comencini, tistica italiana, 1929 (quoted Lattuada), photojournalists in Monguzzi 1981: 8). (Patellani) (Pelizzari 2010: 274 . See the ‘Av- 97–8; Paoli 1999: 109–11). viso’ published in Lacerba, 1

Futurism, advertising, rationalism Photomontage Various Milanese artists tried their In the early 1930s photomontage enjoyed a hands at photomontage, including Nizzo- fair degree of popularity in Italy as a form li, Veronesi, Carboni, Munari, and Ricas, of modern illustration in periodicals, pub- who preferred cropping and the syntactic lishing in general, and advertising, as well juxtaposition of photographic fragments— 102 as in the large-scale ‘fotoplastici’ (photo- often completed by the insertion of drawn mosaics) in trade-fair installations and portions—to the Futurists’ technique of exhibitions. ‘Photomontage is the only overlapping negatives. While superimposi- type of modern illustration’, Luigi Vero- tion lent itself to a poetic and psychologi- nesi asserted.276 Beginning with the very cal investigation of the subject,282 collage, first rudimentary Futurist attempts,277 the which worked with thematic short-cuts technique of photomontage appeared in based on the semantic recombination of Italy toward the mid-twenties, in the work |54| of Paladini and Pannaggi, who, thanks to |55| their close ties to Russian culture, helped 276 . Luigi Veronesi, covers of Dino Terra, Ioni. Pallavera [pseudonym of Milan: Edizioni Alpes, 1929; introduce Italy to the work of the Soviet writer and director Mario Diotima, L’orologio innamo- Soldati], ‘Del fotomontag- rato. Rome: Edizioni d’Italia, avant-garde. For both artists, that media- gio’ in Campo grafico ii; 12 1930; Elio Talarico, Tatuag- tion took place through both their im- (December 1934): 278; this gio. Rome: Edizioni d’Italia, 278 was a special issue focussing 1931; Dino Terra, Anima portant work in art criticism, as well on photography, including e corpo. Milan: Bompiani, as their own graphic work, modelled on articles by Boggeri, Modia- 1934; Armando Ghelardini, no, and Veronesi on ad- Malessere. Milan: Corbaccio, photomontage. Between 1926 and ’31 vertising photography and 1934 (reproduced in Lista photomontage (cf. Dradi 1984 and as ads in Almanac- Paladini created many covers with pho- 1973: 29–31). co Letterario Bompiani 1934). tomontages, in which Dadaist humour 277 . In 1915 Carrà and 280 . See, for example, 279 Dottori made their first the photocollage series melds with constructivist principles; his mixed collages, inserting titled Giochi olimpici, 1934 photomontages regularly appeared in the photographic fragments (reproduced in Lista 2001b: into their graphic compo- 238–40). The shift in tone magazines Occidente and Quadrivio, where sitions, but this practice was a consequence of the remained sporadic (Lista ‘imagist’ period, as Pannaggi they became characterised by large fields of 1985: 11). As Paladini wrote recalled: ‘(…) I went to Ger- colour, coloured papers, and photographic in 1929: ‘In Italy, as far as many (…), Paladini slowly I know, Ivo Pannaggi and faded, or just distanced fragments, with results similar to Bayer’s Vinicio Paladini were the himself from Futurism to advertising work.280 Compared to Paladi- only ones who felt the value focus more on his post- of this new art. The for- metaphysical loves (…)’ (cit. ni’s style, which was more attuned to visual mer expressed it through in Verdone 1995: 43). procedures influenced 281 . In Pannaggi effect than formal balance, Pannaggi’s by the constructivist aes- the influence of Russian photomontages have more controlled, sce- thetic, and the latter did models in particular re- so through what one could calls Rodchenko’s pho- nographic or set-like composition, and are call Proustian procedures’ tomontages for Vladimir also set apart by their subject matter, taken (‘Fotomontage’ in La Fiera Mayakovsky’s books (Pro Letteraria v; 45, 10 Novem- eto, 1923), while in his from mechanical art (Pannaggi and Pala- ber 1929; cit. in Verdone postal collages echoes con 1995: 40, 448). be seen of the abstract work dini penned the Futurist Manifesto of Me- 278 . In addition to the of Schwitters, with whom chanical Art, published in 1922).281 articles published in various he was in touch (Crispol- literary and art magazines, ti: 1995: 337–8; Lista 1985: Paladini’s book L’Arte nella 129; Fanelli, Godoli 1988: Russia dei Soviet (Rome: 84, 195). See the covers for: Ed. La Bilancia, 1925) is Vasari, Raun. Milan: Edizio- particularly relevant. From ni il libro futurista, 1933; the late 1920s Pannaggi SA Luciani, L’antiteatro. Il was based in Germany and cinematografo come arte. worked as a foreign cor- Rome: La Voce, 1928; IDieci, respondent for important Lo zar non è morto. Rome: magazines and newspapers. Edizioni dei Dieci, 1929 (re- 279 . Not just from produced in Lista 1984). avant-garde publishers 282 . From the Bragaglia (Edizioni d’Italia, Edizioni brothers to Depero, Tato, Alpes), but also from mass- Unterveger, Wulz, and oth- market publishers (Bom- ers: see Lista 2001b: 225–7, piani, Corbaccio); see the 234–51.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 elements taken from reality, allowed artists referents. Well aware of the new visual to build an image in a broader variety of language’s range of expressive possibilities, registers, from the grotesque to the satiri- Munari initially followed the ‘piled-up’ ap- cal, from the realistic to the surreal, from proach commonly used by the Dadaists, 102 the narrative to the abstract—which was with minimal reworking; but the mean- 103 the compositional formula developed by ing of the resulting images was not always both the Berlin Dadaists and the Russian immediately or clearly comprehensible. At constructivists.283 Nevertheless, compared the same time, and to an increasing degree, to the chaotic and subversive compositions Munari was exploring formulas of allusive of the former, the latter (Moholy-Nagy and narrative juxtaposition, which related and Rodchenko in particular) opted for an to his interest in the spatial possibilities of approach based before all else on the com- the composition, and were also quite simi- position’s coherence, capable of expressing lar to Moholy-Nagy’s work: an Uberrealität. Moholy-Nagy emphasised the constructive and conceptual aspect of Linear elements, structural pattern, close- up, and isolated figures are here the ele- this type of photomontage, which ments for a space articulation. Pasted on a white surface these elements seem to be are pieced together from various photographs embedded in infinite space, with [a] clear and are an experimental method of simul- articulation of nearness and distance. The taneous representation; compressed inter- best description of their effect would be penetration of visual and verbal wit; weird to say that each element is pasted on ver- combinations of the most realistic, imitative tical glass planes, which are set up in an means which pass into imaginary spheres. endless series each behind the other.285 They can however also be forthright, tell a story; more veristic ‘than life itself.284 In reality, a clear-cut demarcation between Basically, when compared to Dadaist an- the various types of photomontage is quite archy, this type of photomontage was seen rare: in any given composition the various as a form of calculated disorder, and pos- options are often simultaneously present, sessed a precise meaning and centre that regardless of one or another formula’s pre- allowed for its immediate comprehension; |56| dominance. The cover of the August 1932 and it is precisely in that form, thanks to issue of L’Ufficio Moderno exemplifies the its associative powers, that photomontage first tendency: the photomontage is limited gained its greatest popularity in the fields to a simple juxtaposition of two photo- of advertising and poster design as well as graphs symbolic of modernity (the Ameri- political propaganda. can metropolis and the crowd), but with a Munari’s first attempts at photomontage date back to 1932; they were published 283 . The principle of photogram: see, in particu- montage signals a break not lar, ‘Fotoplastiche Reklame’ as illustrations in the usual periodicals, only from the fine arts tra- in Offset Buch und Werbe- and immediately showed his attentive dition, but above all a shift kunst no.7 (Leipzig, 1926: in the syntactic and seman- 386–394) and ‘Fotografie ist awareness of the key Italian and foreign tic levels of the image, as it Lichtgestaltung’ in Bauhaus ruptures the spatial conti- no.1 (Dessau, Januar 1928: nuity of Renaissance per- 2-9), both quoted in French spective and the coherence translation in the catalogue of the image (cf. Ades 1986: László Moholy-Nagy: Compo- 48, 107–9; Spies 1991: 11). sitions lumineuses 1922–1943. 284 . Moholy-Nagy, Paris, Centre Georges Pom- Malerei, Fotografie, Film, cit. pidou, 1995: 189–91 and (English translation, Paint- 193–7, respectively. ing, Photography, Film. Lon- 285 . Moholy-Nagy, don: Lund Humphries/mit commenting on the pho- Press, 1969: 36). Moholy- tomontage ‘Leda and the Nagy repeatedly revisited swan’ (1925) in ‘Space, his definition and practice Time and the Photographer’ of photomontage and (in Kostelanetz, 1970: 65).

Futurism, advertising, rationalism more visible intervention in the masthead, recall Moholy-Nagy’s assertions almost positioned at the centre of the two images literally: in order to create a visual connotation.286 The result still seems rough and somewhat One can, among other things, use it to sum- marise an entire film or theatrical work, tentative, in both the photographic ma- theatrical scripts or screenplays can be 104 nipulation and the lettering. And yet just condensed into a single image of this sort. a few months later, the same idea of pho- One can also use it to illustrate an idea or a feeling. [It can be used] for propagandist tographically describing the magazine’s ends, for advertising, for posters. [It can be field of interest (labour organization and used] to satirise the current times, etc.288 |57| advertising) translated into a cover that exudes an entirely different compositional Indeed, it is impossible to miss the relation strength and balance, thanks to a differ- to the comic and surreal realms Munari ent approach that is more informed about so readily explored in his photomontages, Moholy-Nagy and Baumeister’s work. The especially in his long series of illustra- image is centred on a perspectival play tions completed around 1936 for the more between a rationalist building and the fa- general-audience magazines with which he çade’s mosaic advertisement as observed by collaborated, dominated by an allusive or a group of passersby in the foreground: it is metaphorical exploration of the assigned a minimalist composition that, through a subjects. A good example is his composi- surrealist-inspired approach, constructs a tion ‘Per il quinto di secondo’, published space that is at once plausible and abstract, |58| in La Rivista Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia in wherein the perspective and contrast in 1932: this collage deals with athletics and scale create an impression of great depth, depicts a runner set to sprint, in front of a reinforced by the red background.287 The background featuring a large stop-watch composition’s synthetic nature and the and a photographic frame showing a crowd simultaneity of everything taking place of spectators. The image, which includes in the image appear fully in keeping with a few painterly interventions, shows his Moholy-Nagy’s postulations, according having surpassed the constructivist model to which photomontage’s resulting image, taken from Paladini, evident in its mini- aimed at expressing an idea, must be con- malism and rigorous spatial construc- centrated and economic in its means, so as tion.289 This example is accompanied by to quickly activate the viewer’s visual sen- many other, similar illustrations: the il- sations and mental associations. Munari lustration ‘Vertigini’, published in the seems to have closely followed Moholy- same magazine in February ’32; the cosmic Nagy’s instructions, which mention sim- |60| self-portrait and series of photomontages ple overlapping and the importance of the

verbal element—the title—in providing the 286 . L’Ufficio Moder- echo Persico’s work in nega- key with which to read the image. Even the no vii; 8 (August 1932). tive for the titles and head- 21.5×28.5 cm. The cover is lines of Casabella (see ‘Città context and applications of photomontage printed in duotone (black 1932’ in La Casa Bella no.59, and red). November 1932: 24–7), also 287 . L’Ufficio Moderno taken up by Munari in the vii; 11 (November 1932). Almanacco Letterario Bom- 21.5×28.5 cm. This composi- piani 1933. tion is unsigned, but in an 288 . Cf. Moholy-Nagy, advert for Studio r+m pub- ‘Fotografie ist Lichtge- lished in the following is- staltung’ in Bauhaus no.1 sue they specified that ‘The (Dessau, January 1928: cover of the previous issue 2–9), cit. was created by the scissors 289 . La Rivista Illu- of the painter Munari’. The strata del Popolo d’Italia x; masthead, in simple sanser- 6 (June 1932). Photo ill., if capitals, appears within 24.5×33.5 cm. Cf. Di Corato small white rectangles that 2008: 218–9.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 that accompanied the article by Raffaele the resulting image clearly suggests a Carrieri in Natura at the end of the same meaning, outlined in a metaphorical, sur- |61| year; the illustration ‘Amori subacquei’ in real, or, more often, comical fashion. And Natura, July ’33; ‘I bimbi d’Italia sui monti indeed, upon closer consideration, beyond 104 and al mare’ in the August ’34 issue of La the variety of forms it assumed, Munari’s 105 Rivista Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia, with work in photomontage throughout the a polymaterial inclusion; the composi- 1930s shows a constant quest for the inde- |59| tions published in the Almanacco fascista pendence of the visual register from the del Popolo d’Italia 1934; and the splendid verbal register, which gradually led him to two-page spread titled ‘Logica elementare free his images from their subordinate role |62| del rinnovamento’ published in Campo as mere illustrated comments. In the latter grafico in February 1935.290 All these com- half of the decade, in fact, his investigation positions show how, beyond the strictly into photography splits—focussing on the surrealist register, this type of montage (in one hand on surrealist collage inspired by Munari’s hands) was also ideally suited to Ernst, and on the other on the narrative experimentation with the straightforward implications of image sequences.292 expressivity of the image, through dynamic compositions and surprising associations. That approach also matches Veronesi’s L’Ala d’Italia vision—he viewed the composition in pho- The use of photography was not limited tomontage primarily as a question of sur- solely to the interior illustrations of L’A- faces, forms, and colours, which only later la d’Italia; beginning in 1934 Munari also are translated into photographic elements used it on the cover. Up until then the fit to obtain a ‘lyrical whole’; a pictorial covers of L’Ala d’Italia focussed exclusively composition, therefore, that refers to a spe- on illustration, with an advertising layout cific ‘narrative content’.291 And the atten- that was occasionally entrusted to vari- tion to content is one of Munari’s constant ous artists who then freely interpreted an preoccupations, obviously tied to the pub- aeronautical theme: for example, during lishing realm as well, where illustrations ’33 as a cover for Shell Munari and Ricas remain subordinate to the written text. proposed both an illustration (a schematic Certainly, even in his case the captions af- representation of the urban fabric, crossed fected the meaning of the images, specify- by an automobile and the shadow of an ing how they were to be read; but it was airplane) and a photomontage (an associa- rare that his compositions ever lacked their tion between various means of land, sea, own coherence and clear connection to and aerial transportation, unified within their given theme. Whether the montage the oil company’s trademark).293 Although makes technical use of the juxtaposition or overlapping of fragments, or is articulated 290 . In La Rivista Illu- 292 . The photomontage strata del Popolo d’Italia x; 2 types outlined by Zannier in a more complex and dynamic manner, (February 1932): 74; Natura (1988: 291ff), Ades (1986: v; 11–12 (Christmas issue, 48, 107–9, 116–88, 135–6), 1932): 67–70; ivi, vii; 7 (July and Pelizzari (2010: 89–90) 1933): 58; La Rivista Illu- are useful for such analysis. strata del Popolo d’Italia xii; 293 . These are two 8 (August 1934): 10; Arrigo original sketches now in the De Angeli (ed.), Almanacco collection of Maria Fede fascista del Popolo d’Italia Caproni di Taliedo, Rome. 1934 (reproductions in Li- One of the two drawings is sta 1985: 79); Campo grafico mounted on an earlier cov- iii; 2 (February 1935): 36–7, er, facilitating an exact date. respectively. 19×22 and 16.5×18.5 cm, 291 . Veronesi, Pallavera respectively. There is also a in Campo grafico ii; 12 (De- third sketch from the same cember 1934): 278. series, now in a private

Futurism, advertising, rationalism |63| the January 1934 issue respected the cov- Over the span of a few months, then, the er’s traditional advertising format, it also graphic layout Munari and Ricas developed heralded, in no uncertain terms, the use for the cover seems to have been accepted of photography on the cover with a richly |66| by the editorial team, but with the April concise conceptual image. Munari and Ri- issue, dedicated to the Esposizione Aeronau- 106 cas proposed an innovative solution based tica (Aeronautics Show) in Milan, Munari on minimalist photomontage, wherein once again changed the rules and used a the diagonal of the aircraft’s reflectors more radical photomontage, featuring the converge in the night sky above the hybrid profile of an aircraft in which typographic form of a bird/Stanavo-brand aircraft (the elements and photographs of the Palazzo underwriters) printed over it in red.294 dell’Arte (Giovanni Muzio’s brand-new In the following months the two design- building for the Triennale) and the nearby ers continued to propose photographic Torre della Radio (by Ponti) are collaged. solutions, even though they no longer re- The image’s iconic feel is the result of the mained anchored to one sole formula. The synthetic collage’s isolation within the |64| February issue saw the disappearance of blue background, the overall configuration the frame that held the masthead and de- (with intersecting diagonals), and the care- limited the image on all four sides; the cov- fully chosen photographs highlighting the er (unsigned, but certainly by Munari, who architectural structures and constructed is the first illustrator credited) adopted a forms of the aircraft.297 full-bleed image, once again a photomon- The following issues instead signalled tage, but of a different type, centred on the editorial team’s return to illustration, the juxtaposition of two photographs that and only toward the end of the year did are integrated with one another thanks to Munari’s name again appear on the cover, their dynamic cropping and chromatic sep- with a black-and-white photomontage aration of blue and sepia tones (the blue (this time more realistic) with which he colour also maintained its visual associa- |65| packages an inevitably striking Christmas tion with the previous issue and those to image: in the foreground is a pilot fly- come). The image shows a bunch of clouds ing a plane, and on the horizon, beyond ‘pierced’ by an aerial view of a city (prob- the clouds, a small comet appears, as if to ably Milan, where the Caproni company evoke a modern crèche.298 The cover of the headquarters recalled on the cover were following issue was again by Munari and located, on the outskirts of the city).295 Ricas, and again used photomontage, albeit This device was also used on the cover of with a return to more aeropictorial stylistic the March issue, with a different photo- elements. The duotone image has a back- graphic cropping yet similar effect (this ground gradient that goes from brown to time a group of biplanes stands out against blue, against which stylised profiles of air- the sky) that allows for the inclusion of planes are set, and through their shapes we an elegant, clear typographic summary.296 catch a glimpse of the clouds.299 This was

collection (I am indebted to and never again appeared Maria Fede Caproni for this on the cover of L’Ala d’italia, information). was set in Semplicità, and 294 . L’Ala d’Italia xiii; 1 the layout made able use (January 1934). 21×28 cm. of the type’s various bodies Cf. Schnapp 2008: 147–8. and weights. 295 . L’Ala d’Italia xiii; 2 297 . L’Ala d’Italia xiii; 4 (February 1934). 21×28 cm. (April 1934). 21×28 cm. Cf. 296 . L’Ala d’Italia xiii; Pelizzari 2010: 89–90. 3 (March 1934). 21×28 cm. 298 . L’Ala d’Italia The table of contents, which xiii; 12 (December 1934). was a one-time experiment 21×28 cm.

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 the last cover Munari made for L’Ala d’ita- print runs (quite respectable for the time, lia: soon thereafter the Futurist Filippo Ma- between 10 and 15 thousand copies).302 Its soero was appointed photographic director informal style was accentuated beginning of the magazine.300 with the 1934 edition, with a new octavo 106 format that left ample room for images 107 and photographs.303 It was precisely this Almanacco Letterario Bompiani visual aspect that, according to Munari, Compiling a list of the photography by Mu- characterised the Almanacco’s look during nari that appeared in the Almanacco Lette- that period: rario Bompiani between 1932 and ’37 reveals a body of work with varied degrees of qual- I made an effort to be sure that the image was never just a repetition of the text. I tried to set ity, and highlights his simultaneous crea- up a relationship between different images. tion of the different types of photomon- [I did so] a bit through Dadaist techniques, tage outlined above. The magazine was a through contrasts. Also with the techniques Max Ernst used in his collages. One time, for special kind of training ground for the art- example, I edited the calendar of the year’s ist, given the type of publication it was, the events [1935]. There was, I remember, a black intellectual context in which it was created, box with ‘New York was left in the dark’ written underneath. It was exhausting. For an and the tastes of the readership of the time. entire year I had to choose all the most impor- The publication offered a singular mixture tant events in the newspapers, cut them out, of serious and facetious work—something and archive the clippings. (…) [In the illustrations] I sought a visual parallel to the textual quite rare by the standards of today’s liter- tone, and I brought these images together and ary reviews—with the precise goal of being also tried to give them a pleasing, communi- popular and accessible. As Valentino Bom- cative aspect. It is almost the same principle by which one should do a book cover (…). It piani recalled, ‘Literature did not make the seems to me that [this type of visual commu- news. The publication’s excessive pleas- nication] was well received. The public does antness and agreeability were a deliberate not distinguish between one type of visual communication and another. Everyone’s attempt at giving the writers a semblance used to it, it is all over the streets (…).304 of “citizenship” and presence, to somehow 301 make them seem familiar’. Basically, the In the 1933 edition, Munari published a Almanacco Letterario was a new genre, hov- series of photomontages indicative of his ering somewhere ‘between journalism and eye for a wide variety of formal solutions criticism, between information and advertising’: in addition to literary reviews and 299 . L’Ala d’Italia xiv; 1 He volunteered in the Ethi- current-events columns, it also gave ample (January 1935). 21×28 cm. opian War, and made mag- space to cultural topics; and the carica- 300 . Filippo Masoero nificent photographic cov- (1894–1969), a member of ers for L’Ala d’Italia in 1937, tures, comic vignettes, and photomontages the Roman Futurists, was which are sometimes incor- a pilot, photographer, set rectly attributed to Munari were ‘intermezzos’ of sorts in which irony designer, and director. In (Lista 2001b: 268). and humour were given free reign. The 1926 he was appointed 301 . Bompiani 1976: 7. director of photography 302 . Ibid. Cf. Piazzoni formula was a success, judging from the and cinematography at the 2007: 55–64. Aeronautical Ministry un- 303 . Valli 1990: 14, 40, der Balbo’s reign, where he 51. From 1936 on, such free made documentary films spaces gradually diminished, and experimented with to the point where the war- aerial photography with time volumes have a much effects similar to those of more rigid structure and aeropainting; he went on more serious content (Valli to become director of the 1990: 22, 39). The 1937 edi- Istituto luce (L’Unione per tion, Almanacco antilettera- la Cinematografia Educa- rio, on the other hand, met tiva, the Union for Educa- with a fair amount of con- tional Cinematography, the troversy in the specialised State’s film institute, whose press (cf. Valli 1990: 56n). acronym also means ‘light’). 304 . Munari 1976: 10.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism and content.305 Of the dozen compositions creates connotations relating back to the |67| grouped under the title ‘Atmosfera 1933’ object represented in the silhouette (here, not all carry his actual signature, but their the female figure and rationalist architec- stylistic cohesion and type of humour hint ture).306 This was an original variant that at his hand. Some of them have paired- Munari also deployed in metaphorical and 108 down compositions based on the juxta- celebratory ways (for example, for L’Ala position of a few photos or photographic d’italia) but in other cases he used it for fragments (Anno Xº, Che cosa meravigliosa highly surprising formal experiments, like è l’uomo, Sport), others have pictorial or a photocollage (from the same period, but collage insertions (Ginevra, Dopo la guerra reproduced only in Libro illeggibile 1966) vien la pace, Arte moderna), and still oth- in which the human forms are ‘expand- ers are straightforward photographs with ed’ through the outline, which is thereby a humorous caption (Nudismo razionale). transformed and takes on new shapes.307 The images’ uniqueness lies in their preva- The contributions to the following vol- lent comic tone, at times vaguely surreal or ume, whose layout Munari edited—taking Dadaist. Regarding their content, on the full advantage of the new format—include other hand, the repertoire includes: more not only photomontages, but also photo- or less openly political themes, spanning grams, collages, and the first photographic from a metaphorical celebration of the |68| sequences. The few photomontages stay regime’s accomplishments (Anno Xº, Ra- within the humourous vein, and take aim dio) to facile satire against the enemies of at the traditionalist tendencies of Ital- Fascist Italy (Che cosa meravigliosa è l’uomo, ian art. And although they are not signed, Hanno eletto Roosevelt, Ginevra), to explicit many of the visuals interspersed through- war propaganda (Dopo la guerra vien la out the texts can be attributed to Munari, pace); and lighter subjects, which included as they are based on an ironic play between surprising effects (Sport, Arte moderna, Sex photographs and captions, and include appeal, Tendenze dell’architettura) or witty a Dadaesque collage titled Una vetrina del jokes (Nudismo razionale, Stars). While museo letterario dell’anno 2000.308 the caricatural or disorienting effects were generally created through changes in 305 . Almanacco Lette- Libro illeggibile, published rario 1933. Milan: Bompia- by the Galleria dell’obeli- scale and perspective, in certain instances ni, 1932. 15.5×20.5 cm. 12 sco, Rome, 1966 (cf. Maffei b/w photomontages titled 2002: 119). they come instead from the overlapping ‘Atmosfera 1933’: Anno Xº, 308 . Almanacco Lette- of unrelated forms to create interpreta- Ginevra (Munari), Dopo la rario Bompiani 1934. Milan: guerra vien la pace (Munari), Bompiani, 1933; cit. Munari tive tension: from this viewpoint, the most Radio (Manzoni), Che cosa contributed three photographically interesting photomontages meravigliosa è l’uomo (Mu- montages: Sogno di Carrà nari), Tendenze dell’architet- and Sogno di Sironi to ac- are Sex appeal and Tendenze dell’architettu- tura (Munari), Hanno eletto company the article ‘An- Roosevelt (photography), nata artistica’ (88); and the ra, which introduced the use of the biva- Nudismo razionale (photog- illustration V Triennale (91). lent object—an outlined shape filled with raphy), Stars (photography), Also attributable to Munari Arte moderna (Munari), Sex are a photomontage illus- photographs whose content is read and appeal (Munari), Sport. trating the article ‘Festa del 306 . One peculiar char- libro’ (19) and the Dadaist acteristic of photomontage collage Una vetrina del mu- is that the photographic ele- seo letterario dell’anno 2000 ments have a double aspect, (83), as well as various com- as they are first perceived ic illustrations with photo- as objects, and then as sym- graphs. The photographic bols (John Berger, The politi- sequence Vita privata dello cal use of Photomontage, cit. scrittore (33) is also inter- in Ades 1986: 48). esting, and likely portrays 307 . This photomontage Munari himself in the act is reproduced in a portfolio of making the gesture for consisting of loose sheets ‘silence’ (photographed by with photographs of the Egone), which foreshadows artist’s work, enclosed in his interest in gesture as a

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 In addition to the aforementioned the bordering realms of the photogram and legacies of Paladini and Pannaggi—one tied of collage. After taking a slight break from to Russian culture, the other to German the Almanacco Letterario Bompiani 1935—in culture—and the impact of Moholy-Nagy’s which his role was limited to the layout 108 book, Milanese artists stayed abreast of |69| and a few drawings—in the 1936 edition 109 European artistic advances in the 1920s Munari returned to photomontage with through numerous avant-garde magazines renewed imaginative vigour.311 The unique tied to Dadaism and constructivism that aspect of these new compositions, done in were distributed in Italian artistic circles a clearly surrealist style, was the evident de- (from the Hungarian Ma to the Polish gree of maturity he had reached in combin- Blok), as well as through commercial pub- ing heterogeneous elements and accentu- lications from the advertising sector (like ating their dreamlike atmosphere, thanks Das Plakat).309 At the beginning of the also to his pictorial definition of space (in 1930s echoes of the Berlin photomontage contrast to his earlier collage on a plain exhibition mounted in 1931 by Domela white ground). The collection also includes probably reached Milan, as did word of form of language, further Berman’s photomontages other shows organised by members of the developed in the book Sup- actually took place in War- ring Neue Werbegestalter (New Advertis- plemento al dizionario italia- saw in 1936, with the Czap- 310 no, published in 1958 in a ka frygijska (Phrygian Cap) ing Designers), who used photomon- non-commercial edition by group, while from 1930 tage not only in their sculptural and visual Carpano (later reissued by on his attention shifted Muggiani in 1963) [Speak to realistic photomontage experiments, but even more often in their Italian: The Fine Art of the focussed on social satire. Gesture. San Francisco: Furthermore, the formal advertising work—even if it is hard to say Chronicle Books, 2005] resemblances can also be exactly how much of the commercial 309 . The magazine Ma explained in light of the (1919–25) founded and two artists’ shared points work by Domela, Zwart, Schuitema, Bau- directed by Lajos Kassak of reference: Lissitsky, meister, and Burchartz actually trickled with Moholy-Nagy, was Rodchenko, Klutsis, and the mouthpiece of the Moholy-Nagy. On Berman all the way to Italy. What is certain is that main currents in modern see Mieczysław Berman 1973. European art, with many 310 . Two exhibitions in Italy—with the exception of theoretical reproductions; Szczuka’s at the Gewerbemuseum texts, for which language was a virtually photomontages appeared in in Basel, Ausstellung Neue Blok (1924–26), published Typographie (1928) and Neue insurmountable barrier—reproductions by the eponymous group of Werbegraphik (1930) were remained the main vehicle through which artists (Strzeminsky, Szczu- among the most important ka, Berlewi); Das Plakat, in terms of public attend- people stayed informed. which was internation- ance, illustrated catalogue ally distributed, published publication, and (last but So, from his first experiments with many Dada photomontages not least) their geographic costructivism (an approach he continued (regarding avant-garde proximity to Milan. Cf. Hol- periodicals of the interwar lis 2006: 41–2; Lavin 1992: to use in situations tied to propaganda), years, see Bury 2008; cf. 39–41. Munari passed with ease into working with Ades 1986: 37, 116–8, 156). 311 . V. Bompiani et al. Lista insisted on the influ- (ed.), Almanacco letterario conceptual photocollage, which was more ence of Mieczysław Berman Bompiani 1936. Milan: Bom- (1903–1975), a Polish artist piani, 1935. 21×28.5 cm, flexible and adaptable to the allusive type who used photomontage paperback, pp. (lvii) 112 of illustration the press often requested, as a means of personal ex- (2). Munari oversaw the pression (id. 1985: 11–2; layout and contributed and took more or less frequent dips into id. 2001b: 220). However, some photomontages and that hypothesis is not very collages. The two photo- credible, insofar as—riffing montages are titled Il pub- on Heartfield’s work—Ber- blico che fotografa (48): in man did realist photomon- the first image, a photo of a tages focussing on social Greco-Roman statue and a issues. Despite some formal lion wearing eyeglasses are similarities in his first con- set against a background structivist photomontages of a branch-like structure (published in the literary (a negative print of tree magazine 1930), it is un- branches); in the second, a clear how Munari could representation of the vascu- have known his work, at lar system is placed in front least before the postwar pe- of a female figure playing riod: the first exhibition of golf.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism a series of photomontages by Erberto Car- square-format book composed solely of boni (others were included in the 1937 edi- colour photomontages; the compositions tion), whose visual language appears at consist of photographic and typographic first to have many points in common with clippings taken from period prints, without Munari’s work, and can be traced back any manual interventions, and are set up 110 to the same models. Yet, comparing their in a long sequence, with photomontages compositions, a fundamental difference covering one and sometimes two pages. In between the two artists becomes evident: its present condition it is impossible to compared to the minimalism of Munari’s determine whether this was a dummy for compositions, Carboni’s not only have a a publication that was never realised, a more technically polished look, but they storyboard for an animated film, or per- also have a more orderly structure, as well haps a personal divertissement made for as a greater degree of control over the com- a friend. Certainly—judging by the variety positional, photographic, and typographic and dynamism of the compositions, subtly elements—and often include classical ele- balanced along the thin line between for- ments similar to those in the work of Bayer mal experimentation and surreal humour— and Agha.312 Munari, for his part, never these photomontages are absolutely among seems to give up his natural inclination for Munari’s best work. They mine the artist’s ironic playfulness and disorientation, cre- most highly original vein, and can be con- ated by the subtle incoherence of juxtaposi- sidered among the most successful exam- tion, and it is precisely this aspect that sets ples of the art of photomontage in Italy. him apart from other artists working with The same is true of the following Alma- photomontage. |72| nacco antiletterario Bompiani 1937, in which everything, including the cover, is charac- The taste for graphic techniques has always terised by the good-humoured polemical been a kind of picklock for me, a tool for try- ing my hand at other, more articulated and tone of a call for a return to seriousness, a composite expressive forms and instruments natural consequence of the surrounding (…) As for my work in publishing (…) my first political climate.315 Munari, who was again commissions came from Bompiani for their first issues of the famous Almanacco letterario. one of the editors, contributed a notable I continued to work for that publication for a long time, producing results that were unani- 313 312 . Scudiero 1997: xxii. (isisuf), Milan. A few mously considered absolutely brilliant. The same is true of the pho- spreads are reproduced in tomontages produced by Maffei 2008: 52–3. the architecture group bbpr 315 . Emilio Radius, Dino (one appears in the 1935 Buzzati, Bruno Munari, To get a sense of Munari’s developed com- Almanacco, while others Valentino Bompiani (ed.), mand of this medium (outside of the pub- were exhibited at the Gal- Almanacco antiletterario leria del Milione in January Bompiani 1937. Milan: Bom- lishing realm), all it takes is a short look ’37 in the Mostra insolita di piani, 1936. 21×28.5 cm, pa- Arte Grafica e Fotografica; perback, pp.236. Munari’s through an extraordinary, one-off docu- see Pontiggia 1988: 22–3). photomontages include: An- |70| ment titled Le forze ignote dell’anima, which Other artists working in tidiluviani (117), Basta con la 314 photomontage in a comic or letteratura ortopedica (119), was recently rediscovered. This is a small, surreal vein similar to Mu- Basta con la letteratura da nari’s were Carlo Manzoni pianeti della fortuna (121), and Ezio D’Errico (a con- Basta con la letteratura da tributor to L’Ala d’italia and vin santo (123), Basta con editor of the typography la letteratura pullman (125), magazine Graphicus). Che manchi davvero qualcosa 313 . Munari in Borelli al mio sistema? (126), Poeti 1993: 110. (127), Nuove trame poetiche 314 . Le forze ignote (128), Un ignobile genere dell’anima. Unique copy, letterario (129), Situazione with original collages. della letteratura galante (130, 19×18 cm, pp.48, staple- for the text ‘Radio mattu- bound. Now in the archives tina’), La nostra radio quo- of the Istituto Internazio- tidiana (131), Fuori l’autore nale di Studi sul Futurismo (132, for the article ‘L’uomo

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 number of photomontages, photographic in the technically innovative use of col- sequences, and collages, as well as the cover lage—which is doubtless due to the influ- illustration. His photomontages in particu- ence of Ernst, to whom Munari seems to lar, which take aim at purportedly light- have paid explicit homage, much as he did 110 weight literary genres, are distinguished with the small collage included in the 1937 111 by their refined comic style (also evident edition.317 Indeed, collage was the medium in other work from the same period), and in which Munari did a great number of il- were made with an almost surrealistic col- lustrations (at least up until 1939), primar- lage technique. The main series has a back- ily for L’Ala d’Italia and La Lettura. Aside ground made up of newspaper clippings from Ernst’s earliest photographic collages, and other printed matter, on top of which which had been shown at the Galleria del he has created juxtapositions of photo- Milione in January of ’32, Munari’s pho- graphs and illustrations whose meaning is tocollages also drew inspiration from his completed by an ironic title, inserted into romans-collage, La femme 100 têtes (1929) the composition within a black ribbon. The and La petite fille qui rêvait d’entrer au Car- second series, alternated with the first, is mel (1930), which could be viewed and instead based on the juxtaposition of ti- bought at the gallery, and introduced the tles and curious images. Even if in some idea of using old print clichés as an expres- cases these illustrations were made to ac- sive material.318 Next to Ernst, Munari also company articles, generally speaking the likely took inspiration from the Feuillets full-page photomontages were no longer inutiles of the French artist Jacques Maret, subordinates of the written texts; rather, which was a unique poetry magazine inter- the image-based contributions had by now mittently published beginning in 1928 and assumed a parallel function within the publication, and were on par with the text- che viveva dei diritti d’auto- article ‘Peccati letterari’ re’, with drawings by Ricas) (42–3) and the volume also based contributions, to such an extent that and, toward the back of included a graphic scherzo the volume (after another titled Finito di correggere even the figurative arts reviews (overseen series of photomontages by le bozze dell’Almanacco, ho by Carboni) had a purely visual execution. Carboni), Carriera letteraria scritto una lettera d’amore a 40 anni (178) and Cinema (99). americano (179). Cf. Valli 317 . Almanacco antilette- 1990: 53; Piazzoni 2007: rario Bompiani 1937, cit.: 63 62–3. for Enrico Sacchetti’s arti- Surrealist collage 316 . Almanacco Lettera- cle ‘Niente da dire’. rio Bompiani 1936, cit. The 318 . ‘3 Pittori di Pari- Another significant innovation of Munari’s main collage, ‘Film docu- gi: Jean Lurçat, Max Ernst, contributions to the ’36 Almanacco is a col- mentario dell’anno 1935’ Louis Marcoussis’, Galleria (19–28) consists of the del Milione, 9–21 January |71| lage titled ‘Film documentario dell’anno series: Nascita dell’anno 1935, 1932 (cf. Pontiggia 1988: 1935’ which is a succession of small im- Punti nevralgici d’Europa, In 104). The collages, two of Germania, Il Giappone ha un which appeared in Foto- ages created with clippings from old line appetito da Gargantua, La auge, were exhibited for the 316 corsa agli armamenti, La de- first time at the Galerie illustrations. The importance of this linquenza è in aumento, Intel- Sans Pareil in Paris in 1921. long strip, which ironically comments on ligence service, La crisi fa un The magazine La révolution viaggio, Le pitture italiane a surréaliste (1924–29) was the salient events of the year, lies precisely Parigi, Venizelos arriva a Na- also a likely source of inspi- poli con i suoi non-Ministri, ration for Milanese artists, Inchiesta sulla fabbricazione not so much for photo- di armi a Washington, Wotan montage (which, outside of aspetta la sua ora…, Lindber- Ernst, was not much used gh inventa il cuore artificiale, by the surrealists), as much I pesci in fondo al mare si as for experimental photog- abituano all’uso del caffè, A raphy (photograms, solari- Hollywood: nozze e divorzio, sations, double prints, and Inchiesta su San Giuseppe, double exposures); in any Meteorologia delle stelle del case, Ernst’s collages were cinema, La moda è questione reproduced in the final is- di busti, Merci giapponesi in sue (Ades 1986: 116–8). On Mediterraneo. Other comic Ernst’s collages, see Spies collages were made for the 1991, and Aragon 1930.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism was repeatedly presented in Arts et Métiers and organic structures, which frequently Graphiques: Maret’s collage illustrations, returned in his work, in the most varied made from found papers of all sorts, were configurations. Aside from the mechani- modelled on the Dadaist taste for visual cal theme, which clearly came from Fu- play as an end in itself, nonsense, and sur- turism, no other personal subjects ap- 112 prise, in both the images and the selection pear in this work, nor is there any sign of of poetic texts they accompanied.319 The eroticism (which was an essential aspect work of Ernst and Maret showed Munari of even Ernst’s work) or engagement in how—unlike with photography, but rather social rather than political issues: instead, by combining fragments from an unusual there is a degree of convergence with the or past visual realm (independent of their graphic language of some cartoonists asso- literal meaning)—one could create the se- ciated with Bertoldo and Settebello—Mosca, mantic paradox or ambiguity that, trans- Manzoni, Guareschi—united by their use posed into the everyday context of printed of period typographic collage material for periodicals, readily lend themselves to their vignettes. Such mannered and em- comic play and humour. Thus, in the very phatic forms, associated with fin de siècle same publishing world in which he had bourgeois traditions—and therefore good created allusive and propagandist photo- alternatives to the bombastic rhetoric of montages, from the mid-thirties on the the regime—took on a highly ironic charge hybrid visual language of photocollage al- in the vignettes. Similarly, in Munari’s lowed him—in an increasingly suffocating photocollages the strange combinations political and cultural climate, as exempli- of forms and styles, often accompanied fied by the rapid shift in tone of the Alma- by piercing captions, could be compared nacco after ’36—to eke out a nonconformist to witty jokes, as they offer a humourous space in which he could express his natural openness not through comic illustration ironic and detached attitude.320 but rather through the technique of photo- Regarding the boldly surrealist bent of montage—much as Moholy-Nagy had pre- the juxtapositions, some of the photomon- dicted.323 Yet in this case an examination |73| tages Munari published in L’Ala d’Italia between 1933 and ’34 could be read as pre- 319 . See Max Jacob, 1934): 51–6 (Adone Nosa- views of his upcoming work as an illustra- ‘Feuillets inutiles’ in Arts et ri, ‘Mezzo pratico per non Métiers Graphiques no.38 divenire aviatore’); ivi xiv; tor, which appeared for the first time in (November 1933): 34–7 3 (March 1935): 18–9 (Fa- 1935.321 A refined, clearly surrealist-inspired and Jean-Marc Campagne, rinata degli Uberti, ‘Eliche ‘Papiers collés de Jacques e parole’), 31–3 (Emanuele |76| composition published in L’Ufficio Moder- Maret’, ivi no.45 (février Recchia, ‘Cos’è il “numero no is from the same period, albeit from a 1935): 61. di ottano”’), 55–57 (Menka 320 . After the call for a [Igino Mencarelli], ‘Passeg- 322 different field. Already in these early, return to order in the 1937 geri–Propaganda’); ivi xiv; 4 edition, and the mono- (April 1935): 33–36 (Federi- particularly successful attempts one can graphic issue dedicated go Valli, ‘Volerà o non vo- see his formal preferences for mechani- to Pirandello (1938), the lerà?’). Some compositions breezy tones that had char- from 1935 were made and cal structures (machines, motors, looms) acterised the Almanacco in signed together with Ricas. the early 1930s began to 322 . L’Ufficio Moderno dim, and the space given x; 5 (May 1935): 238, for the to photography and comic column ‘Consensi e dissen- illustration was reduced to si’. Tanchis emphasises the make way for the adoption frequent ‘mechanical’ rep- of a more serious tone in resentation of the human keeping with the regime’s body in photomontages and totalitarian, war-mongering collages, where it appeared evolution (Piazzoni 2007: in the form of anatomical 62–3). diagrams, one of whose 321 . L’Ala d’Italia xii; 10 sources he identifies as a (October 1933): 43–5 (P.M. medical atlas with plates on Bardi, ‘Volare: pensieri e transparent acetate (Tan- casi’); ivi xiii; 12 (December chis 1987: 14).

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 of the circumstances leads one to see that allusion provide the key with which to read it was Munari’s work that had an influence the composition, which basically associates on his colleagues at Bertoldo, and not vice the role of the pilot to that of the poet.326 versa (as they shared friendships as well as The surrealist style of Munari’s collages 112 professional relationships).324 with prints and photographic clippings 113 Even without occupying an exclusive grows even stronger toward the end of the spot within his larger versatile œuvre, Mu- decade; they continued to accompany ar- nari’s work on collage illustrations hover- ticles with a relatively lightweight tone, for ing between the surreal and the humour- which he produced brilliantly concise and ous intensified in 1936, in particular in humourous images, like the series for ‘La L’Ala d’Italia, where they were included retorica del primo amore’, evidently an alongside more straightforward visuals as homage to Ernst and Maret, the double well. In general, they illustrated literary article ‘Realismo ed egocentrismo’ and texts (autobiographical memoirs, articles |77|‘Tipi e temperamenti’, and ‘L’aeroplano about customs and lifestyle), and more innamorato’, which proved the variety of rarely popular science or technical texts. his repertoire, in addition to being his last Even where the single images do not have documented collaboration with L’Ala d’Ita- any particular value or appear to be too lia.327 By 1938, in response to the changing |75| stylistically different325 a degree of cohe- cultural and political climate, the maga- siveness is guaranteed by the conceptual zine was returning to the use of more sober uniformity of the whole, which acts as a 323 . Moholy-Nagy: ‘Les della produzione’ ivi xv; 8 bemused and complementary commentary humoristes de l’avenir ne (August 1936): 13–16. to the readings. The best examples are nev- travailleront vraisembla- 326 . L’Ala d’Italia xv; blement plus à partir de 10–11 (October/November ertheless those in which the image is not dessins mais à partir de 1936). This issue contained only surprising but also has its own pre- photoplastiques’ (from ‘Fo- numerous photo illustra- tografie ist Lichtgestaltung’ tions with colour photo- cise iconic strength, like the collage titled in Bauhaus no.1 (Dessau, montages (48¹, 120¹, 248¹, Januar 1928: 2–9), cit. 312¹), full-page and smaller |74| Poeta incompreso (Misunderstood Poet), 324 . Guareschi used b/w photomontages (56, published along with many other images various collage techniques, 78, 136, 152, 189, 191, 212, ranging from drawing on 213, 254); and a colour pho- in the October/November 1936 issue. The photographs to photocol- tomontage by Ricas (32¹). image depicts a radial engine suspended in lage, paper sculptures and The compositions provide stage sets, collage with an inventory of sorts of the a cloud-covered sky; on the lower right is a clippings from old publica- styles of Munari’s photo- tions (almanacs, catalogues, montages: surrealist photo- human bust (represented by an anatomi- papiers trouvés) which he collages (Poeta incompreso, cal diagram), over which is placed a box then reused in his vignettes C’è chi vola e c’è chi sta a ter- and as visual headers and ra); photographic mosaics with poetic verses aluding to the moon as footers for columns; Mo- (Forme della natura oppure ‘aereo (…) astro d’argento [che] naviga il sca also worked in a similar natura delle forme); photo- fashion, inserting period graphic clippings inserted firmamento’ (aerial/airplane … silver star illustrations and photo- into illustrations (Volo graphs into his vignettes, notturno, Il paracadute) or that navigates the firmament): the play on often as a [visual] equiva- into fine-art reproductions words, with ‘aereo’ as both adjective (aer- lent of the bourgeois world (Invito al turismo); and evoked in his intentionally straightforward photomon- ial) and noun (airplane), and the title’s affected prose; Manzoni tages (Precisione costruttiva, also assimilated Steinberg’s Sanzioni). graphic manner, and in 327 . In L’Ala d’Italia certain respects up until the xviii; 1 (January 1938): mid-1930s he was highly 63–6; ivi xviii; s/n (1 De- influenced by Munari. Cf. cember 1938): 25–6; ivi xx; 1 Mangini, Pallottino 1994: (1–15 January 1939): 57–60; 68–9, 82, 89, 99, 105. ivi xx; 10 (1–15 May 1939): 325 . Like in ‘Aggiunte al 41–47, respectively. Cf. Silk vocabolario delle idee ful- 1989: [9]: ‘[These] illustra- minanti…’ in L’Ala d’Italia tions address a variety of xv; 5 (May 1936): 59–63; ‘La issues and most are humor- convivenza nello spazio’ ivi ous, many with verbal- xv; 7 (July 1936): 51–5; and visual puns, some slyer and ‘L’uomo-ora e la strategia cleverer than others’.

Futurism, advertising, rationalism graphics—first changing the masthead, was accustomed to,329 in 1930s Italy the then the cover, abandoning photography montage technique still inspired some per- in favour of more traditional illustrations, plexity and reserve. Especially in the vari- and finally the interior illustrations, where ants more closely tied to constructivism, it photocollage replaced photomontage. Yet was viewed with increasing annoyance in 114 the end of Munari’s collaboration with intellectual circles, such that after its early that magazine also coincided with his success in the press, photomontage lived transition to art director of Mondadori’s on in blander, more comic, and therefore periodical division, which took place in less perturbing forms.330 One exception to early 1939. Thereafter, the original graphic this general state was the field of exhibi- approach of his humourous collages was tion design, which ever since the Mostra taken up by other illustrators (including della Rivoluzione Fascista (Exhibition of Canevacci, D’Errico, Ricci, and Guerra). the Fascist Revolution) in ’32 had assimilated—under a different ideological guise, The association between surrealist illustra- of course—the work of the Russian con- tion and light-hearted content also fit the structivists.331 Therefore, in the field related bourgeois tenor of La Lettura, the magazine affiliated with the Corriere della Sera, which 328 . See, for example, march on Rome, the Mostra La Lettura xxxvi; 11 (No- della Rivoluzione Fascista is a Munari began a long collaboration with vember 1936): 901–7 (G. prime example of the re- in 1936. Once it had abandoned all refer- Titta Rosa, ‘Panorama della gime’s propagandist efforts. poesia italiana d’oggi’); ivi Set up in the Palazzo delle ences to constructivism, and was no longer xxxvii; 6 (June 1937): 552–7 Esposizioni on via Naziona- (Luigi Barzini jr., ‘L’attesa le in Rome, it opened the 28 chained to the directives of official rhetoric, dell’amore-passione nella October 1932 and remained his imagination freely expressed itself in società americana’); ivi open continuously for two xxxix; 3 (March 1939): 283– years, with extraordinary |78| photocollages that bordered between the 7 (Ettore Allodoli, ‘Parole public attendance (over 4 ironic and the surreal, which became his moribonde e frasi fatte’); million visitors). Conceived ivi xxxix; 4 (April 1939): of and directed by Dino characteristic style during this later period. 317–20 (Dott. Andrea Doni, Alfieri, who was affiliated ‘Splendore e decadenza dello with the Istituto di cultura In addition to designing the covers and svenimento’). fascista (Fascist Cultural the popular science articles he wrote, his 329 . In relation to the Institute) in Milan, the widespread presence and exhibition reviewed the graphic contributions can also be seen in banality of the ‘photomosa- timeline of the ‘revolution’ almost every issue through late 1939, and ics’ of the 1937 Exposition beginning with the party’s Universelle in Paris, Lavin seizure of power in 1922 his surprising images not only accompany records the opinions of and illustrated the social Gisele Freund (‘La photo- and economic organization articles, but also distinguished some of the graphie à l’Exposition’ in of the Fascist state. The |79| column headings, like the fantastic ‘Gio- Arts et métiers graphiques, monumental installations 328 no.62, March 1938: 37–41) in various galleries com- chi, enigmi, bizzarrie’. and Amadée Ozenfant (in bined to create a path made Cahier d’art, 1937: 242) expressly to have a strong (Lavin 1992: 35). emotional impact on visi- 330 . Although this re- tors through a modern use Photomosaics fers mainly to the intellec- of architecture, photogra- tuals linked to the regime, phy, graphic design, and While in Europe photomontage had be- who supported its strong wall decoration never be- nationalism, it must not be fore seen in Italy. Its execu- come a form of visual expression the public forgotten that the Italian tion—carried out primarily culture of the period was by Sironi and the rationalist dominated by the idealism architects Terragni, Nizzoli, of Benedetto Croce: see Libera, and De Renzi, with Munari’s statement: ‘In contributions from artists those years Croce had sig- of various currents (includ- nificant influence, so the ing the Futurists Prampolini idea of thinking culture and Dottori)—was strongly could also be made through influenced by Futurist and visual images could have constructivist work, El been irritating to some’ Lissitsky’s in particular, (Munari 1976: 10). whose Soviet pavilion Sironi 331 . Organized in cel- had seen at the 1928 Pres- ebration of the ten-year sa Exhibition in Cologne anniversary of the Fascist (Schnapp 2003: 17–60;

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 to the major exhibitions promoted by the proves his willingness and ability to try out regime, photography and photomontage the expressive possibilities of every artistic in particular held onto their relevance medium. thanks to their role in propaganda. As early 114 |80| as 1933 Munari had created a large photo- 115 mosaic for the Aeronautical Press pavilion Photograms and other experiments at the V Triennale, probably thanks to his Toward the end of the 1920s, Veronesi and relationship with L’Ala d’italia.332 For the Grignani were the main Italian artists to VI Triennale in 1936, Munari collaborated experiment with the technical manipula- with the architect Piero Bottoni on the tion of photographic negatives and prints, installation of the Sezione Internazionale as well as the expressive possibilities of the di Urbanistica (International Urban Plan- photogram—the luminous image obtained |81| ning section), creating a large photomo-

saic diorama dedicated to the themes of Kirk 2005: 88–92; Fraquelli photographer, and teacher. urban planning, housing, production and 1995: 131; Coen 1995: 179n; Born and raised in Ber- Malvano 1988: 159–161; and lin, he was in touch with distribution, transportation, and other as- http://it.wikipedia.org/ Herbert Walden’s artistic 333 wiki/ Mostra_della_Riv- milieu, and made the first pects of collective living. The photomo- oluzione_Fascista, last ac- collages in the ‘City’ series saic consisted of six panels, each of which cessed December 2010). in 1919; he attended the 332 . The attribution to Weimar Bauhaus from 1922 featured a collage of photographs whose Munari is based on a short to ‘25, where he made other borders faded into one another to form a note in L’Ala d’Italia xii, photomontages, including 7–8: 108 (July/August 1933) the well known Metropolis complex image in which the information- (Di Corato 2008: 225). A (1923), exhibited at the portion of Munari’s photo- Bauhaus Ausstellung that based and emotion-based aspects balance montages is almost certain- same year and included in one another. Later on these compositions, ly the one now in the Massi- Moholy-Nagy’s Malerei, Fo- mo & Sonia Cirulli Archive, tografie, Film. Cf. Ades 1986: with the addition of captions printed on New York/Bologna; repro- 99–100. translucent paper, were included in Botto- duced in Pellegrini 2009: 336 . Pietro Maria Bardi 21 (incorrectly credited to a (1900–1999), journalist, 334 |82| ni’s book Urbanistica, published in 1938. brochure). critic, gallerist. After the 333 . The photomosaic war he founded the Mu- Munari was certainly aware not only of was mounted to the walls of seum of Modern Art in Saõ Paul Citroen’s experiments in collage at the hemicycle, below a long Paulo. He ran the exhibition 335 title in relief (‘L’urbanistica space in via Brera, which the Bauhaus, but also the famous Tavola studia e risolve i problemi at the end of 1930 went to degli orrori (Table of horrors) which Bardi relativi’ in uppercase san- the Ghiringhelli brothers serif letters), while a low and was renamed Galleria exhibited at the Second miar (Movimen- wall separating a raised del Milione. He moved to platform overlooking the Rome, and opened his own to Italiano per l’Architettura Razionale, main floor featured photo- gallery in the via Veneto Italian Movement for Rational Architec- graphic enlargements of an in March 1931, where he eye with a mirror reflect- mounted the Second miar ture) exhibition in 1931 and showed again ing the diorama inserted exhibition, in an attempt to sometime later at the Galleria del Milio- into the pupil; this ‘quip’ validate rationalist archi- was accompanied by pho- tecture as a response to the 336 ne. Setting such precedents aside, and tographs highlighting the regime’s renewal program main problems identified by (Crispolti 1986: 44). In that despite the fact that photomosaic remains urban planning studies. In show, Bardi exhibited his a unique case in Munari’s larger body of the same section, Munari famous Tavola degli orrori, also made a large abstract a large photomontage that work, his experience with it nevertheless mosaic composition (Guida ridiculed the architectural della VI Triennale. s/l: s/n, eclecticism of the late nin- 1936²: 48–51; see Zannier teenth century and the 1978: 62). classicism of architects like 334 . Piero Bottoni. Ur- Marcello Piacentini. The banistica. Milan: Ulrico Ho- controversy that inevitably epli Editore, 1938. This vol- ensued was presented, in an ume was part of the series exhibition curated by the Quaderni della Triennale, architects Luigi Figini and directed by Giuseppe Paga- Gino Pollini, at the Galle- no; the layout was overseen ria del Milione in June 1931 by the architect Antonio (Belli in Anni Creativi al Mi- Marchi (Zannier 1978: 62). lione 1980: 17–9; Pontiggia 335 . Paul Citroen 1988: 51; Benton 1995: 39). (1896–1983), Dutch painter,

Futurism, advertising, rationalism without a camera, through the direct con- interventions then completed the picture. tact of objects with light-sensitive paper. Working through ‘analogous transposi- Although somewhat less systematic, ex- tion’, in this case Munari’s approach is periments similar to those carried out by almost the opposite of Moholy-Nagy’s Moholy-Nagy, Man Ray, and, of course, his abstract experiments, and is closer to the 116 friend Veronesi led Munari to try it as well. magical atmospheres of Man Ray, focussed We do not know exactly when he began, on the enigmatic character of the light-re- but his early photograms were published lated manipulation of objects. Yet, as Filib- almost simultaneously in early ’34 in the erto Menna preceptively noted, ‘contrary Almanacco Letterario Bompiani, Natura, and to the techniques of the Dadaists and sur- L’Ufficio Moderno, and others continued to realists, Munari is not looking to capture be published up until ’37.337 From the pub- the incongruous or the nonsensical, nor lished material it does not seem Munari mysterious fantasy—rather, he wants to had extensive experience with the medium, create, once again, fabulous, bright, limpid as it appeared intermittently as illustra- worlds pervaded by a vein of cheerful iro- tion (and more rarely as an image used in ny’.340 The critic is referring in particular advertising graphics), but judging from the to the photograms published in an article few reproduced examples it seems he had |84| in the January 1934 issue of Natura, many |85| a reasonable degree of technical compe- of which effectively express that magical tence (albeit not on a particularly high lev- feel.341 However—and it is not surprising, el, especially when compared to the work given his fundamental openness—Munari of Veronesi) which suggests he had a fair did not limit his work to this one approach amount of darkroom experience.

The two photograms published in the 337 . Munari’s first cit. The first image shows |83| 1934 Almanacco are a figurative synthesis photogram experiments a small boat suspended by date back to 1932: see the balloons near a black moon of two reviewed novels that, stylistically profile reproduced in the above an urban landscape; exhibition catalogue from the second shows a wall di- dissimilar as they are, lend themselves to the Galleria dell’Obelisco, agonally dividing the scene, interpretation in photograms (Campani- Rome, 1966, in which both with trees in both the fore- Man Ray and Moholy-Nagy ground and background, le’s for its absurd humour, Masino’s for are explicitly named; see and the moon and a few the magical realism of its childhood rec- also Munari’s interview clouds standing out against edited by Quintavalle in the sky. 338 ollections). The images are the fruit of Bruno Munari 1979: 27. Li- 340 . Filiberto Menna, sta (1985: 128) situates the ‘Munari o la coincidenza experimentation aimed at creating poetic, photograms in a phase that degli opposti’ in La botte e il dreamily atmospheric landscapes, which predates the photomon- violino no.3 (Rome, 1966), tages, but such a recon- reprod. in Bruno Munari in this case is a direct transposition of the struction is disproven by 1979: 70–5. Menna’s es- narrative.339 The photograms appear to the chronological dates of say is one of the few criti- the reproductions. Munari cal contributions of use to be made through placing cut-out masks combined photography and design historians. Cf. also old turn-of-the-century Zannier 1978: 70–1; Paoli and small objects (twigs, pieces of fabric, illustrations in his photo- 1999: 118; Molderings 2009: wristwatch parts) directly (or on a pane of montages only in the latter 15–25. half of the 1930s. 341 . Carlo Manzoni, glass) on the paper, and minimal graphic 338 . The forms created ‘Munari palombaro della by light inevitably evoke fantasia’ in Natura vii; 1 cosmic space; Moholy-Nagy (January 1934): 42–3. Six had already faced the same photograms illustrate the issue, and was careful to text: Suoni, Paesaggio sulla avoid any verisimilitude in collina, Un pianeta tra gli his compositions (cf. Mold- alberi, Costellazioni, Natura, erings 2009: 23 and Heyne Umidità dell’aria, some of 2009: 29). which are also reproduced 339 . Radiografia del libro: in L’Ufficio Moderno in ‘Amiamoci in fretta’ di Cam- ‘Quattro nuove (natural- panile (59) and Radiografia mente!) interpretazioni del libro: ‘Periferia’ di Paola futuriste’ (ix; 3, March Masino (61) in Almanacco 1934: 168–9). Letterario Bompiani 1934,

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 to the photogram: there is another group Munari also used photographic means, of compositions that date back to the same albeit only occasionally, for magazine cov- period yet use no such imitative effects. ers (aside from the specific context of L’Ala They reflect his investigation of composi- d’Italia), with results that not only attest to 116 tional, light-based experimentation with his constant visual investigations, but also 117 abstract forms—in other words, with the elude any risk of repetitiveness. An early, basic possibilities of the photographic pro- |90| highly original image for Natura dates all cess—and in that respect are faithful to the way back to late ’32, and shows a close- Moholy–Nagy’s experimental approach.342 up of a knit fabric, which then transforms In any case, it is a limited number of into an abstract motif and material tex- photograms.343 ture, within which the title was created, In 1936, again in Natura, Munari pub- much like an inversion, by cutting the |87| lished a photogram titled Fra due mondi, letters out of another photograph.349 His which hints at a new direction that was partially related to his previous work with 342 . Moholy-Nagy: ‘Les surreal landscapes, but now use exclusively photogrammes doivent also features photograms être créés à partir de leurs by Ricas, the wife of archi- organic forms (plant bits, insects, mineral moyens propres et premiers, tect Luigi Figini, and Dilma fragments).344 Similar photograms were leur composition ne faire (Munari’s wife). apparaître et ne signifier 346 . This refers to the published a few months later to accompa- rien d’autre qu’eux mêmes’ ‘photogenic drawings’ of |86| ny an article Munari himself wrote for La (from ‘Fotoplastiche Rekla- William Henry Fox Talbot me’ in Offset Buch und Wer- (1835–1839). In the nine- 345 Lettura. These experiments not only sig- bekunst no.7, 1926: 386–94, teenth century, photo- cit). graphic procedures without nal his new interest in natural textures, but, 343 . Suoni, Umidità the use of the camera were specifically with regard to photographic dell’aria, Costellazioni repro- used solely for documen- duced in the cited issues of tary or entertainment pur- media, looked back to the late nineteenth- Natura and L’Ufficio Moder- poses, not as artistic proce- century photographic impressions made no, as well as Alcool (where dures (cf. Molderings 2009: it was also reproduced). 16–7). During this same without a camera, by placing plant forms 344 . Natura ix; 11–12 period Veronesi was also 346 (November–December interested in photographic directly on the light-sensitive support. 1936): 64. The image depicts experiments with organic Finally, another photographic proce- two stylised human figures materials. of different sizes on a back- 347 . Bruno Munari, dure with formal parallels to the photo- ground made with the veins ‘Fotografie col pennello’ in gram that Munari tried out, however brief- of a leaf and other linear Numero unico: Fotografare, plant parts. Regarding Man Milan: Agfa Foto, Febru- ly, is also worth mention: negative printing, Ray, Munari seems to have ary 1943: 9–11. 16×23 cm. preferred organic forms This was a unique issue sent or the inversion of the image made from a with imprecise outlines. only to subscribers to com- slide. Aside from its occasional presence in 345 . Bruno Munari, plete (along with another ‘Che cosa sono i fotogrammi unique issue of Pose Istan- his photomontages, just one composition e come si fanno’ in La Let- tanee) the final year of the of this type is known, and was published in tura xxxvii; 4 (April 1937): magazine Note Fotografiche, 352–5. In the article (which which ended with the 10 1943 to accompany one of his articles in Fo- takes up ideas from similar April 1942 issue by ministe- writings by Moholy-Nagy, rial decree. In addition to |89| 347 tografare, while a second, similar image cf. UHU, 1928 and Kinema- Munari’s photographs, the appeared in 1944 in Fotocronache.348 tograph, 1929) Munari sum- article is illustrated with marily yet clearly explains a reversed print by Albe his technical procedure, Steiner. emphasising its aesthetic 348 . Bruno Munari, value: ‘The photogram is a Fotocronache. Dall’isola dei new artistic medium that tartufi al qui pro quo. Milan: can be grouped with wood- Editoriale Domus, 1944: 72. cut, drypoint, monotype, These are clearly two shots etc., but it is closer to the from the same series, given modern sensibility because that the contain practically it is full of unexpected ef- the same objects, many of fects. When you make which are in the same posi- photograms, you view the tion relative to the others. world in transparency’. In 349 . Natura v; 11–12 addition to his Due insetti (November/December su un pezzo di mica and In- 1932). 26×34 cm (cf. Di Co- setto e fili d’erba, the article rato 2008: 220).

Futurism, advertising, rationalism |41| photomontage for the cover of La Lettura From propaganda to documentary style in the summer of 1937 was no less stun- The propagandist photomontages Muna- ning, and once again exhibits his interest ri made for L’Ala d’Italia deserve separate in material perception and the synthetic consideration, and were largely inspired capabilities of a sophisticated conceptual by constructivist models. The magazine, 118 image.350 Lastly, at the other extreme of which primarily dealt with technical issues, the broad repertoire of manipulations pho- awards, and aeronautical events, targeted tomontage underwent in Munari’s hands, a diverse readership consisting of military |91| the cover for the Almanacco Letterario Bom- staff and aviation enthusiasts, and the un- piani 1938 is worth special mention. This breakable link between aviation and Fas- was a monographic issue dedicated to the cism is reflected in the nationalistic tone of passing of Luigi Pirandello, and featured its content.354 Because of its obvious mod- a photomontage created through overlap- ern connotations, flight was an important ping on top of a portrait of the writer, in a meeting point with Futurism—just think visual translation of the Pirandellian myth of characters in search of an author.351 350 . La Lettura xxxvii; 7 Ornano, Albe Steiner (ed.), The amateur aspect of a parallel photo- (July 1937). 19×28 cm. Fotografia. Prima rassegna graphic practice (shared by many artists of 351 . Almanacco Lettera- dell’attività fotografica in rio Bompiani 1938. Milan: Italia. Milan: Editoriale Do- that generation) allowed Munari to follow Bompiani, 1937. 21×28 cm, mus, 1943. The book opens his surrealist inclinations even in photo- paperback, pp.(lxiv) 160. with an essay by Scopinich Munari is amongst the (‘Considerazioni sulla fo- graphic portraiture, with the most original many compilers, along with tografia italiana’), two es- Zavattini and Bompiani, says by Ornano (‘Tecnica |88| outcome being a series of humourous self- Corrado Alvaro, Raffaele di ripresa’, ‘Riproduzione portraits in absurd costumes, apparently Di Muro, Stefano Landi, nella fotografia a colori’) Guido Piovene, and Mario and a text by Patellani (‘Il taken in a rural setting, perhaps on visits Robertazzi. In addition to giornalista nuova formula’). to his family in Badia Polesine.352 Munari the cover (a duotone print), The graphics were edited by he did the layout, which Albe Steiner. In the index took constant pleasure in playing in front is sober and classical but Munari is portrayed in one also articulated, with a few of his typically humourous of the lens, even in the postwar period, asymmetrical openings. poses (Zannier 1978: 77, 80; and sometimes did so with photographer 352 . Based on informa- Paoli 1999: 99–100; Peliz- tion provided by the art- zari 2010: 98). friends like Patellani and Ballo. At the ist, Tanchis confirms that 354 . In 1922 L’Ala d’I- same time Munari carried out abstract ex- Munari enjoyed dressing talia (originally called Gaz- up in costume and taking zetta dell’Aviazione) adopted periments begun with his work in the pho- such photographs when he its new name, inspired by a returned to Badia Polesine famous speech D’Annunzio togram, which were quite close to the work on holiday, where he also gave at the Roman airfield |92| of his friend Veronesi: one such work, Stu- photographed friends and at Centocelle, ‘L’Ala d’Italia relatives, around the mid- è liberata’ (Schnapp 2008: dio per film astratto—a colour photograph thirties. Although occasion- 145). After the creation of of moving objects (probably one of his use- ally reproduced in works the Aeronautical Ministry on his career (Aldo Tanchis, in 1923, the magazine al- less machines)—was included in Fotografia, in conversation with au- lied itself with the regime: 353 thor, December 2007 and from 1929 to 1933, coincid- the annual published by Domus in 1943. January 2008; see also the ing with Balbo’s ministry, catalogue Bruno Munari. the cover featured the Opere 1930–1986 (edited by omnipresent fasces, and Meneguzzo); Lichtenstein, in ‘34 the subtitle changed Häberli 1995; Ricostruzione to ‘Periodico nazionale teorica di un artista 1996) dell’aviazione fascista’ (Na- the photographs were never tional periodical of Fascist published, with the excep- aviation) and ‘Nata in 1919 tion of a portrait of his per volontà di Benito Mus- brother Giordano, included solini’ (Created in 1919 in Fotocronache): the origi- under the will of Benito nals belong to the Munari Mussolini); in ’35 its ties family, but a few prints can to the regime grew even be found in the archives of stronger, with the publish- the Fondazione Ferrania 3m er’s move to the Ministero in Milan. dell’aeronautica in Rome 353 . Ermanno Fede- (see Silk 1996: 47–8, 73n; rico Scopinich, Alfredo Schnapp 2008: 146).

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 of aeropainting. The beginning of Muna- and accessibile at once.357 In general, when ri’s (and Ricas’s, occasional as it was) col- his compositions accompany current- laboration with the magazine dates back to event articles—even though as a whole they 1932, and coincides with the redesign of its maintain a degree of stylistic cohesion— 118 graphic look, which brought in a few mod- they do not stray from the conventional 119 ernist typographic innovations and gave approach of merely illustrative support more space to photography; the new edito- material. In 1934 the magazine began the rial approach also called for political and publication of a series of contributions by artistic current events columns related to artists and intellectuals on the subject of aviation. Although nothing was signed or ‘mass-theatre’—a controversial ‘total spec- credited as such in the colophon, in vari- tacle’ promoted by Mussolini and staged in ous issues from ’32 there are changes to the Florence in April 1934358—whose illustra- |93| layout of the main articles that reasonably tions were in many cases done by Munari. indicate his participation. In such exercises He drew inspiration from relevant passages Munari aimed to enliven the page through in the text, approaching the illustrations a more dynamic organisation of photos freely, often with the use of collage: for ex- and texts, most often obtained through ample, for Marco Ramperti’s article ‘L’avia- the use of diagonals and unusual cropping tore come personaggio’ (February 1934) a for the images (sometimes with painterly drawing, a mosaic of photographs, a photo additions), in which one can clearly see completed by a comic illustration, and a an early attempt at approaching the layout collage of evocative, surreal images were through two-page spreads.355 Such work strung together.359 In other cases, some was often uncertain, but was evidently in- variants were tried out, such as overlapping spired—aside from Soviet examples known schematic line drawings and aerial photo- only second-hand—by the celebratory vol- graphs, or collaging photographic images ume L’Italia fascista che avanza, published cut into the shapes of various objects.360 the same year by the Istituto l.u.c.e. (on the occasion of the Mostra della Rivoluzio- 355 . See for example d’Italia xii; 4 (April 1933): ne fascista) where the anonymous designer the articles ‘Gli ‘Oceanici’ 66–9; ‘Sesto Calende e il made ample use of photomontage and a convegno’ in L’Ala d’Italia 55 x’ ivi xii; 7–8 (July–Au- xi; 5 (22 May 1932): 2–13; gust 1933): 96; ‘Ogni epoca must have given a great deal of ideas to ‘La settimana azzurra roma- ha le sue macchine’ ivi xii; 356 na’ ivi xi; 6 (23 June 1932): 12 (December 1933): 10; Munari. 10–21; ‘L’Armata azzurra’ ‘L’aviazione sovietica’ and So, begining in the spring of ’33 Muna- ivi xi; 12 (22 December ‘Parla Lindbergh: basta tri- 1932): 54–5; ‘Evoluzio- motori! Risponde Fokker: |93| ri made his first mixed-media photomon- ne della guerra’ ivi XII; 3 distinguiamo!’ ivi xii; 10 tages, combining photographic and drawn (March 1933): 32–6; ‘L’avia- (October 1933): 25–6 and zione nelle Colonie Africa- 46–7 respectively. elements, in which he appears to waver ne Francesi and il prossimo 358 . Regarding this ex- ‘raid’ del Generale Wuille- traordinary theatrical ex- between constructivist and aeropictorial min’ ivi XII; 10 (October periment see Schnapp 1996. influences, once again in search of a visual 1933): 33–40. For a list of the various 356 . L’Italia fascista in articles published through language that could be defined, modern, cammino. Rome: Istituto April ’35 on the relation- Nazionale l.u.c.e., 1932. ships between theatre and Octavo, pp. (xvi) 239 (with aviation, see Schnapp 2008: 516 photographs). Cf. Zan- 162n. nier 1978: 62. Similar cues 359 . L’Ala d’Italia xiii; 2 came from the contem- (February 1934): 37–40. Cf. porary work of Paladini, Schnapp 2008: 148. who, in addition to publish- 360 . See ‘Il teatro di ing photomontages, also massa e l’aviazione’ in L’Ala worked on the layout of the d’Italia xiii; 12 (December magazines Occidente and 1934): 21–4, and ‘Il Teatro Quadrivio. di Massa e l’aviazione. Ri- 357 . Interesting exam- sposta a Ramperti’ ivi xiv; 1 ples appear with the articles (January 1935): 41–4. ‘Il turismo aereo’ in L’Ala

Futurism, advertising, rationalism As demonstrated by recent criticism, of hands raised in a Roman salute, through these collages—far from being simple artis- which we catch a glimpse of the crowd, is tic fantasies—played a part in the general proof that Munari knew of the installa- propagandist climate of the time. Never- tions designed for the Mostra della Rivolu- theless, beyond their questionable political zione fascista (Giuseppe Terragni’s ‘sala O’ 120 alignment, such an interpretation risks in particular), and had indirect knowledge losing sight of the fact that Munari’s main of Klutsis’s famous posters.364 It must be interest lay in visual languages, and that said, however, that this type of photomon- because of their fantastical or parody-like tage appears to be of a lower quality than style these illustrations certainly do not fall his other work, with occasionally mediocre within the conservative canons promoted or uncertain works next to compositions by the regime, and instead seem calculated that are more interesting for their dynamic solely to enliven banal or dry texts.361 balance or unusual combinations.365 The discussion changes when it comes In any case, by the mid-thirties there to compositions that explicitly celebrate is also a clear change in the content of the Fascism’s accomplishments: Munari actu- propagandist material, and constructivist- ally did create a fair number of celebrative inspired photomontage gradually gives photomontages and layouts to show off way to work on the layout, as a result of propagandist themes, at least up until ’36. increased attention to the possibilities of In these cases the photomontages, includ- typo/photographic composition: in this ed in articles or as illustrations unrelated |97| sense his work for articles like ‘Il coman- to any text, were done in a resolutely con- damento del Fondatore’ (June/July 1934), |94| structivist manner. As in the April 1933 is- ‘Nuove forze giovanili dell’aviazione itali- sue, where his hand can be seen in a photo- ana’ (February 1936), ‘L’aviatore Musso- montage that opens a summary of the cel- |98| lini’ (September 1936), and ‘L’anno che ebrations held on the tenth anniversary of finisce’ (December 1936) are interesting the Fascist ministry, which projected images of Mussolini and Balbo atop the air force 361 . Gerald Silk was ‘Italo Balbo’ (38) and anoth- the first researcher to ques- er for the article ‘Disciplina lined up on the field, all framed in a large tion the reductive, purely dell’Impresa e del Capo’ x (to indicate the year of the Fascist era, as aesthetic reading of these (39), the aeropictorial pho- compositions, and by juxta- tomontage ‘I cento soldati 362 was standard). Other eloquent examples posing the images and the di Balbo’ (p.48) and ‘Du-ce, articles’ content he proved Du-ce, Du-ce’ (88). Cf. Silk can be found in the following issues, like their primary function was 1996: 48–53. |96| the July/August issue, dedicated to Balbo’s to support the propaganda 364 . Federigo Valli expressed in the texts (Silk ‘L’Anno che finisce’ in L’Ala transatlantic flight, which included no 1989, 1996; cf. Schnapp d’Italia xv; 12 (December fewer than four celebratory aeropictorial 2008). 1936): 10–7. The layout is 362 . ‘28 marzo 1933’ in particularly interesting in 363 illustrations; while later photomontages L’Ala d’Italia xii; 4 (April that, next to the central 1933): 8–9. The photo- photomontage (14–5), adopt different solutions taken directly montage is not signed, but it contains two images |95| from Soviet examples, like in ‘L’anno che is certainly attributable to set according to the dy- Munari, who also published namic composition of the finisce’ (December 1936), where the detail other photomontages in photographs. the same issue (66–9). The 365 . Among the less custom of listing the names convincing examples are of illustrators at the bot- the illustrations ‘Aviazione tom of the table of contents italiana = massa’ in L’A- hadn’t yet been adopted by la d’Italia xii; 7–8 (July/ the editors. August 1933): 34–5, cit.; 363 . L’Ala d’Italia xii; ‘L’Italia deve raggiungere il 7–8 (July/August 1933). Primato aviatorio’ ivi xiii; Munari and Ricas made 4 (April 1934): 2; ‘Guerra’ various non-text-related and ‘I primi aviatori era- contributions: a photomon- no padroni del mondo’ ivi tage on a two-page spread, xiii; 6–7 (June/July 1934): ‘Aviazione italiana = massa’ 89, 112. (34–5), a composition titled

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945 for their use of the two-page spread.366 But happened simultaneously to his adoption other contemporary works show a further of surrealist collage as a peculiar style for stylistic jump toward documentary-style entertaining illustrations: in other words, layouts, based on photographic sequences both options—the surrealist vein, tied to 120 that tend to become more independent themes of escape, and the documentary 121 than the texts, which are often reduced to vein, tied to propaganda—constituted a minimal length. His first work of this sort two-pronged solution to the risk of getting dates back to ’35, with a long geopolitical stuck in earlier formulas made increasingly |99| reportage on Eritrea, in which the photo- rigid by the changing political climate. graphs still accompany the article, albeit |103| ‘Udite! Udite!’(Hear, Hear!), published in a lively layout;367 those were followed in in the Almanacco antiletterario Bompiani |100|’36 by various articles set up as short pho- 1937, is a bona fide hybrid of celebratory tojournalistic essays,368 that sometimes photomontage and photographic series. It assumed the look of bona fide cinemato- is an articulated sequence of photomon- |101| graphic sequences, like ‘Atterraggio’, which tages commented upon by quotes taken appeared in the current events column of from Mussolini’s speeches, and its techni- the August issue.369 The series of photo- cal distinction lies in a circular punch or |102| graphic illustrations published in La Rivista cut-out through which you catch a glimpse Illustrata del Popolo d’Italia in April 1936, of Mussolini’s face, thereby creating a dedicated to autarchic policies in response kind of double screen—a crossed projec- to international sanctions, show a similar tion aimed at replicating the effect of a tendency.370 In the section on the XVII Fie- cinematographic montage. Munari could ra di Milano Munari created 7 double illus- have obtained a similar effect by reproduc- trations illustrating some of the key sectors ing a photo of Il Duce on each page, but of national manufacturing: the images are the hole in the sheet creates a physical in- macrophotographic enlargements of raw teraction that is more surprising for the materials with touches of colour (that re- reader. The 16-page signature opens and call the colours of the flag…) on black-and- white photos, while the other side shows a 366 . In L’Ala d’Italia xiv; ‘Turismo fotoaereo’ (36), different photo without any retouching. 6–7 (June/July 1934): 2–3; ‘Vertigine della fotoacroba- ivi xv; 2 (February 1936): tica’ (37), ‘Da 12.000 metri’ This venture into documentary, per- 16–21; ivi xv; 9 (September (38–9). 1936): 10–1; and ivi xv; 12 370 . La Rivista Illu- haps arrived at from the editors’ photo- (December 1936): 10–7, strata del Popolo d’Italia graphic material, can in any case be related respectively. xiv; 4 (April 1936). B/w 367 . Arnaldo Cipolla, photo ill. printed on both to Munari’s contemporary research on ‘Eritrea italiana’ in L’Ala sides, with duotone over- movement in sculpture (with his useless d’Italia xiv, 4 (April 1935): printing on the recto. The 14–26. subjects depicted are: wool and arhythmic machines) as well as his re- 368 . See for instance and artificial fibres for ‘Attualità aviatoria’ in L’Ala textile production (100–1, flections on the structure of printed mat- d’Italia xv; 7 (July 1936): 124–5), wheat grains for ter, which riff on cinematographic prin- 33–48. The section consists the agricultural sector, lab 371 of several short articles, in- instruments for the chemi- ciples. Curiously, all this seems to have cluding: ‘Arma aerea/Civil- cal industry, a microscopic tà romana/Segno ammoni- enlargement of a reaction tore/Pace romana’ (33–5), for the electrochemical sec- ‘Gorrahei piana del sole’ tor, gears and mechanical (36–7), ‘Verso l’avvento parts for the iron and steel delle fanterie aeree’ (42–3), industry (156–7), wood ‘Con l’aviazione alla testa le shavings for the furniture truppe…’ (44–5), ‘Nostal- sector (160–1). gie somale’ (46). 371 . This refers to two 369 . L’Ala d’Italia xv; articles by Munari, ‘Ritmi 8 (August 1936): 33–40. grafici’ (published in Campo Again here the column is grafico, May/June 1937) and subdivided into one- and ‘Tipografia’ (published in La two-page photoreport- Lettura, May 1937), cit. age: ‘Atterraggio’ (34–35),

Futurism, advertising, rationalism closes with a starry sky, against which the photosequence, titled ‘Crisi interiore ovve- image of a microphone stand out just be- |104| ro una giornata spesa bene’ (Inner Crisis: low the title, while the second and penul- or, A Day Well Spent). It features photos by timate pages feature a sequence of images Gianni Calvi, but Munari was certainly the of Mussolini in different poses as he ha- brain behind the piece, and perhaps also 122 rangues the crowd, which is visible through wrote the captions that ironically comment the opening onto the following pages. The upon the images.375 This can be grouped sequence deals with current issues in Fas- |105| with the storyboard L’amore è un lepidotte- cist politics, from autarchic demands and ro (Love is a Lepidopteran), which Munari claims against the League of Nations to the published in 1941 in another literary alma- proclamation of a colonial empire, from nac, the Tesoretto.376 Be that as it may, his relations with Germany to the military interest in the communicative possibili- intervention in Spain, from satire of en- ties of the unmanipulated photographic emy nations (England, France, the United image anticipated the photojournalistic States) to a critique of the capitalist and work published soon thereafter in the Soviet systems, from a eulogy on Japanese Mondadori-owned Tempo, where Munari expansionism to the exaltation of physical was art director from 1939 to ’43.377 The activity…372 Without a doubt, it was a bra- original humourous articles Munari pub- vura piece, not so much for its unique pho- lished there were equally characterised by tocompositions (of ultimately questionable the investigation of narrative through pho- value) as for its use of the cinematographic tographic means, and were later collected concept of the sequence, which was a suc- into a volume titled Fotocronache, published cess. It is decidedly more difficult to catch by Editoriale Domus in 1944, after Tempo the irony that Munari more recently spoke was shuttered.378 of as the real intent of those photomontages, despite their apparent exultation of Mussolini: ‘You could not avoid doing 372 . ‘Udite! Udite!’ in Sera, Rome, 11/02/1977; cit. these homages (…) But you could create Almanacco antiletterario in Carpi 2002: 84). Bompiani 1937, cit.: 65–80. 375 . Almanacco antilet- some veiled satire, which was allowed be- The titles of the individual terario Bompiani 1937, cit.: cause it was not understood’.373 But such illustrations are: Udite! 118–24. The photos are by Udite! (65), Duce (66), Gianni Calvi. intent to revolt cannot really be found in L’Italia è un’isola (67), Gi- 376 . Il Tesoretto. Alma- nevra (68), A.O. (Africa nacco dello ‘Specchio’ 1942. the Bompiani publication or anywhere else, Orientale) (69), Olimpiadi Verona: Mondadori, 1942: much less at that precise historic juncture— di Berlino (70), Spagna (71), 290–5. The sequence’s Inghilterra (72), Giappone subtitle is Cortometraggio and anyway, it has been repeatedly denied (73), URSS (74), America a colori and consists of 29 by many of his contemporaries, including (75), Francia (76), Io non photograms accompanied amo i sedentari (77), An- by a description of the ac- 374 Zavattini. nunci (78), Duce (79), Cie- tion. Schnapp hypothesises lo stellato (80). that it was a storyboard for As proof of Munari’s growing interest 373 . Munari 1976: 11. an animated short that was in visual narratives, the ’37 edition of the 374 . ‘(…) none of us planned but never realised ever did political satire in by Munari and the Cossio Almanacco contained another humourous those glorious days, it did brothers: given the use of not even cross our minds, montage in the images, the nor did we have any desire project likely dates back to to, under the eyes of the the mid-thirties, perhaps Minculpop [Ministero della 1937, as the absence of Ri- cultura popolare, the Min- cas might suggest (Schnapp istry of popular culture]. If 2008: 154; and correspond- anything we liked to create ence with the author, De- work on the verge of the ab- cember 2010). surd, stray a bit, talk about 377 . Cf. Schnapp 2008: other things, but it was not 149–50, 154. possible to throw punches 378 . Bruno Munari, Fo- at Mussolini’ (Zavattini tocronache. Milan: Editori- in C. Carabba, ‘La bussola ale Domus, 1944. Cf. review satirica di Zavattini’ in Paese in Domus no.201 (1944).

Bruno Munari and the invention of modern graphic design in Italy, 1928–1945