Security on the American Continent Challenges, Perceptions, and Concepts
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Security on the American Continent Challenges, Perceptions, and Concepts FRANCISCO ROJAS ARAVENA Security on the American Continent FES Briefing Paper May 2004 Page 2 1 Introduction English-speaking) and Central America (7 count- ries) plus Mexico. Together these two sub- The UN Security Council had to set up a peace regions make up the extensive Caribbean Basin. enforcement mission in Haiti to prevent a civil South America consists of another two sub- war which might spill over into neighbouring regions: the Andean nations (Bolivia, Colombia, countries. The death toll is rising daily in Mexico Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela) and MERCOSUR and Central America due to cross-border figh- (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay); to ting between rival gangs or maras. To establish these we must add Bolivia and Chile as associa- the rule of law, the Brazilian government de- ted states. cided to send troops into Rio de Janeiro to stem a tide of violence associated with drugs traffick- 2 International security: Where does ing which is using the weapons of war. In Co- Latin America fit in? lombia, the authorities announced that they we- re going to implement the „Patriot Plan” to re- During the present post-Cold War and post-11 claim territories where the state lost jurisdiction September period, there is no clear vision shared decades ago from guerrilla forces. This decision by the various international players on the essen- triggered fears in neighbouring countries, espe- tial path forward for the international order. The cially Ecuador, that conflict would spread across attacks of 11 September 2001 in the United Sta- the border. Amid the socio-political polarisation tes, combined with subsequent terrorist attacks in Venezuela, the government arrested nearly a up to 11 March 2004 in Madrid, indicate that hundred Colombian paramilitaries accused of the main threat is international terrorism with its subverting national order. In Bolivia, against a global reach. This is most widely perceived as the backdrop of instability, the armed forces prime threat by countries belonging to the Uni- withdrew to barracks in protest against a military ted Nations. However, perceptions of just how trial being transferred to a civil court. This hap- close and/or imminent this threat actually is dif- pened during increasing mobilisation against the fer substantially from one region of the world to policies of President Mesa. Bolivia’s maritime the next. In structural terms, the United States is claims against Chile undermined dialogue bet- perceived to be consolidating its hegemony by ween the two countries. Argentina has been creating a hard power gap of such magnitude plunged into an energy crisis which is exerting that it has no counterweight. This gives it more an impact on neighbouring states. For Chile, this scope to wield its essential tool of influence – meant launching a diplomatic and technical de- soft power. The re-ordering of the global hierar- bate about fulfilling contracts and respecting chy is taking place outside the traditional institu- commitments. From the perspective of the Uni- tional mechanisms of multilateralism. The United ted States, threats from the region focus on the States is building a de-institutionalised capacity narcotics trade, which is being linked to interna- for global control based on „ad hoc coalitions”. tional organised crime and thus to extremist and This translates into a policy of radical unilateral- terrorist structures in the greater Middle East. ism using intervention and pre-emptive strikes as its means. It is not yet apparent whether this will The scenario described above shows how, in the be long-term state policy or whether it is simply 35 countries of the American continent, there is the political expression of a specific administrati- a strong interplay between the security, govern- on led by George W. Bush. Through the UN Se- ance, defence and development agendas, driven curity Council the international community, inc- by a broad spectrum of stakeholders in a context luding Latin America and the Caribbean, has heavily interlinked with international and domes- granted the biggest coalition of states, with the tic factors. The focus of attention in Latin Ameri- United States at the helm, broad powers to ca and the Caribbean is the hemisphere itself, combat terrorism, authorising the intervention in but also the sub-regional environment. Only Bra- Afghanistan for this very purpose. This, however, zil defines itself as a global and regional player, was not enough for the Bush Jr. administration. which is why it supports initiatives such as the His obsession with Iraq prompted him to break G3/BISA (Brazil, India and South Africa) and the that coalition and exercise unilateral power, with South American Strategic Area. There are four grave consequences for multilateral cooperation sub-regions in Latin America and the Caribbean: and stability in the region, including the stability in the north, the Caribbean (both Spanish- and Security on the American Continent FES Briefing Paper May 2004 Page 3 of international oil prices. A year after the inter- with high standards of transparency to address vention in Iraq, it has been effectively de- questions of common interest. There is no con- monstrated that, however great the hard power sensus on commercial integration (American of the United States may be, establishing peace Free Trade Area) and the region is divided on and political, economic and social stability in Iraq whether or not to support it. Brazil has cam- – as in any other conflict – calls for the kind of paigned hardest against the idea. legitimacy derived from institutionalised multila- The region does not share a common position teralism backed by material support. on reforming the United Nations. Support is ex- The region which feels the influence of the pressed for principles and proposals calling for United States most directly is the American „more democracy” and more „participation” in hemisphere. Even so, it is granted scant attenti- decision-making, especially in the Security Coun- on or priority. Latin America plays a marginal cil. Views have been expressed that the UN role in world affairs. The region has sought to should be restructured to enhance its represen- adopt and maintain a marginal position on stra- tational balance. At least three countries – Ar- tegic issues. It has been defined as a region of gentina, Brazil and Mexico – have announced peace, non-proliferation, free of nuclear arms, that they will be seeking a permanent seat on strategic carriers or warheads, and chemical and the Council if it is enlarged. Competition has biological weapons. By the same token, military paralysed the dialogue and proposals. spending in Latin America and the Caribbean is Faced with the emergence of new threats which lower than in any other region of the world. are non-territorial, asymmetric and transnational Latin America does not pose a threat to any in- – the hallmarks of global terrorism – Latin Amer- ternational players. Quite the reverse: it contri- ica may display a number of vulnerabilities, but it butes effectively to global stability by participa- is not a logistic springboard for planning acts of ting in peace-keeping missions created by the global terrorism, in spite of US insinuations to United Nations. this effect. All the evidence collected since the Peace is not maintained of its own accord. One attacks of 11 September 2001 indicates that or more states must assume the responsibility cells linked to global terrorism are not operating and accept the burden required to uphold it. On from Latin America. This is one area in which it is the American continent, the will of Latin Ameri- important to continue cooperation and the ex- ca will not in itself suffice to preserve stability change of information to prevent Latin American and peace. The will of the United States is an territory being used to attack the United States essential condition. The change of tack in US or the European Union and their interests. policy as it pursued its „multilateralism à la carte” combined with a process of unilateral 3 State security: accelerating change intervention beyond the pale of UN legitimacy States remain the primary actors within the in- has strained the opportunities for cooperation in ternational order, but they are not the only ac- implementing peace. Moreover, the United Sta- tors. Today they are obliged to share arenas of tes is promoting partnerships which divide the power and co-operation with non-state stake- region. This happened over Iraq, with seven holders, civil society organisations, multi- and countries condemning the invasion and seven transnational corporations and even individuals. supporting it, of which four dispatched symbolic This has brought about a fundamental change in military contingents (El Salvador, Honduras, Ni- regional and global relations. State security has caragua and the Dominican Republic). US poli- traditionally been founded on two fundamental cies towards the region are perceived as stimu- components: a) internal cohesion in organising lating the militarisation of conflicts and the „se- domestic power relations, including the formati- curitisation” of the agenda. In the light of these on of a government capable of asserting the rule trends, and also of the external/internal influen- of law, within a set territory and for the whole ce which the United States exerts in every population; b) relations between sovereign sta- country in the region, Latin America faces the tes, whether they are competing or co-operating. option of: a) splitting further in pursuit of spora- These two components have changed substanti- dic advantages for individual countries; or b) ally throughout the world in general and in Latin establishing effective mechanisms for dialogue Security on the American Continent FES Briefing Paper May 2004 Page 4 America in particular. Frequently different play- Venezuela, Venezuela-Guyana, Argentina-Great ers compete within the same territory, thereby Britain and the United States-Cuba.