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Security on the American Continent Challenges, Perceptions, and Concepts

FRANCISCO ROJAS ARAVENA

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1 Introduction English-speaking) and (7 count- ries) plus . Together these two sub- The UN Security Council had to set up a peace make up the extensive Basin. enforcement mission in Haiti to prevent a civil consists of another two sub- war which might spill over into neighbouring regions: the Andean nations (Bolivia, Colombia, . The death toll is rising daily in Mexico Ecuador, Peru and ) and MERCOSUR and Central America due to cross- figh- (, , Paraguay and Uruguay); to ting between rival gangs or maras. To establish these we must add Bolivia and Chile as associa- the rule of law, the Brazilian government de- ted states. cided to send troops into Rio de Janeiro to stem a tide of violence associated with drugs traffick- 2 International security: Where does ing which is using the weapons of war. In Co- fit in? lombia, the authorities announced that they we- re going to implement the „Patriot Plan” to re- During the present post-Cold War and post-11 claim territories where the state lost jurisdiction September period, there is no clear vision shared decades ago from guerrilla forces. This decision by the various international players on the essen- triggered fears in neighbouring countries, espe- tial path forward for the international order. The cially Ecuador, that conflict would spread across attacks of 11 September 2001 in the United Sta- the border. Amid the socio-political polarisation tes, combined with subsequent terrorist attacks in Venezuela, the government arrested nearly a up to 11 March 2004 in Madrid, indicate that hundred Colombian paramilitaries accused of the main threat is international terrorism with its subverting national order. In Bolivia, against a global reach. This is most widely perceived as the backdrop of instability, the armed forces prime threat by countries belonging to the Uni- withdrew to barracks in protest against a military ted Nations. However, perceptions of just how trial being transferred to a civil court. This hap- close and/or imminent this threat actually is dif- pened during increasing mobilisation against the fer substantially from one of the to policies of President Mesa. Bolivia’s maritime the next. In structural terms, the is claims against Chile undermined dialogue bet- perceived to be consolidating its hegemony by ween the two countries. Argentina has been creating a hard power gap of such magnitude plunged into an energy crisis which is exerting that it has no counterweight. This gives it more an impact on neighbouring states. For Chile, this scope to wield its essential tool of influence – meant launching a diplomatic and technical de- soft power. The re-ordering of the global hierar- bate about fulfilling contracts and respecting chy is taking place outside the traditional institu- commitments. From the perspective of the Uni- tional mechanisms of multilateralism. The United ted States, threats from the region focus on the States is building a de-institutionalised capacity narcotics trade, which is being linked to interna- for global control based on „ad hoc coalitions”. tional organised crime and thus to extremist and This translates into a policy of radical unilateral- terrorist structures in the greater Middle . ism using intervention and pre-emptive strikes as its means. It is not yet apparent whether this will The scenario described above shows how, in the be long-term state policy or whether it is simply 35 countries of the American continent, there is the political expression of a specific administrati- a strong interplay between the security, govern- on led by George W. Bush. Through the UN Se- ance, defence and development agendas, driven curity Council the international community, inc- by a broad spectrum of stakeholders in a context luding Latin America and the Caribbean, has heavily interlinked with international and domes- granted the biggest coalition of states, with the tic factors. The focus of attention in Latin Ameri- United States at the helm, broad powers to ca and the Caribbean is the hemisphere itself, combat terrorism, authorising the intervention in but also the sub-regional environment. Only Bra- Afghanistan for this very purpose. This, however, zil defines itself as a global and regional player, was not enough for the Bush Jr. administration. which is why it supports initiatives such as the His obsession with Iraq prompted him to break G3/BISA (Brazil, and South ) and the that coalition and exercise unilateral power, with South American Strategic Area. There are four grave consequences for multilateral cooperation sub-regions in Latin America and the Caribbean: and stability in the region, including the stability in the north, the Caribbean (both Spanish- and

Security on the American Continent FES Briefing Paper May 2004 Page 3 of international oil prices. A year after the inter- with high standards of transparency to address vention in Iraq, it has been effectively de- questions of common interest. There is no con- monstrated that, however great the hard power sensus on commercial integration (American of the United States may be, establishing peace Free Trade Area) and the region is divided on and political, economic and social stability in Iraq whether or not to support it. Brazil has cam- – as in any other conflict – calls for the kind of paigned hardest against the idea. legitimacy derived from institutionalised multila- The region does not share a common position teralism backed by material support. on reforming the United Nations. Support is ex- The region which feels the influence of the pressed for principles and proposals calling for United States most directly is the American „more democracy” and more „participation” in hemisphere. Even so, it is granted scant attenti- decision-making, especially in the Security Coun- on or priority. Latin America plays a marginal cil. Views have been expressed that the UN role in world affairs. The region has sought to should be restructured to enhance its represen- adopt and maintain a marginal position on stra- tational balance. At least three countries – Ar- tegic issues. It has been defined as a region of gentina, Brazil and Mexico – have announced peace, non-proliferation, free of nuclear arms, that they will be seeking a permanent seat on strategic carriers or warheads, and chemical and the Council if it is enlarged. Competition has biological weapons. By the same token, military paralysed the dialogue and proposals. spending in Latin America and the Caribbean is Faced with the emergence of new threats which lower than in any other region of the world. are non-territorial, asymmetric and transnational Latin America does not pose a threat to any in- – the hallmarks of global terrorism – Latin Amer- ternational players. Quite the reverse: it contri- ica may display a number of vulnerabilities, but it butes effectively to global stability by participa- is not a logistic springboard for planning acts of ting in peace-keeping missions created by the global terrorism, in spite of US insinuations to United Nations. this effect. All the evidence collected since the Peace is not maintained of its own accord. One attacks of 11 September 2001 indicates that or more states must assume the responsibility cells linked to global terrorism are not operating and accept the burden required to uphold it. On from Latin America. This is one area in which it is the American continent, the will of Latin Ameri- important to continue cooperation and the ex- ca will not in itself suffice to preserve stability change of information to prevent Latin American and peace. The will of the United States is an territory being used to attack the United States essential condition. The change of tack in US or the European Union and their interests. policy as it pursued its „multilateralism à la carte” combined with a process of unilateral 3 State security: accelerating change intervention beyond the pale of UN legitimacy States remain the primary actors within the in- has strained the opportunities for cooperation in ternational order, but they are not the only ac- implementing peace. Moreover, the United Sta- tors. Today they are obliged to share arenas of tes is promoting partnerships which divide the power and co-operation with non-state stake- region. This happened over Iraq, with seven holders, civil society organisations, multi- and countries condemning the invasion and seven transnational corporations and even individuals. supporting it, of which four dispatched symbolic This has brought about a fundamental change in military contingents (El Salvador, Honduras, Ni- regional and global relations. State security has caragua and the Dominican Republic). US poli- traditionally been founded on two fundamental cies towards the region are perceived as stimu- components: a) internal cohesion in organising lating the militarisation of conflicts and the „se- domestic power relations, including the formati- curitisation” of the agenda. In the light of these on of a government capable of asserting the rule trends, and also of the external/internal influen- of law, within a set territory and for the whole ce which the United States exerts in every population; b) relations between sovereign sta- in the region, Latin America faces the tes, whether they are competing or co-operating. option of: a) splitting further in pursuit of spora- These two components have changed substanti- dic advantages for individual countries; or b) ally throughout the world in general and in Latin establishing effective mechanisms for dialogue

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America in particular. Frequently different play- Venezuela, Venezuela-Guyana, Argentina-Great ers compete within the same territory, thereby Britain and the United States-Cuba. In addition fragmenting society; this is the case in Haiti, there are many dormant conflicts. The experien- Central America and Venezuela. In addition, ce of the nineties shows that these border issues when state action fails to satisfy the demands of led to a broad use of force. On more than 25 peoples or societies, domestic security and the occasions force was demonstrated by means of capacity for governance are subject to vulnerabi- effective military deployment or a readiness to lities. This is illustrated by the situation in Bolivia, mobilise. In the case of Ecuador-Peru in 1995 Ecuador or Peru, and also in Central America. there was a brief war, and active international However, the main focus of inter-state relations mediation was required to end it. This involved is founded on the capacity for sovereign decisi- the United States, Argentina and Chile via the on-making and full territorial integrity. Traditio- Military Observer Mission to Ecuador and Peru nally, this was the pivotal factor in the percepti- (MOMEP). on of threats to security. Peace between states is In the light of these facts, it is essential to Latin America’s greatest asset and one which establish specific mechanisms for recognising needs to be preserved. The principal threat to disputes, proposing alternative solutions and state security in this region derives from do- designing effective measures to promote a cli- mestic vulnerabilities. An inability to satisfy the mate of stability and trust. Regional institutiona- demands and needs of the population makes it lity – born during the Cold War – is still weak. harder to establish effective democratic instituti- There are no early warning systems. On the o- onality and to move forward from electoral de- ther hand, major advances have been achieved mocracy to civil democracy, as formulated in the when it comes to confidence- and security - UNPD Report of 2004. building measures, resulting in a range of pro- Progress in security and defence relations was gress from protocol initiatives to joint military achieved during the nineties because the major exercises. This process has now been underway disputes over state – between Argentina for ten years. 21 states have announced the and Chile, Peru and Ecuador, Chile and Peru, El implementation of confidence- and security - Salvador and Honduras – were resolved and stra- building measures of this kind, above all ex- tegic military competition eased between the changes of information and visits to military in- major players, notably between Argentina and stallations. A large number of countries in the Brazil in the nuclear field. Agreements and coo- region have specified defence and security poli- peration have consolidated this scenario of cies in the form of Defence Papers: Argentina, broad inter-state stability, enabling South Ameri- Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Guatemala and Peru. The- ca to declare itself a Peace Zone. re is now also more transparency in military spending, founded on national sources but a- Maintaining proactive measures designed to dopting a standardised methodology. Argentina consolidate peace between states is an ongoing and Chile launched an initiative, subsequently task. If existing processes of economic comple- joined by Peru and with support from CEPAL, mentarity do not evolve into strong, intensive which will permit the creation of a comparative processes towards association and integration, framework to express military spending. This is a there will be a need to address all the aspects field with huge potential for expansion at regio- associated with territorial sovereignty, border nal level. Deeper knowledge mitigates the demarcation and strategic balance. The traditio- distrust which arises around military spending nal conflicts have not disappeared. In fact, there and procurement. are a considerable number of disputes linked to the underlying issue of territorial sovereignty. The main perception of threat – notwithstanding Taking all the sub-regions as a whole, there are the above – is no longer rooted in inter-state more than forty situations relating to border dis- disputes. The transnational dimension is now a putes coupled with territorial claims and/or de- central feature. Threats are affecting several sta- marcation problems on or . The principal tes at once, and such threats cannot be resolved active controversies concern Belize-Guatemala, within national borders. Moreover, they are Bolivia-Chile, Honduras-Nicaragua, Colombia- being provoked by players or agents who do not Nicaragua, Costa Rica-Nicaragua, Colombia- represent governments or states. Organised cri-

Security on the American Continent FES Briefing Paper May 2004 Page 5 me is a fundamental player in the emergence of also some international organisations and even these new threats. Intra-state tensions, gaps states, promoted the concept of human security created within society, against a backdrop of to define new security challenges more ap- growing access to light arms, have prepared the propriately and place individuals at the focus of ground for various non-state forces, notably or- attention. The origins can be traced back to the ganised crime with its international links, to chal- UNDP Report New Dimensions to Human Secu- lenge the state’s legitimate monopoly of force. rity, which argues that „human security centres There is a need in the region to address post- on the human being”. Human security, the conflict situations in order to stem the transfer authors continue, means that people are able to of weaponry which otherwise occurs. In other exercise their options in security and freedom words, effective action must be taken as soon as and that they can be relatively confident that the a state and its society are pacified to withdraw opportunities they have today will not vanish as many arms as possible from circulation, to completely tomorrow. establish strict supply-side control and to restore May 2003 saw the publication of the report the state’s monopoly on the use of force. This is Human Security: Now. Human security clusters one of the tasks currently posed in Haiti, which different types of freedom: freedom from depri- never reached its completion in Central America, vation, freedom from fear and freedom to act and which will constitute one of the pivotal ele- on one’s own behalf. The report suggests that ments in Colombia. Urban violence causes more there are two basic strategies for achieving the deaths in Latin America and the Caribbean than objective described above: protecting individuals does open conflict. The region suffers 25.10 or empowering individuals. On the one hand, homicides per 100 thousand inhabitants, a rate human security emerges in this sense as a con- higher than in any other region of the world; cept which complements the notion of the sta- more than a hundred thousand people are mur- te’s territorial security. On the other hand, how- dered every year, quite apart from other crimes ever, the concept challenges the „doctrine of such as abduction and robbery. We should point national security” by focussing firmly on indi- out, moreover, that there is a major gender gap viduals and human rights. Human security in- and big differences from one country to another. tegrates a multidimensional perspective which, The overwhelming majority of murder victims in contrast to the classical concept of state secu- are young men. Rates are extremely high in rity, places the emphasis on non-military factors Central America and Colombia. In the former, and on cooperation. this is a consequence of the wars in the 1980s and confrontations between cross-border youth and Chile have promoted this human gangs, known as maras. In the latter, it is the security perspective. Both are members of the result of the present conflict, which has been Human Security Network set up by 13 countries dragging out now for almost 50 years. Brazil has on different continents: Austria, Canada, Chile, witnessed a big increase in violence. Two count- Slovenia, , the Netherlands, , Jor- ries display very low levels: Chile and Uruguay, dan, Mali, Norway, Switzerland and Thailand, both less than 4.6. The IDB estimates that alto- with South Africa as an observer. gether these deaths cost the region 14.2% of its At the Special Conference on Security in the GDP. , to which we will be returning later, the concept of human security was taken on 4 Human security: individuals and board after lengthy debate as a basis for protec- communities tion of the individual and respect for human The concept of human security entered the dignity. This marked some changes in structural world stage in the mid-nineties in a context trends up to 11 September, with the implemen- when new paradigms were being sought to an- tation of concrete policies from the Network’s chor changes in the international order, with agenda (mines, control of small arms, child sol- growing theoretical and practical debate about diers, human trafficking). These initiatives the traditional concepts of security which n-i complement those relating to state security and spired actions taken by countries for much of will reinforce international security. the last century. The academic community, but

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5 Latin America’s prime vulnerability: The American Presidential Summits – Miami in (un)governance 94, Santiago in 98, Quebec in 01, Monterrey in 04 – reflected the priorities, with specific measu- If we analyse the security and defence situation res expressed by means of action plans. In the in Latin America in 2004, we can conclude that field of security, this protracted process culmina- the main threats are rooted in domestic conflicts. ted in the Special Conference on Security held in The key risk factors in Latin America and the the District of Mexico in October 2003, where a Caribbean are associated with lack of governan- new, broad and multidimensional concept of ce, instability and weak democratic institutionali- security was proposed which emphasised non- ty. The evidence of the last 15 years indicates a traditional threats. high level of regional instability and, in many instances, overspill from national conflicts into Identifying the threats: sub-regional factors neighbouring countries and beyond, triggering conditions in which inter-state issues may re- By ranking perceptions of threat in the various emerge and escalate. The tensions between Co- sub-regions we can observe strong similarities lombia and Venezuela, or indeed between Ecua- around the key themes of overarching concern. dor and Brazil, are examples. The crisis in Haiti These are: drugs trafficking, terrorism, arms traf- reflects a similar scenario in the Caribbean. ficking, organised crime, the environment and natural disasters, poverty and social deprivation, Instability has become a persistent feature of and guerrilla activity and subversive groups. Ana- Latin America and the Caribbean. Political and lysing perceptions of threat from the perspective economic crises accompanied by social uphea- of the region as a whole, we will note that in all vals have provoked the resignation of eight their contributions the authorities stress drugs heads of state, 19 military crises or states of ten- trafficking and terrorism as threats. Second place sion and five coups d’état. During the nineties goes to poverty and social deprivation, arms traf- Latin America and the Caribbean witnessed mo- ficking and problems relating to the environ- re than twenty-five institutional crises. The most ment or natural disasters. There is a third cate- striking cases were in Paraguay, Haiti and Peru. gory which includes organised crime, although Since 2000 new hotbeds of tension have devel- this might also be associated with arms traffi- oped in Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru and cking or with terrorism and drugs trafficking. Venezuela, quite apart from the renewed erup- The list is completed by guerrilla activity and tion of crisis in Haiti (see appendix table 1). subversive groups. However, if we then analyse Instability calls for action to reinforce democratic perceptions of threat sub-region by sub-region, regimes and implement support mechanisms of priorities vary after the top two. Poverty emerges the kind envisaged in the Democratic Charter for as a strong factor in the Andean region and the the Americas signed in 2001. There are very high Caribbean, whereas natural disasters are a major levels of dissatisfaction with democracy in the concern in Central America. Only the Andean region: 66% in 2003. National and regional al- countries attach mid-ranging importance to ternatives must be developed in order to reduce guerrilla activities, while these come bottom of social divisions and combat poverty. Particular the list in the other sub-regions (see appendix importance is attributed to formulating and im- table 2). plementing a plan for democratic governance, The Special Conference on Security defined the paving the way for stability, growth and human key threats as: 1) terrorism along with cross- development as a foundation for national and border crime and related offences, 2) extreme regional security. poverty and social exclusion, 3) natural disasters, HIV/AIDS and other diseases, and environmental 6 Regional security: defining the degradation; 4) illegal human trafficking, 5) at- threats and devising new concepts tacks on digital security, 6) potentially hazardous Major efforts have been undertaken on the substances in maritime freight, 7) weapons of American continent over the last ten years to mass destruction and their carriers. The Declara- establish a common concept of security, tion on Security in the Americas lists 36 com- founded on shared values, which would facili- mitments. At least 50% of these are aimed at tate effective political commitments in this area.

Security on the American Continent FES Briefing Paper May 2004 Page 7 solving the concerns and challenges described foreign and defence ministries but also officers above. of the armed forces. It should be noted that, with the exception of Peru, all the South Ameri- Establishing a new concept can countries sent their Minister or Deputy Mi- The Declaration on Security in the Americas nister of Defence along with their Foreign Minis- adopted a broad approach to conceptualising ter. In three cases, all from the English-speaking security, rooted in a notion of multidimensional- Caribbean, the head of delegation was a military ity as the interlinking factor. This places the con- man. 60% of delegations from countries with cept on a wider footing, applying conventional armed forces included military personnel. The methods to tackle new, unconventional threats, participation of civil society organisations was including their political, economic, social, - modest, but they were given a hearing and so- related and environmental aspects. me of their recommendations were incorporated. There is particular significance in the recognition This new concept of security with its broad ap- by states of consultation with civil society orga- proach facilitated consensus at the Special Con- nisations in applying a multidimensional appro- ference on Security. It embraced the worries of ach to security. all stakeholders, from the superpower to micro- states in the Caribbean. In fact, the United Sta- Considering this conceptual breadth and the tes facilitated agreement by accepting two pa- constellation of actors involved, we expect co- ragraphs, indicating its dissent in a footnote operation to develop on a bilateral and sub- (landmines and change). A very broad regional basis. We should be aware that pro- concept is, however, harder to operationalise. nounced bilateralism, especially between such Tackling the security, defence, environmental, asymmetric stakeholders as the United States health and development agendas simultaneously and other countries in the region, will limit the is such a comprehensive task that a coherent scope for multilateral moves, tending to foster programme of activities is highly unlikely. Ne- „multilateralism à la carte” and to fragment the vertheless, given the satisfaction felt by the sta- response. As a consequence, this security archi- tes who subscribed to the concept, it is concei- tecture founded on and developed by the sub- vable that each sub-regional structure will permit regions will be flexible, modular, and by the formulation of action plans which are tailo- cooperative and collective. red more precisely to requirements, specific per- A flexible security ceptions of threat and the resources available to combat them. This flexible character, defined in the Declaration adopted by Defence Ministers in Santiago de The principal actors Chile in November 2002, has emerged because Mexico played a pivotal role in drawing up the „the region has gradually shifted towards a agreements, managing – after a postponement complex system of security, constituted by a – to move the Conference on and achieve con- network of old and new institutions and mecha- sensus around the Declaration. Chile and Cana- nisms of security, both collective and co- da moved proposals in which the concept of operative, which is hemispherical, regional, sub- human security was a fundamental factor. The regional and bilateral in its reach.” The Miami United States focussed strongly on development, Consensus – an outcome of the expert meeting although without suggesting any specific additi- on confidence- and security -building measures in ons. Brazil stressed the issue of poverty. The Ca- February 2003 – stated that „the development ribbean countries made a clear case for the con- of measures to promote confidence and security cerns of small states and Central America is part of the emergence of a new flexible secu- promoted its model of democratic security. rity architecture in the Americas, as they are a substantial and irreplaceable feature of a net- In debates about security and defence in the work of bilateral, sub-regional, regional and he- countries of the region, there are some differ- mispherical agreements on co-operation elabo- ences of a bureaucratic nature between gov- rated to complement the security institutions ernment positions. The delegations participating forged by the inter-American system”. at the Conference included representatives of

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By virtue of the consensus achieved between One of the major challenges, both intellectually states, the Declaration on Security in the Ameri- and institutionally, has been to bring together cas recognised and formalised a series of instru- the links in a conceptual chain which reaches ments which have instigated the construction of from human security to international security via a new security architecture for the American state security. The way in which this relationship continent: is constructed will determine the ability to satisfy, operationalise and implement at one and the · The present guiding principles for security in same time the requirements of global and natio- the hemisphere are derived from the United nal security and the security of individuals and Nations Charter and the Charter of the Or- communities. ganisation of American States. The essential nature of today’s new international · The key instruments for the prevention and conflicts, centres on intra-state problems, dem- resolution of conflicts and the peaceful solu- onstrates the need to explore a more appropri- tion of disputes are the Treaty of Rio (TIAR) ate definition of the inter-relationship between and the Bogotá Pact, although it is imperati- these three levels, especially given the impact of ve to review these and adapt them to pre- globalisation. The new threats are by character sent-day security and defence needs. transnational and they are part and parcel of · The institutions and processes with an active „parallel globalisation”. They involve actors and role in this field are the Organisation of A- agents who for the most part do not represent merican States and its Security Commission. nations or governments, nor are they located in The Presidential Summits and Conferences a clearly demarcated state territory. The risks and of Defence Ministers provide orientation and vulnerabilities which affect the security of one define priority issues. nation simultaneously – in the context of globali- sation and interdependence – influence the se- · Within the Inter-American family, the bodies operationalising the new architecture are curity of others, and so they cannot be exclusive- ly resolved within the borders of one state. Wars the Inter-American Commission on the have also changed radically. The great majority Control of Drug Abuse (CICAD), the Inter- American Anti-Terrorism Committee (CICTE) do not take place between states. Conflicts are intra-national with inter-state consequences. and the Inter-American Committee for the Their origins and driving forces are more likely to Reduction of Natural Disasters (CIRDN). A role is also played by the Inter-American be socio-economic, ethnic, religious or inspired by self-determination than the result of border Court of Human Rights. In addition, there disputes. Non-state actors have acquired a grea- are links with the Inter-American Defence Council (JID). ter weight. There are, moreover, growing calls for international inter-governmental bodies and 7 By way of a conclusion: the security NGOs to intervene. As a result, we are witnes- trilogy sing a further diminishing of state capacities in this field, especially in the case of states with In the last decade, the countries and societies of relatively little power. Latin America have been absorbed in a process of deep reflection and reformulation surroun- In this trilogy of human, national and internatio- ding concepts of security. There has been a con- nal security, scenarios will determine which fac- ceptual shift from a Cold War perspective, with tor has the greatest significance. In by far the its sights set clearly on an enemy, expressed in majority of cases where the state has power and the actions of a state and backed by powerful influence, it will be under pressure to take military weight, towards a new post-Cold War responsibility for preventing a domestic situation stage in which the threats are diffuse and trans- from spilling across its borders into neighbouring national. The influence of traditional military territory, or from triggering major population factors has receded as a result and many of the- displacements and, as a consequence, intra-state se threats do not seem to be connected to state tensions. This re-affirms the continuing impor- actors. tance of states as the principal players on the international stage. In some geographical regi- ons, especially Africa and the Caribbean, the

Security on the American Continent FES Briefing Paper May 2004 Page 9 centre of gravity will tend to lie more with inter- Zone. They weaken security because of their lack national security and its key actors, those who of governance. To achieve effective security, the have to respond when some states display conditions of one factor must be met at the sa- weakness. The focus, then, is on the capacity of me time as the conditions of the others. An in- the international system to respond to crises in ternational crisis is simultaneously a state crisis fragile or failing states, either to create stability and a human security crisis, just as a crisis of or to initiate and promote cooperation and as- human security is simultaneously a state and sistance during humanitarian disasters. international crisis. Hence the need to construct a holistic, integrated perspective. For this we will In the case of Latin America, the key vulnerabili- need new terminology and new concepts befit- ties derive from a crisis of governance through- ting this era which we cannot yet define, which out the region, which hampers the promotion of is why we describe it variously as post-Cold War, human security and produces, rather, the oppo- post 11 September and post-Security Con- site effect by generating opportunities for in- ference. tense insecurity, reflected in a fear of violence and fear of the wide-ranging dissatisfied needs. About the author: Given the low level of conflict between states Francisco Rojas Aravena is Director of the Latin and a crisis of governance which falls short of American Faculty of Social Science(FLACSO), humanitarian crisis, the international community Santiago de Chile. He is an author and editor of pays little attention to the problems affecting several books. His most recent publications are: Latin American countries. „The United States and Chile” (Routledge, Nueva In short, Latin America and the Caribbean have York 2001, con David R. Mares); „Multilateral- enhanced global security thanks to denucleari- ismo. Perspectivas latinoamericanas” (Nueva sation and their status as an inter-state Peace Sociedad, FLACSO – Chile, Carracas, 2000).

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Appendix

Table 1

Crises of political institutions in Latin America 1990-2004

Country/year 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04 Argentina Belize Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Cuba Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Haiti Honduras Mexico Nicaragua Panama Paraguay Peru Surinam Uruguay Venezuela

Source: Compiled by FLACSO Chile from press reports.

Coups d’état Military uprising or tension Dismissal/resignation of the head of state

Table 2

Perceptions of threat ranked according to sub-region

MERCOSUR ANDEAN NATIONS CENTRAL AMERICA CARIBBEAN Drugs trafficking Drugs trafficking Drugs trafficking Drugs trafficking Terrorism Terrorism Terrorism Terrorism Arms trafficking Poverty and social dep- Environment and natu- Poverty and social dep- rivation ral disasters rivation Organised crime Guerrilla activity and Organised crime Environment and natural subversive groups disasters Environment and Arms trafficking Poverty and social dep- Arms trafficking natural disasters rivation Poverty and social Organised crime Arms trafficking Organised crime deprivation Guerrilla activity and Environment and natu- Guerrilla activity and ------subversive groups ral disasters subversive groups

Source: Compiled by the author from speeches by Defence Ministers at the V Ministerial Conference in Santiago, Novem- ber 2002, and replies submitted by countries to the Hemispherical Security Council of the OAS. The trends indicated in the table tally with national contributions to the Special Conference on Security in 2003.

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More information is available on

www.fes.de/globalization

The focus of the program „Security in a Globalized World” lies on the specific perceptions and processes of security and security policies in the regions of the South. The program is part of the international work of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and contributes through conferences, workshops and publications to the debates on cooperative security structures. The views expressed in this publication are not necessarily the ones of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or of the organization for which the author works.

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