Official newspaper oF The Industrial Workers of the World

INDUSTRIALDecember 2013 #1761 Vol. 110 No. 10 $2/ £2/ €2 WORKER

Perspectives on IWW Boston Wobblies & How I Got Fired And Nonviolent Direct Strategy & Tactics Allies Protest Police Won My Job Back Action & The Early 4 Brutality 5 8-9 IWW 11 Fast-Food Unionism: The Unionization Of McDonald’s & The McDonaldization of Unions By Erik Forman garnished its product with a veneer of sci- nate more and more sectors of American Fast food is America. First striking ence, titillating the American love affair society as well as of the rest of the world.” root in the economic hothouse of the long with technologically-enabled predictabil- Ritzer decried the gleichschaltung of an post-World War II boom, the industry ity. Craving profits made possible by highly ever-widening swathe of institutions to took its place alongside freeways, suburbs, rationalized economies of scale, fast-food four values foundational to fast food: the single-family homes, shopping malls, cars, executives colonized the landscape of the “efficient” speedup of human social activ- and television as a thriving organism in the United States with the glowing emblems ity, reduction of life to a “calculability” ecosystem of American consumer culture. of their corporate empires from sea to that conflates quality with quantity, the From the dawn of the Cold War era to the shining sea. Nourishing, and nourished “predictability” of a standardized human dusk of the Great Recession, fast food was by, a culture that prefers representation to experience, and a fixation on bureaucratic shaped by and in turn came to shape the reality, appearance before substance, and control through technology. Updating a di- core values of the United States. short-term profit over long-term planning, agnosis elaborated by Max Weber and the Our lust for efficient instant gratifica- Americans fall easy prey to the siren call of critical theorists of the Frankfurt School, tion was satisfied with minuteman-like glossy burger porn advertising. American Ritzer sums up the malaise at the heart of service with a (forced) smile at the drive- consumers will fatten the bottom lines of our McDonaldized society as the “irratio- thru. A never-ending carousel of TV-adver- fast-food corporations with a projected nality of rationality”—the subordination of tised new-and-improved sandwiches and $191 billion in 2013. As the U.S. fast-food all other concerns to one overriding goal: soft drinks fed and fed upon the American industry grew, so grew the dominance of corporate profit. Of course, McDonaldiza- addiction to the latest, greatest thing. Su- its values in American society. We are what tion could be Disneyification, Walmartiza- per-sized meals catered to our seemingly we eat. America is fast food. tion, or Coca-colonization…the signifier is rational calculation that bigger is better. In 1993, sociologist George Ritzer irrelevant, at work beneath any of these From Taylorized back-of-house operations gave name to this “McDonaldization of corporate logos is the unfolding of the logic to genetically-modified, pesticide-infused Society,” noting that, “the principles of the of capitalism at a world scale. Photo: Diane Krauthamer burgers and fries, corporate management fast-food restaurant are coming to domi- Continued on 6 McDonald’s protest in D.C., July 24, 2013. Wobblies Fight Neo-Nazis In North Dakota Starbucks Workers Union Strike In Chile By Brandon W. On Sept. 22, mem- bers of the Red River General Membership Branch drove five hours from Fargo to Leith, N.D., to con- front members of the National Socialist Movement (NSM, a white nationalist par- ty) who are planning to take over the city’s government to cre- Wobblies demonstrate against neo-Nazis. Photo: FW Dana H. ate a white-only town. Community activists from the Standing As we drove into town, we saw the Rock Reservation in Bismarck, N.D., and police had closed off all but one road. Mov- residents of surrounding towns attended ing past the police roadblock, we began to Starbucks workers strike in Santiago, Nov. 7, 2013. Photo: Starbucks Workers Union of Chile the protest, as well as members of the see the swastika flag of the enemy flying Last Real Indians, Anti-Racist Action, and on buildings and in the town’s park. A From Ideas & Action violations of basic labor law. UnityND. The rally drew about 300 people member of the Standing Rock Reservation In September of this year, U.S.-based This should all come as no surprise on the anti-fascist side, with the cowardly Lakota Tribe greeted us and introduced members of the IWW were able to meet to U.S.-based workplace organizers and neo-Nazis only managing to summon himself to each of us. We were glad to have and connect with members of the Star- labor activists. For a number of years, about 15 people. Continued on 10 bucks Workers Union in Chile. At the time Wobblies in the United States have waged this piece was written, they were waging a an innovative campaign, beginning in New Industrial Worker Periodicals Postage strike over the company’s refusal to meet York City, to demand basic rights—only to PO Box 180195 PAID a single demand of the union and calling be met with outright hostility. Organizing Chicago, IL 60618, USA Chicago, IL for support and solidarity actions. led by rank-and-file workers won many and additional Beginning in one store in 2009 after hard-fought improvements as well as an ISSN 0019-8870 mailing offices workers wrote to the Starbucks Human increase in starting wages for NYC stores ADDRESS SERVICE REQUESTED Resources department, raising objections and holiday pay for Martin Luther King Jr. to a series of company-wide layoffs only Day. But after numerous firings and vio- to be arbitrarily fired, the union spread lations of labor rights, the campaign was nationally to half the employees across able to prove a systematic effort by high- the company in Chile (see “The Story level company officials to undermine and And Struggle Of Starbucks Workers In violate workers’ rights. So it should come Chile” on pages 1 and 12 of the Novem- as no surprise that Starbucks, which has ber 2013 Industrial Worker for a more been expanding to countries around the detailed interview). The union remains world, especially in developing countries, self-organized, unaffiliated to any larger is also taking these same labor practices labor body and led by rank-and-file work- around the world. Thus, the Starbucks ers. Since waging a labor strike and then Workers Union in Chile is part of the glob- hunger strike, the union has forged ahead al fight against multinational corporations despite Starbucks’ continued refusal to and their exploitative practices worldwide. negotiate or concede demands to meet The following statements were written by basic workplace standards (such as paid the Starbucks Workers Union: meals) and even after numerous fines for Continued on 10 Page 2 • Industrial Worker • December 2013 A Tribute To Fighters Before Us To the Editor, Butler earned not one, but two medals of republics for the benefit of Wall Street. I First, thank you for the outstanding honor, and fought in most of America’s helped purify Nicaragua for the Interna- November issue of the Industrial Worker. foreign adventures from the Spanish- tional Banking House of Brown Brothers The list of labor’s martyrs is extremely American War through the Banana Wars in 1902–1912. I brought light to the Do- moving and should make us all pause and in the 1920s. He was on active duty from minican Republic for the American sugar reflect—very sobering. It should be read by 1898 to 1931. The following is from his interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras Letters Welcome! everyone, Wobbly or not. rather lengthy entry in Wikipedia: right for the American fruit companies in Send your letters to: [email protected] with And the articles on the IWW in Mexico “In addition to his speeches to pacifist 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it “Letter” in the subject. in the early 20th century and the Wobblies groups, he served from 1935 to 1937 as that Standard Oil went on its way unmo- who fought in the Spanish Civil War are a spokesman for the American League lested. Looking back on it, I might have Mailing Address: very good reads, as is the one on Helen Against War and Fascism. In 1935, he given Al Capone a few hints. The best he Industrial Worker, P.O. Box 180195, Keller. wrote the exposé ‘War Is a Racket,’ a tren- could do was to operate his racket in three Chicago, IL 60618, United States. I sent you and asked you to print FW chant condemnation of the profit motive districts. I operated on three continents.’” Get the Word Out! Michael Francisconi’s loving tribute to behind warfare. His views on the subject Solidarity, those who preceded us. Thank you for are summarized in the following passage Bob Wagenknecht IWW members, branches, job shops and printing it, and for giving it such a promi- from a 1935 issue of the socialist magazine other affiliated bodies can get the word nent position in a box on page 5. Common Sense: IW Fails At The Obvious out about their project, event, campaign Finally, the more things change, the “‘I spent 33 years and four months in The November IW was excellent except or protest each month in the Industrial more they stay the same. active military service and during that for one joker in the deck: the appearance Worker. Send announcements to iw@ Maybe you’ve fairly recently printed period I spent most of my time as a high of the perennial bugaboo redundancy, “In- iww.org. Much appreciated donations the following well-known quote by former class muscle man for Big Business, for ternational Workers of the World” in the for the following sizes should be sent to: U.S. Marine General Smedley Butler. I Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I article, “The Anti-Democratic Nature Of only re-joined the IWW about a year-and- was a racketeer, a gangster for capital- Big Unions,” by Burkely Hermann, which IWW GHQ, Post Office Box 180195, a-half-ago, so for years wasn’t a regular ism. I helped make Mexico and especially appeared on page 15. The author is not ob- Chicago, IL 60618, United States. reader of the IW until just the past year. Tampico safe for American oil interests viously a Wobbly but the IW’s copyreader It’s another quote I think might be worth in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a should have nailed this groaner before $12 for 1” tall, 1 column wide running in future issue of the IW, if you decent place for the National City Bank press time and corrected it. There is little $40 for 4” by 2 columns haven’t run it recently. boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the excuse for it in our official newspaper. $90 for a quarter page Snicker at the name if you want, but raping of half a dozen Central American Harry Siitonen, SF Bay Area GMB Industrial Worker IWW directory The Voice of Revolutionary Africa British Isles Florida New York Industrial Unionism Uganda Health Workers IU 610: [email protected] Gainesville GMB: c/o Civic Media Center, 433 S. Main St., New York City GMB: 45-02 23rd Street, Suite #2, Long Pizza Hut Workers IU 640: [email protected] 32601. Robbie Czopek, del., 904-315-5292, gainesvil- Island City,11101. [email protected]. www.wobblycity. IWW Kabale Uganda: Justus Tukwasibwe Weij- [email protected], www.gainesvilleiww.org org Organization agye, P.O. Box 217, Kabale , Uganda, East Africa. Sheffield Education Workers: [email protected] jkweijagye[at]yahoo.com Miami IWW: [email protected] Starbucks Campaign: iwwstarbucksunion@gmail. Education London Bus Drivers: [email protected] com, www.starbucksunion.org Australia London Cleaners: [email protected] Hobe Sound: P. Shultz, 8274 SE Pine Circle, 33455-6608. New South Wales 772-545-9591, [email protected] Hudson Valley GMB: P.O. Box 48, Huguenot 12746, 845- Emancipation Bradford GMB: [email protected] 342-3405, [email protected], http://hviww.blogspot. Sydney GMB: [email protected]. Laura, del., Pensacola GMB: P.O. Box 2662, 32513-2662. 840-437- [email protected]. Bristol GMB: [email protected] 1323, [email protected], www.angelfire.com/ com/ Official newspaper of the Newcastle: [email protected] Leeds GMB: [email protected] fl5/iww Syracuse IWW: [email protected] Industrial Workers Woolongong: [email protected] London GMB: [email protected] Georgia Upstate NY GMB: P.O. Box 235, Albany 12201-0235, Manchester GMB: [email protected] Atlanta GMB: P.O. Box 5390, 31107. 678-964-5169, 518-833-6853 or 518-861-5627. www.upstate-nyiww. of the World Lismore: [email protected] [email protected], www.atliww.org org, [email protected], Rochelle Semel, Nottingham: [email protected] del., P.O. Box 172, Fly Creek 13337, 607-293-6489, Queensland Hawaii Post Office Box 180195 Brisbane: P.O. Box 5842, West End, Qld 4101. iww- Reading GMB: [email protected] [email protected] Chicago, IL 60618 USA [email protected]. Asger, del., happyanarchy@riseup. Sheffield GMB: [email protected] Honolulu: Tony Donnes, del., [email protected] Utica IWW: Brendan Maslauskas Dunn, del., 315-240- net 3149. [email protected] 773.728.0996 • [email protected] Sussex GMB: [email protected] Idaho South Australia West Midlands GMB: [email protected] Boise: Ritchie Eppink, del., P.O. Box 453, 83701. 208-371- North Carolina www.iww.org Adelaide: [email protected], www.wobbliesSA. 9752, [email protected] Carolina Mountains GMB: P.O. Box 1005, 28802. 828- org. Jesse, del., 0432 130 082 York GMB: [email protected] Illinois 407-1979. [email protected] Victoria Scotland Chicago GMB: P.O. Box 57114, 60657. 312-638-9155. Greensboro GMB: P. O. Box 5022, 27435. 1-855-IWW-4- General Secretary-Treasurer: Melbourne: P.O. Box 145, Moreland, VIC 3058. mel- Clydeside GMB: [email protected] [email protected] GSO (855-499-4476). [email protected] Sam Green [email protected], www.iwwmelbourne. Dumfries and Galloway GMB: [email protected] Freight Truckers Hotline: [email protected] North Dakota wordpress.com. Loki, del., lachlan.campbell.type@ Edinburgh GMB: [email protected] gmail.com Red River GMB: [email protected], redriveriww@gmail. Belgium Indiana com General Executive Board: Geelong: [email protected] Indiana GMB: 219-308-8634. [email protected]. Ohio Western Australia Floris De Rycker, Sint-Bavoplein 7, 2530 Boechout, Facebook: Indiana IWW Monika Vykoukal, Adam W., Belgium. [email protected] Mid-Ohio GMB: c/o Riffe, 4071 Indianola Ave., Columbus Perth GMB: P.O. Box 1, Cannington WA 6987. perthwob- German Language Area Iowa 43214. [email protected] DJ Alperovitz, John Slavin, [email protected]. Bruce, del.,coronation78@hotmail. Eastern Iowa IWW: 319-333-2476. EasternIowaIWW@ Dave Pike, Meg Beyer, com IWW German Language Area Regional Organizing gmail.com Northeast Ohio GMB: P.O. Box 141072, Cleveland 44114. Canada Committee (GLAMROC): IWW, Haberweg 19, 61352 Bad 216-502-5325 Montigue Magruder Homburg, Germany. [email protected]. www. Kansas Ohio Valley GMB: P.O. Box 6042, Cincinnati 45206, 513- IWW Canadian Regional Organizing Committee (CAN- wobblies.de Greater Kansas City/Lawrence GMB: 816-875-6060. 510-1486, [email protected] ROC): [email protected] Austria: [email protected], [email protected]. [email protected] Alberta Sweet Patches Screenprinting IU 410 Job Shop: Editor & Graphic Designer: www.iwwaustria.wordpress.com. Wichita: Naythan Smith, del., 316-633-0591. [email protected] Edmonton GMB: P.O. Box 4197, T6E 4T2. edmontongmb@ Berlin: Offenes Treffen jeden 2.Montag im Monat im Cafe [email protected] Diane Krauthamer iww.org, edmonton.iww.ca. Commune, Reichenberger Str.157, 10999 Berlin, 18 Uhr. Oklahoma Louisiana Tulsa: P.O. Box 213, Medicine Park 73557, 580-529-3360 [email protected] British Columbia (U-Bahnhof Kottbusser Tor). Postadresse: IWW Berlin, c/o Louisiana IWW: John Mark Crowder, del.,126 Kelly Lane, Vancouver GMB: 204-2274 York Ave., V6K 1C6. Rotes Antiquariat, Rungestr. 20, 10179 Berlin, Germany. Homer, 71040. 318-224-1472. [email protected] Oregon 604-732-9613. [email protected]. www. [email protected]. Lane GMB: Ed Gunderson, del., 541-743-5681. x355153@ vancouveriww.com Bremen: [email protected]. iwwbremen. Maine iww.org, www.eugeneiww.org Proofreaders: Vancouver Island GMB: Box 297 St. A, Nanaimo BC, V9R blogsport.de Maine IWW: 207-619-0842. [email protected], www. Portland GMB: 2249 E Burnside St., 97214, 503-231- Maria Rodriguez Gil, Afreen Azim, 5K9. [email protected]. http://vanislewobs.wordpress. Cologne/Koeln GMB: c/o Allerweltshaus, Koernerstr. southernmaineiww.org 5488. [email protected], portlandiww.org Jerome Baxter, Anthony Cage, com 77-79, 50823 Koeln, Germany. [email protected]. Maryland Portland Red and Black Cafe: 400 SE 12th Ave, 97214. Manitoba www.iwwcologne.wordpress.com Baltimore GMB: P.O. Box 33350, 21218. baltimoreiww@ 503-231-3899. [email protected]. www. Jonathan D. Beasley, Jacob Brent, Winnipeg GMB: IWW, c/o WORC, P.O. Box 1, R3C 2G1. Frankfurt - Eurest: IWW Betriebsgruppe Eurest gmail.com redandblackcafe.com [email protected] Haberweg 19 D- 61352 Bad Homburg. harald.stubbe@ Mathieu Dube, Neil Parthun, yahoo.de. Massachusetts Pennsylvania New Brunswick Boston Area GMB: P.O. Box 391724, Cambridge, 02139. Lancaster IWW: P.O. Box 352, 17608. 717-559-0797. Skylaar Amann, Chris Heffner, Fredericton: [email protected], Hamburg-Waterkant: [email protected] 617-863-7920, [email protected], www.IW- [email protected] frederictoniww.wordpress.com Kassel: [email protected]. www.wobblies-kassel. WBoston.org Billy O’Connor, Eric Wind, de Lehigh Valley GMB: P.O. Box 1477, Allentown, 18105- Ontario Cape Cod/SE Massachusetts: [email protected] 1477. 484-275-0873. [email protected]. David Patrick, Joel Gosse, Munich: [email protected] Ottawa-Outaouais GMB & GDC Local 6: 1106 Wellington Western Mass. Public Service IU 650 Branch: IWW, P.O. www. facebook.com/lehighvalleyiww Zachary Snowdon Smith St., P.O. Box 36042, Ottawa, K1Y 4V3. [email protected], Rostock: [email protected]. iww-rostock.net Box 1581, Northampton, 01061 Paper Crane Press IU 450 Job Shop: 610-358-9496. pa- [email protected] Switzerland: [email protected] [email protected], www.papercranepress.com Ottawa Panhandlers Union: Karen Crossman, spokesper- Michigan son, 613-282-7968, [email protected] Iceland: Jamie McQuilkin,del.,Stangarholti 26 Reykjavik Pittsburgh GMB: P.O. Box 5912,15210. 412-894-0558. Printer: 105. +354 7825894. [email protected] Detroit GMB: 4210 Trumbull Blvd., 48208. detroit@ [email protected] Peterborough: c/o PCAP, 393 Water St. #17, K9H 3L7, iww.org. Globe Direct/Boston Globe Media 705-749-9694. Sean Carleton, del., 705-775-0663, Lithuania: [email protected] Grand Rapids GMB: P.O. Box 6629, 49516. 616-881-5263. Rhode Island [email protected] Netherlands: [email protected] Millbury, MA [email protected] Providence GMB: P.O. Box 5795, 02903. 508-367-6434. Toronto GMB: c/o Libra Knowledge & Information Svcs Norway IWW: 004793656014. [email protected]. Grand Rapids Bartertown Diner and Roc’s Cakes: 6 [email protected] Co-op, P.O. Box 353 Stn. A, M5W 1C2. 416-919-7392. iw- http://www.iwwnorge.org, www.facebook.com/iw- Jefferson St., 49503. [email protected], www. Tennessee [email protected]. Max Bang, del., nowitstime610@ wnorge. Twitter: @IWWnorge bartertowngr.com Mid-Tennessee IWW: Lara Jennings, del., 106 N. 3rd St., Next deadline is gmail.com United States Central Michigan: 5007 W. Columbia Rd., Mason 48854. Clarksville, 37040. 931-206-3656. Jonathan Beasley, Windsor GMB: c/o WWAC, 328 Pelissier St., N9A 4K7. 517-676-9446, [email protected] del., 2002 Post Rd., Clarksville, 37043 931-220-9665. December 6, 2013 (519) 564-8036. [email protected]. http:// Alaska windsoriww.wordpress.com Fairbanks GMB: P. O. Box 80101, 99708. Chris White, del., Minnesota Texas 907-457-2543, [email protected]. Red River GMB: [email protected], redriveriww@gmail. El Paso IWW: Sarah Michelson, del., 314-600-2762. U.S. IW mailing address: Québec Montreal GMB: cp 60124, Montréal, QC, H2J 4E1. 514- Arizona com [email protected] IW, Post Office Box 180195, 268-3394. [email protected] Phoenix GMB: P.O. Box 7126, 85011-7126. 623-336- Twin Cities GMB: 3019 Minnehaha Ave. South, Suite 50, Golden Triangle IWW (Beaumont - Port Arthur): gt- Chicago, IL 60618, United Europe 1062. [email protected] Minneapolis 55406. [email protected] [email protected] European Regional Administration (ERA): P.O. Box 7593 Flagstaff IWW: 206-327-4158, [email protected] Duluth IWW: P.O. Box 3232, 55803. iwwduluth@riseup. South Texas IWW: [email protected] States Glasgow, G42 2EX. www.iww.org.uk Arkansas net Utah ERA Officers, Departments, Committees Fayetteville: P.O. Box 283, 72702. 479-200-1859. Missouri Salt Lake City GMB: P.O. Box 1227, 84110. 801-871- ISSN 0019-8870 Access Facilitator (disabilities issues): [email protected] [email protected] Greater Kansas City IWW: P.O. Box 414304, Kansas City 9057. [email protected] 64141-4304. 816.875.6060. [email protected] Periodicals postage Communications Officer / Comms Dept Chair: communi- California Vermont [email protected] St. Louis IWW: P.O. Box 63142, 63163. stlwobbly@gmail. Burlington GMB: P.O. Box 8005, 05402. 802-540-2541 paid Chicago, IL. Los Angeles GMB: (323) 374-3499. iwwgmbla@gmail. com GLAMROC Liaison: [email protected] com Virginia Montana Internal Bulletin: [email protected] North Coast GMB: P.O. Box 844, Eureka 95502-0844. Richmond IWW: P.O. Box 7055, 23221. 804-496-1568. 707-725-8090, [email protected] Construction Workers IU 330: Dennis Georg, del., 406- [email protected], www.richmondiww.org Postmaster: Send address International Solidarity Committee: international@iww. 490-3869, [email protected] org.uk Sacramento IWW: P.O. Box 2445, 95812-2445. 916-825- Washington changes to IW, Post Office Box 0873, [email protected] Billings: Jim Del Duca, 106 Paisley Court, Apt. I, Bozeman Literature Committee: [email protected] 59715. 406-860-0331. [email protected] Tacoma GMB: P.O. Box 7276, 98401. [email protected]. 180195, Chicago, IL 60618 USA San Diego IWW: 619-630-5537, [email protected] http://tacoma.iww.org/ Membership Administrator: [email protected] Nebraska Merchandise Committee: [email protected] San Francisco Bay Area GMB: (Curbside and Buyback IU Seattle GMB: 1122 E. Pike #1142, 98122-3934. 206-339- 670 Recycling Shops; Stonemountain Fabrics Job Shop Nebraska GMB: P.O. Box 27811, Ralston, 68127. nebras- 4179. [email protected]. www.seattleiww.org Organising and Bargaining Support Department: and IU 410 Garment and Textile Worker’s Industrial [email protected]. www.nebraskaiww.org SUBSCRIPTIONS [email protected] Wisconsin Organizing Committee; Shattuck Cinemas; Embarcadero Nevada Individual Subscriptions: $18 Research and Survey Department: [email protected] Cinemas) P.O. Box 11412, Berkeley, 94712. 510-845- Madison GMB: P.O. Box 2442, 53701-2442. www. / [email protected] 0540. [email protected] Reno GMB: P.O. Box 12173, 89510. Paul Lenart, del., madison.iww.org International Subscriptions: $30 775-513-7523, [email protected] Library/Institution Subs: $30/year National Secretary: [email protected] IU 520 Marine Transport Workers: Steve Ongerth, del., IUB 560 - Communications and Computer Workers: P.O. Support for people having trouble with GoCardless [email protected] IU 520 Railroad Workers: Ron Kaminkow, del., P.O. Box Box 259279, Madison 53725. 608-620-IWW1. Madiso- Union dues includes subscription. signup: [email protected] Evergreen Printing: 2412 Palmetto Street, Oakland 2131, Reno, 89505. 608-358-5771. ronkaminkow@ [email protected]. www.Madisoniub560.iww.org IT Committee (all IT related enquiries): [email protected] 94602. 510-482-4547. [email protected] yahoo.com Lakeside Press IU 450 Job Shop: 1334 Williamson, Published monthly with the excep- San Jose: [email protected], www.facebook. New Hampshire 53703. 608-255-1800. Jerry Chernow, del., jerry@ Training Department: [email protected] lakesidepress.org. www.lakesidepress.org tion of February and August. National Treasurer: [email protected] com/SJSV.IWW New Hampshire IWW: Paul Broch, del.,112 Middle St. #5, Colorado Manchester 03101. 603-867-3680 . SevenSixTwoRevolu- Madison Infoshop Job Shop:1019 Williamson St. #B, Regional Organisers [email protected] 53703. 608-262-9036 Central England RO: [email protected] Denver GMB: 2727 West 27th Ave., Unit D, 80211. 303- Articles not so designated do 355-2032. [email protected] New Jersey Just Coffee Job Shop IU 460: 1129 E. Wilson, Madison, not reflect the IWW’s Central Scotland RO: [email protected], Four Corners (AZ, CO, NM, UT): 970-903-8721, 4corners@ Central New Jersey GMB: P.O. Box 10021, New Brunswick, 53703. 608-204-9011, justcoffee.coop [email protected] iww.org 08906. 732-692-3491. [email protected]. Bob Railroad Workers IU 520: 608-358-5771. railfalcon@ official position. Northern England RO: [email protected] DC Ratynski, del., 908-285-5426. www.newjerseyiww.org yahoo.com Southern England RO: [email protected] Washington DC GMB: P.O. Box 1303, 20013. 202-630- New Mexico Milwaukee GMB: 1750A N Astor St., 53207. Trevor Press Date: November 25, 2013 Southeast England RO: [email protected] 9620. [email protected], www.dciww.org, www. Albuquerque GMB: P.O. Box 4892, 87196-4892. 505-569- Smith, 414-573-4992 Wales: [email protected] facebook.com/dciww 0168, [email protected] Northwoods IWW: P.O. Box 452, Stevens Point, 54481 December 2013 • Industrial Worker • Page 3 IWW Culture Valuable Lessons Learned From 1935 Play “Waiting For Lefty” By Brandon Oliver saying that he’s coming for tory. “it’s illegal.” The speaker then let slip that I was recently pleasantly surprised to them. How many union the USPS has casual employees and a two- see that the local community college in Members start shout- members today would tier system, and after another Wobbly (and Minneapolis was putting on Clifford Odets’ ing out for Lefty, the head recognize their experi- dual carder) that I was with pushed on it 1935 play, “Waiting for Lefty.” It turns out of the strike committee, ences in this play? From she confirmed that their union contract that it was also presented in London this but he’s not there. The my own experience in a made these concessions. year after a 30-year absence, so perhaps four other members come business union, I would I’ve been an IWW for long enough there is something in the play that speaks up to speak one by one, guess the percentage is that I thought I was pretty well inoculated to the current moment. The Minneapolis and each of them has a probably close to zero. against the business unions. However, production also took the admirable step vignette explaining why If anything, people who hearing how anti-combative they are from of arranging contemporary union mem- they are in favor of striking have never had any expe- their own representative is somehow much bers or labor activists to speak after each now. Of the four, one is a rience with unions would more powerful than hearing it from an- performance. Normally, I don’t think that doctor who was fired for probably be more likely other Wobbly. cultural review is the biggest priority for being Jewish and another to recognize the scenes The business unions aren’t just good the Industrial Worker, but seeing the was a chemist who did not as similar to what unions unions gone bad; they are literally zom- play live did start me thinking about some want to make poison gas. look like in movies and on bies—shells that appear to still be alive things that I think are important for our Although his attempt to TV. This is an important but with all of their internal dynamic and organization. tie in other parts of society change to be conscious of, thought process gone, destroyed by re- Graphic: tcdailyplanet.net First, I’ll give a little background on might have made political because, although unions peated doses of the poison known as the “Waiting for Lefty.” It seems like it was sense in some ways, this effort detracts look the same externally, they have lost National Labor Relations Act. Finally, they a pretty famous play in its time (suppos- from the idea that this is a struggle being their meaning in the years between 1935 have become incapable of acting out of the edly, the first performance sparked a riot led by workers. It’s unlikely that half of the and 2013. At one moment, even the most bounds that their poisoners have set. We in Manhattan), but it seems to have faded taxi drivers were declassed intellectuals, problematic unions were a battleground can’t “recapture” or replace them (that is, from public knowledge. I wouldn’t have so why write half of their leaders to be? between militant workers and “labor not at administering the contract). known anything about it before the per- However, Odets did say later that he’d fakirs,” as bureaucrats used to be called. Our task has to be to show a different formance, except that FW John O’Reilly “never been near a strike” and wanted to In 1935 maybe it was still possible to path, as a permanent fighting workers’ recommended I read it last year. Odets sets use the strike story to discuss many of the kick out all the bosses like Fatt, tell the organization. We should also be visibly the play up as a meeting of a taxi drivers’ problems with capitalist society. After the president not to wait up for us, and turn putting out our revolutionary message at union in New York City, with only one item flashbacks, a union member bursts in to the unions around. However, 70 years of events like this. Don’t get me wrong—be- on the agenda: a strike. Although I thought announce that Lefty’s been found—behind government collaboration and workplace tween a branch that focuses on workplace some of the characters had the depth of the dispatcher’s office with a bullet in contractualism has made them such dusty organizing and one that focuses on out- sock puppets, Odets pulled off a stroke of his head. The strike committee, with the upholders of the status quo that it would reach, I’ll take the organizing branch every technical-political genius by having the unanimous support of everyone but Fatt, take a more creative mind than Odets’ to day. However, as FW MK explains dia- play occur within a union meeting. There declares that the strike will begin. Odets imagine them leading or inspiring a new lectics, there’s “what’s going on,” “what’s is no fourth wall to break as some of the uses Lefty’s death to argue that we can’t workers movement. A local officer of the really going on,” and “what’s really, really cast members sit within the audience and wait for militant and charismatic leaders to American Postal Workers Union (APWU) going on,” which brings back the moment sing “Solidarity Forever,” shout disagree- come save us; we have to run our struggles spoke after the show and hammered the of truth from “what’s going on.” We can ments with the union boss, or get roughed ourselves. above point about the play home. While I bring forward a powerful message as long up by goons. The play’s presentation as an actual was impressed that the cast reached out as it’s rooted in experience of work and The plot is pretty simple. The union union meeting proves to be its most in- to labor and union activists, it quickly organizing, rather than pure ideology. We boss, Harry Fatt, addresses the talk of a teresting quality. As critics at the time became clear that this one, at least, had should become more intentional about strike and tries to reassure everyone that pointed out, part of what was so engaging more in common with boss Fatt than bringing this message forward because “now that we’ve got our boy in the White about the play for so many spectators was with Lefty. The resemblance began with we can’t become the organization we need House, we can’t go out.” Of course, he that it mirrored their experiences so well— the exhortations that our only weapon to be if our only activity is organizing at would have supported a strike under the coming to the union in search of a way to for stopping the privatization of the U.S. our individual workplaces. The business previous administration, but since “Roo- stand up to the bosses, seeing confronta- Postal Service (USPS) was to “write our unions don’t have any plan or desire to sevelt has our back, it’s our duty to have tions between entrenched bureaucrats and congressperson.” Some audience and cast change the status quo, let alone rupture his.” With his armed goons behind him, militant workers, and ending dynamically members asked why APWU wasn’t prepar- it. If we regain the confidence that our fel- he goes on to blast the “reds” in the union, in either repression or some kind of vic- ing for a strike and the speaker said that low workers had in the 1930s to proclaim publicly and loudly what we’re about and IWW Constitution Preamble organize aggressively, then we can once The working class and the employing Join the IWW Today again help to initiate a widespread fight- class have nothing in common. There can he IWW is a union for all workers, a union dedicated to organizing on the ing workers’ movement that brings the be no peace so long as hunger and want job, in our industries and in our communities both to win better conditions are found among millions of working today and to build a world without bosses, a world in which production and bosses—whether in the unions, govern- T ment, or workplaces—to their knees. people and the few, who make up the em- distribution are organized by workers ourselves to meet the needs of the entire ploying class, have all the good things of population, not merely a handful of exploiters. life. Between these two classes a struggle We are the Industrial Workers of the World because we organize industrially ­– must go on until the workers of the world that is to say, we organize all workers on the job into one union, rather than dividing organize as a class, take possession of the workers by trade, so that we can pool our strength to fight the bosses together. Subscribe to the means of production, abolish the wage Since the IWW was founded in 1905, we have recognized the need to build a Industrial Worker system, and live in harmony with the truly international union movement in order to confront the global power of the earth. bosses and in order to strengthen workers’ ability to stand in solidarity with our fel- We find that the centering of the low workers no matter what part of the globe they happen to live on. management of industries into fewer and We are a union open to all workers, whether or not the IWW happens to have fewer hands makes the trade unions un- representation rights in your workplace. We organize the worker, not the job, recog- able to cope with the ever-growing power nizing that unionism is not about government certification or employer recognition of the employing class. The trade unions but about workers coming together to address our common concerns. Sometimes foster a state of affairs which allows one this means striking or signing a contract. Sometimes it means refusing to work with set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry, an unsafe machine or following the bosses’ orders so literally that nothing gets done. thereby helping defeat one another in Sometimes it means agitating around particular issues or grievances in a specific wage wars. Moreover, the trade unions workplace, or across an industry. aid the employing class to mislead the Because the IWW is a democratic, member-run union, decisions about what is- workers into the belief that the working sues to address and what tactics to pursue are made by the workers directly involved. class have interests in common with their Educate yourself and your employers. TO JOIN: Mail this form with a check or money order for initiation These conditions can be changed and and your first month’s dues to: IWW, Post Office Box 180195, Chicago, IL fellow workers with the the interest of the working class upheld 60618, USA. official newspaper of the only by an organization formed in such Initiation is the same as one month’s dues. Our dues are calculated IWW. a way that all its members in any one according to your income. If your monthly income is under $2000, dues industry, or all industries if necessary, are $9 a month. If your monthly income is between $2000 and $3500, Just mail in this form, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is dues are $18 a month. If your monthly income is over $3500 a month, dues or visit us online at: on in any department thereof, thus mak- are $27 a month. Dues may vary outside of North America and in Regional http://store.iww.org/industrial-worker.html ing an injury to one an injury to all. Organizing Committees (Australia, British Isles, German Language Area). to subscribe today! Instead of the conservative motto, “A fair day’s wage for a fair day’s work,” we __I affirm that I am a worker, and that I am not an employer. must inscribe on our banner the revolu- __I agree to abide by the IWW constitution. 10 issues for: tionary watchword, “Abolition of the wage • US $18 for individuals. system.” __I will study its principles and acquaint myself with its purposes. • US $30 for institutions. • US $30 for internationals. It is the historic mission of the work- Name:______ing class to do away with capitalism. The Address:______Name: ______army of production must be organized, Address:______City, State, Post Code, Country:______not only for the everyday struggle with State/Province:______capitalists, but also to carry on produc- Occupation:______Zip/PC______tion when capitalism shall have been Phone:______Email:______Send to: PO Box 180195, overthrown. By organizing industrially Chicago IL 60618 USA we are forming the structure of the new Amount Enclosed:______Subscribe Today! society within the shell of the old. Membership includes a subscription to the Industrial Worker. Page 4 • Industrial Worker • December 2013 Strategy And Tactics By Nick Driedger strategic interests in decimating the Scot- examined based on their usefulness to the based on our views? I don’t think this is tish infantry. This also generally fits with broader struggle. an absolute value. Some tactics may con- On Tactics a theme in the movie of principles versus One tactic may fit an overall strategy tradict some of our values but reinforce We need a good framework for judging pragmatism and how those with principles better than another one. In the old IWW others—this may make them useful as the usefulness of tactics and more discus- are actually at a disadvantage in war. you could see this clearly. Free speech secondary tactics. A good example is the sion about strategy. Discussions about A phrase that is used a lot in activ- fights, while bringing prestige and atten- phone zap: it is participatory but mostly by strategy are probably some of the hardest ist circles is a “diversity of tactics.” Any tion to the organization, also put a lot of people outside the struggle on the job. It to have. Strategy is difficult to teach. It clear strategy is going to have a diversity good organizers in jail. It’s hard to orga- isn’t based on an appeal to the good nature is almost always abstract. Instead of in- of tactics. However it nize the job from jail. of authority so it empowers those involved. volving fixed objects taking on particular will also have to rule Tactically, it may have Here’s criteria for a good tactic that fits actions, it involves trajectories, power out some tactics as made sense, and it was with our political vision: imbalances and timing. counterproductive. So part of a bigger plan 1) The action is participatory. The we often see a debate to create more public action needs to have group participation Strategy about tactics reduced space for organizing, and a division of roles that allows for a The German military theorist Carl down to the usefulness but it also meant other broad degree of genuine participation. von Clausewitz gives a good definition of of a particular tactic in tactics suffered as a 2) The action is autonomous. It strategy: a particular instance. result. There are stories does not appeal to the better nature of “The conduct of War is, therefore, the This debate leads to both sides confusing, of effective sabotage and stories where those who typically hold power but rather formation and conduct of the fighting. If to return to Clausewitz, a “single act” with sabotage turned out to be a liability. Being holds the threat of further disruption. this fighting was a single act, there would the “combination of [many acts] with a in favor of a tactic in one context does not 3) The action builds the confi- be no necessity for any further subdivision, view to the ultimate object of the war.” mean you have to be in favor of a tactic in dence of those involved. When done but the fight is composed of a greater or It is not about the justifiability of the another context. Why is this so? Because, right, even if you don’t get what you want, less number of single acts, complete in individual action. Rather, the question as Clausewitz puts it, strategy is about you should walk away feeling stronger. We themselves, which we call combats... From is, how does the action fit with a chain of advancing “with a view to the ultimate want to avoid substitutionism, in which this arises the totality of different activi- actions and build towards a general plan? object of the War.” we substitute the power of an activist sub- ties, that of the formation and conduct of This brings up a bigger question: what culture in the community for the power of these single combats in themselves, and Politics by Other Means is the ultimate object of our war? No doubt the direct participation of those affected. the combination of them with one another, Revolutionary industrial unionism as revolutionary unionists this means The question is not whether we are with a view to the ultimate object of the was a strategy in 1905. For the sake of sim- some kind of socialism. As folks who sit in favor of a diversity of tactics. No doubt War. The first is called tactics, the other plicity we’ll reduce this down to a mono- outside the traditional left this means a any clear strategy will have a diversity of strategy.” lithic idea of the IWW; this is bad history socialism that is based on free initiative tactics within it. The question is: what is So tactics are static; strategy is dy- but a good thought experiment. Within the and not state planning. As our struggles our strategy and do these tactics fit with namic. Some tactics fit well with a certain IWW there was a diversity of tactics within become more intense we will need more our aims? strategy. Some tactics do not fit well with certain parameters: sabotage, the general discussion on what this actually means. a certain strategy. In the movie “Bravehe- strike, the sympathy strike, job condition- Editor’s Note: Due to space limita- art,” the English king orders his longbow- ing, free speech fights, and revolutionary Winning the Wobbly Way tions, Mike Konopacki’s monthly comic men to fire into a melee between English education and agitation. If we evaluate our tactics based on our “Women Workers’ History” will not be and Scottish infantry. At first his generals There were also tactics that were ruled strategy and our strategy is a reflection appearing in this issue. Stay tuned for are disturbed by how bad of a move this is, out: electoralism, contractualism and of our politics, every step of the struggle Chapter 69 on page 4 of the January/ until it becomes clear the tactic of sacrific- arbitration. A diversity of tactics did not needs to be seen politically. Do these ac- February 2014 issue of the Industrial ing some lower-class infantry fit with his mean “anything goes.” Tactics should be tions promote the politics we claim to hold Worker. The Contract As A Tactic By Matt Muchowski with whom to have contracts. However, we union can break its The legacy of the IWW is one without don’t have the strength or organizational issues into different labor contracts. In the era before there capacity to completely do away with the categories to consider was a legal structure for unions to win capitalist class today. We have to wage as well: wages, work legal recognition against the employers’ battles that grow the working class’ un- conditions, training, wishes, unions either made sweetheart derstanding and acceptance of our ability benefits, grievance deals with the boss or maintained stan- to do more than just be cogs in someone procedures, and or- dards through their own organizational else’s machine. ganizing and mobiliz- strength. The IWW chose to eschew While other unions see the signing of ing tactics. collaboration with the boss and focus a contact as something that guarantees While some have on organizing workers. It was a strategy labor peace for the employer, we must an all-or-nothing that worked in some cases, allowing us to see the signing of a contract not as an end mentality, I think improve standards in mining and logging to struggle, but a beginning. We will still that it makes more Graphic: granby.k12.ct.us towns, but it also cost us in places like have to struggle to enforce the pro-worker sense for workers to Lawrence, Mass., where, despite a large provisions of the contract, we will have take what they can get now and use those the union wants to hold on to. A contract and militant strike, without a contract to work to undermine any provisions of expanded resources to fight for even more. will only limit the union to the extent that the work remained one of low wages and the contract that give the boss power, and A contract will not likely codify our we allow it to or allow the boss to limit sweatshop conditions. we will have to work to organize workers absolute victory over the capitalist class, us. At the end of the day, we don’t have to Many people believe that the IWW in the shop covered by the contract to and at times it could be a distraction, but agree to anything that we don’t want to. is ideologically opposed to contracts or continue to fight for better conditions and so can many other tactics when they are If the employer violates a part of does not have any. Actually, today the more worker control. We will also have elevated to the level of strategy. Strik- the agreement, we won’t necessarily be union has several contracts that cover to spread propaganda among workers in ing for the sake of going on strike won’t expected to not respond in kind. Further, workers at domestic violence call centers, other shops to encourage them to organize help us achieve our goals any more than contracts expire. A two- or three-year- a recycling plant, the staff at a United for their own improvements in conditions will bargaining for the sake of a contract. long contract can give us the opportu- Auto Workers local, and retail locations. and achieve worker control. The product of contract negotiations will nity to regroup our strength, gather our I would like to argue that contracts, A contract fight can be a framework essentially specify the current balance of forces, outline a new battle strategy, like other tactics such as strikes, pickets, for discussing what workers want their forces between the boss and the union. organize around it, and prepare for a boycotts, slow-downs, press confer- jobs and workplace to be, starting with Some may say that by agreeing to a new contract fight with the intentions ences, teach-ins, etc., can be used as surveying workers and discussing what labor contract with an employer the union of expanding workers’ power. Also, it part of long-term campaigns to raise the they do and do not like about their work is collaborating with the boss, conceding takes time to organize around issues and standards of living for workers, raise conditions, and then bringing those de- defeat in the class struggle, or agreeing to convince all the workers at a shop to take the ability of workers to have a say and mands to bargaining while mobilizing a ceasefire between workers and the boss. a particular action on a particular point. control in their workplace, and act as a and flexing the workers’ strength until a I don’t think so, at least not any more so Sometimes it might make sense for the publicity piece to promote the IWW’s contract is won. We can repeat the process, than is going on strike for a specific de- union, understanding that it may not be brand of direct and democratic union- continuing to discuss what was achieved mand such as a pay raise or to pressure able to organize workers, to commit to ism. Contracts can be especially useful and codified in a contract and what needs the boss to rehire illegally fired workers. “X,” “Y” or “Z” tactic within a certain pe- in high-turnover industries, where they to still be done. Further, most union contracts have a vari- riod of time, and to agree to give up such can lock in basic pro-worker conditions Workers must own the contract ety of rules, such as grievance procedures, a tactic in a contract, until such a time regardless of turnover and make it easier campaign process: they must elect their that boost workers’ ability to challenge the that the union is capable of deploying it. for the union to talk to new workers and bargaining representatives, receive and boss’s authority. Enforcement of these Workers may not be able to win raise their class consciousness. be engaged with negotiation updates, take provisions is often an important way for everything they want with the first con- Many other unions treat contracts as action to pressure the boss on specific de- unions to engage workers, keep them tract, but they can use what they do get an end. Their primary goal is to achieve a mands, and have the final vote on whether organizing, and to highlight the ways in to provide some sense of stability. In contract with a company where there was to accept the contract and for how long. which the boss is trying to rob workers of many ways, if workplace conditions are none before. This can lead them to agree There may be some back and forth. their rights and dignity. a building, organizing is the scaffolding to sweetheart deals with the company The union can rank its issues for nego- Other opponents of labor contracts ar- for that building and a labor contract is without engaging workers, or to organize tiating what is required to even consider gue that a contract limits the union and the the blueprint. Once the building is up, workers with a limited and narrow goal the contract and what is completely un- specific tactics it is allowed to use. Many we can always remodel it, and when the of what they can achieve. acceptable, but the union can also rank unions, for example, agree to no-strike time comes, we can tear it down and One of the IWW’s goals is worker some of the less black-and-white issues clauses in contracts for the duration of build a new structure. But when we do, control of the economy. When we get to know better what can be negotiated the contract. I don’t think that a contract we’ll have had the experience of building there, we won’t need business owners and on what they need to stand firm. The necessarily has to give up any tactics that before to learn from and go off of. December 2013 • Industrial Worker • Page 5 Wobbly & North American News Boston Wobblies & Allies Protest Brutality D.C. IWW To General Motors: From the Boston IWW On the weekend of Nov. 16-17, “Workers Are Not Disposable!” the Boston IWW held two separate By Jake D. actions in Harvard Square to pro- D.C. Wobblies organized an infor- test the Cambridge Police’s attack mational picket at a car dealership that on our legal picket at Insomnia sells General Motors (GM) vehicles Cookies, where the union is con- as part of a national day of action ducting an organizing drive. Cam- in solidarity with the Association of bridge cops swarmed our picket, Injured Workers and Ex-Workers of assaulted and then arrested a Wob- General Motors Colombia (ASOTRE- bly, supposedly for assaulting them. COL) on Saturday, Nov. 2. If hostility Our fellow worker was punched, from management is any measure of thrown on a car trunk and then the success, we did our job! Armed with a ground and pinned partially under Wobblies & allies protest Photo: iwwboston.org banner, leaflets and signs, we brought police brutality. a car before being dragged away. the issue to the public’s attention This was a totally unprovoked attack on of Cambridge ring with our chants (“Cam- during the dealership’s busiest hours. D.C. Wobs demand justice Photo: dciww.org a legal picket on a public sidewalk. IWW bridge PD / Stop the brutality!”), and Our action was one of a half dozen at for ASOTRECOL. members and allies protested in Harvard letting community members know what GM dealerships across the country, occupying a space in front of the U.S. Square on Friday, Nov. 15, and returned local cops have been doing to suppress organized by labor activists, including Embassy in Bogotá for the last two years, on Saturday, Nov. 16, making the streets labor rights, civil liberties and free speech. United Auto Worker (UAW) rank and and multiple hunger strikes in which filers in Michigan. members of the group sewed their lips The members of ASOTRECOL were shut in protest. In that time, they have Faith Petric Bids Us Adieu At 98 injured on the job at a GM plant in Bo- won important changes in the factory, in- By Harry Siitonen, home on Clayton Street gotá, Colombia, illegally fired for their cluding changing the working conditions Bay Area GMB above the Haight-Ash- injuries, and have been battling GM ever that led to these injuries in the first place. One of the IWW’s bury, starting in 1962 since. They are demanding a settlement However, GM’s offer to the workers last most celebrated and and continuing through that respects what they and their families year was not even enough to cover their beloved performance the decades. That’s have sacrificed for GM. The group’s mem- continued medical expenses. ASOTRE- artists of many years, where I first met Faith, bers suffer from injuries to their spines, COL and their allies will continue to raise folk singer Faith Petric, as I attended one of her backs or arms that they will endure for the pressure on GM until their demand passed away at age 98 Friday night jamborees the rest of their lives. Beginning in 2011, is met. For more information or to get in an assisted living/ with a date. Singers ASOTRECOL’s struggle has included involved, visit http://www.asotrecol.com. hospice facility in San and instrumentalists Francisco at midnight from all over the world on Oct. 24. Faith was would come to join in the oldest member of the warm hospitality of The Struggle To Save Worker our San Francisco Bay song and music. I be- Petric performs in Photo: indybay.org Area General Member- Santa Cruz, 2004. lieve I was in the IWW Education At Brooklyn College ship Branch and per- by then, but don’t know By Andy Piascik austerity. The need for the program’s haps the eldest Wobbly in our whole when Faith joined. FW Petric was called As has happened at so many colleges continuation in its present form—or, bet- union. the “Fort Knox of Folk Music” as she could and universities around the country, ad- ter still, its expansion—is obvious, as the She was born in Idaho and learned sing thousands of lyrics from memory. ministrators at Brooklyn College of the devastating impact of the radical upward to sing church songs with her Methodist One of my most splendid moments City University of New York (CUNY) are redistribution of wealth of recent decades preacher father who played the pipe organ in the IWW came during the 1991 Gen- moving to eviscerate a program that for is especially pronounced in New York in their log cabin home. When her parents eral Convention in San Francisco when years has provided invaluable educational City. Institutions with rich working-class divorced, she attended boarding school performers like Faith, Utah Phillips, opportunities for working-class students. traditions such as CUNY and Brooklyn and eventually graduated from Whitman Judi Bari, Darryl Cherney and then-IWW The college’s plan to dramatically scale College should be in the forefront in the College in Walla Walla, Wash. General Secretary-Treasurer Jess Grant back the Graduate Center for Worker Edu- fight against such trends, not in the busi- Faith worked many jobs, including raised the roof of a Noe Valley church cation is one of the latest efforts to curtail ness of accommodating corporate elites. a stint as a shipyard welder in New York before a full house and blew us all away examination of working-class issues done The Graduate Center also offers its stu- during World War II. She later assisted in the greatest explosion of Wobbly music in a way designed to provide students with dents and residents of the city as a whole farm workers for a number of years as she I’ve ever heard. activist skills. an ongoing series of events that deepen worked at the Farm Security Administra- The whole Bay Area folkie scene con- This development will no doubt be their understanding of crucial issues. tion (FSA) in California’s San Joaquin verged on the Freight and Salvage Coffee familiar to anyone involved in or aware Earlier this year, for example, it hosted Valley. As a divorced mother, Faith put House in Berkeley on Sept. 11, 2010 to of similar programs around the country the annual conference of the Labor and her daughter through college and then celebrate Faith’s 95th birthday in festive that have recently been killed or are Working Class History Association (LAW- quit the FSA at age 55 to take on the life of concert. It was a glorious evening! Shortly struggling mightily to survive. Among the CHA), which was the largest conference in a troubadour, travelling the world. after that I went to hear her and a few principles behind the trend to eliminate LAWCHA’s history. The center also hosts She discovered country and cowboy other old-timers perform at the Berkeley such programs, two stand out: first that a regular schedule of forums featuring music during the 1920s and during the Unitarian Fellowship. I had a chance to college and graduate school should be accomplished scholars, writers, and activ- Spanish Civil War her vast repertoire was chat with her after the show and Faith the exclusive province of the well-to-do; ists who, from this author’s experiences, broadened to include protest, political and said: “Isn’t it ridiculous to still be here and second, that education should serve are always well-attended and lively. Of labor songs. Woody Guthrie used to say at my age and entertaining?” She was in the interests of the business class. Rarely particular note is the regular inclusion of his guitar “killed fascists” and I’m sure the good form that night. It was also the last do proponents openly enunciate those guest speakers who are rarely invited to songs that accompanied Faith’s strings time I ever saw her. principles, however, and such is the case mainstream venues, including union halls. didn’t make the boss class very happy. So our spirit and love go with Faith at Brooklyn College. As adjunct teachers in the Graduate Always the activist, Faith could be seen Petric as she “catches the Westbound” So, for example, managerial advo- Center have been fired, the performance fighting for civil rights in Selma, Ala. for another stage. We need many more cates of the suggested changes justify the of the faculty union, the Professional Staff Settling in the Bay Area, Faith took young Wobbly talents, women and men, proposed move of the Graduate Center Congress (PSC), has been seriously lack- over the San Francisco Folk Club, which on the scene to fill the giant shoes left by from Manhattan to Brooklyn in the name ing. Some in the program have described it jammed on Friday nights at her spacious Faith Petric, Utah Phillips and Judi Bari. of consolidation, glossing over the fact as collusive, despite the PSC’s progressive that there are far more union halls and reputation. Rather than taking up teacher working-class jobs in Manhattan. In ad- firings as a collective issue that is part of School Bus Driver Wildcat Strike In Boston dition, administrative criticisms that the a concerted campaign, PSC staffers have By John Kalwaic to work. The school program does not meet the standards of a instead approached cases on a one-by-one Around 600 to bus drivers were going labor studies program conveniently ignore basis, with predictably poor results. With 700 Boston public up against their union the fact that the program is not, never was, a few exceptions, the union’s staff has also school bus drivers leadership as well as and does not aspire to be a labor studies looked askance at the growing resistance went on strike on Oct. their employers. program. As for the rationale for cutting to management’s plan to eviscerate the 8 against the private The strike strand- evening classes to a grand total of one, and program. school bus company ed more than 33,000 that scheduled for 6 p.m. in a program long The Committee of Concerned Stu- Veolia Transportation students; it got the geared toward students who traditionally dents, Alumni, Faculty and Staff has Inc. The workers who attention of the mayor have things to do during the day like, say, spearheaded this resistance. Formed ear- led the strike stated and city officials who work—well, apparently no one was able to lier this year, the committee has reached Boston school bus Photo: libcom.org that Veolia was not drivers on strike. condemned it. Boston come up with a good cover for that one. out to academics, union members, and honoring the terms of Mayor Thomas Me- Many of the program’s students belong students throughout the CUNY system its contract and had also installed a GPS nino called the strike illegal. Some scabs to unions, and some of them have gone and other New Yorkers with a petition that system with the pretext that parents could tried to cross the picket line and city of- on to leadership positions in their locals. has garnered nearly 2,000 signatures. It track their children, but it is actually used ficials provided a police escort to the scabs. Some are rank-and-file union members, has also held several public actions; the by the company to bully and micromanage The strike only lasted a few days. while others are employed by workers’ most recent was a spirited rally at the main the drivers. Both Veolia and the school However, both city officials and employ- centers and similar organizations. Oth- Brooklyn College campus on Oct. 3. district administration acknowledged ers continued to harass the organizers. At ers who may not fall into any of those You can view the committee’s petition there were difficulties with the system. press time, the drivers were still holding categories are nonetheless activists and at http://petitions.moveon.org/sign/save- The workers are represented by United rallies for workers who were fired during writers who advocate for working-class brooklyn-college and reach the group at Steelworkers (USW) Local 8751, but the the strike. concerns via articles, in-depth studies and [email protected]. Go leadership of the USW did not support With files fromBoston Magazine, The research papers, while also participating to http://www.workereddefense.org for the strike and instructed them to go back Guardian, and Libcom.org. in organizations and coalitions that resist updates and other information. Page 6 • Industrial Worker • December 2013 Special Fast-Food Unionism: The Unionization Of McDonald’s & The McDonaldization of Unions Continued from 1 Starbucks. Former Service Employees to rising wages negotiated by unions as a from above by bureaucrats inside the belt- Saturating the U.S. market by the International Union (SEIU) President permanent fixture of American political- way. In a through-the-looking-glass twist, 1970s, the U.S. fast-food industry turned Andy Stern even said he would “applaud economic life. this means that SEIU planners knew that profit-hungry eyes to foreign shores, Starbucks” for paying tens of thousands of The union bureaucracy received a rude workers would be going on strike before soon seeking to turn all 6 billion human workers a few cents above the minimum awakening in the late 1970s. Employers the workers themselves did. Thus, the task gastrointestinal tracts on planet earth wage. How did a labor movement that began intensifying resistance to union of the organizer became to get workers to into engines of profit. The Golden Arches once led the starving masses into battle campaigns leading to declining win rates buy into the media-centric plan decided became the battle flags of the vanguard of against the corporate autocrats who rule in National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) on by union bosses, often laboring under corporate globalization. By the 1990s, a the United States come to turn its back on elections. As veteran labor negotiator Joe an unrealistic quota system that forces liberal sprinkling of McDonaldses, KFCs, those hungriest for change? Burns has noted in “Reviving the Strike,” staff to instrumentalize their relationships and Starbuckses had washed up across unions have not responded effectively to with workers or fudge the numbers to keep the globe, capturing the zeitgeist of the Business Unionism the challenge laid down by employers, their jobs. Likely reflecting this dynamic, triumph of free market capitalism as the Over the course of the post-war era, eschewing the kind of associational con- I spoke with workers in three cities who happy ending of history. By 1997, McDon- just as churches became mega-churches, frontations with bosses that established stated that the actual number of strikers ald’s drew more revenue from overseas and mom-and-pops gave way to mega- the political possibility of the New Deal in was substantially lower than the SEIU operations than those in the United States. malls, most American unions metamor- the 1930s. Instead, they attempt to secure claims. Given the inefficiencies of com- Neoliberal New York Times columnist phosed into business unions, adopting cor- employer “neutrality” through carrot-and- munication (i.e. lying to your boss so you Thomas Friedman heralded the arrival of porate structures that mimic those of their stick wheeling and dealing, all too often don’t get fired) inherent in any corporate this “McWorld” as the dawn of a new world ostensible adversaries. Like corporations, behind the backs of workers. The carrot: hierarchy, it’s entirely possible that the order with liberty and justice for all, claim- business unions are run by small cliques of union bosses may offer political support SEIU itself doesn’t actually know how ing that no two countries with McDonald’s high-paid presidents, vice presidents and for the company’s legislative agenda and many workers participated in the strikes. would go to war with each other (he was directors of this or that—union bosses, pledge not to organize other units or bar- Taking a page from the corporate wrong). But what symbolized freedom for in short—who pass directives downward gain over certain issues, or even accept playbook, the SEIU outsourced its fast- the apologists of global capitalism had through a hierarchy of often exploited sub-par wages and restrictions on workers’ food organizing to “community based always meant a hidden slavery for a bur- staffers to the rank and file. Rather than rights. The stick: the union will interfere organizations”—a Jobs with Justice geoning service class of workers. empower members through involvement with the company’s political agenda or chapter, a few former Association of The world of exploitation behind every in their own struggles, union bosses im- growth plans until they agree to neutral- Community Organizations for Reform hamburger and fries is hidden no longer. plant the toxic logic of careerism directly ity. Campaigns for neutrality tend to rely Now (ACORN) affiliates, and others, par- Over the past year, a wave of telegenic into the heart of the labor movement. The not primarily on the associational power tially in order to reduce expenditures on one-day fast-food “strikes” has exposed SEIU and UNITE-HERE in particular of workers, but on smoke-and-mirrors organizer salaries. One fast-food worker an ugly reality. It’s a reality I know per- (ironically, generally seen as the most media stunts, friends in high places, and in the campaign told me, “The organizers sonally. From 2006-2012, I was active “progressive” unions in the United States) clever lawyering: in short, manipulation of are working 12-hour days for weeks at a in two union campaigns with the Indus- tend to hire a staff of idealistic fresh-out- our society’s system of representation. The time. When you calculate their wage, it’s trial Workers of the World as a fast-food of-college middle-class kids to do their task of the “organizer” becomes getting a less than minimum.” One former staff worker at Starbucks and Jimmy John’s. organizing. Lacking roots in the commu- worker to do something that a union boss organizer was ordered to abandon one I saw first-hand that the industry’s enor- nities they are tasked to organize, young has decided they should do, rather than group of fast-food workers shortly before mous profits are premised on the original staffers typically rapidly get burned out by bringing workers together for collective a strike, shifting focus to another site that sins of U.S. society—racism, sexism and the demands—and contradictions—of the decision-making. More often than not, union bosses thought would get more worker exploitation. The fast-food indus- job, and move along to graduate school. worker involvement in campaigns for neu- media coverage. The same organizer was try employs a disproportionate number of Staff-centrism is the tip of the ice- trality is restricted to photo-op meetings fired shortly before the holidays based on women and people of color in dead-end berg. The rise of business unionism in the with politicians, or at most, made-for-TV an arbitrary decision by a high-level SEIU jobs with wages hovering around mini- United States is one moment in the much one-day strikes. Or worse, unions substi- staffer, forcing that person to scramble mum. To our bosses, my co-workers and longer evolution of a tension simmering tute “community supporters” engaging and scrape to put food on the table for I were commodities, just like coffee beans below the surface of the labor movement. in faux direct actions for the activity of their young child. Unsurprisingly, in at or cold cuts, to be supplied when business In the words of Solidarity Federation’s the workers themselves. Generally, union least one city, organizers have moved to picked up, and then tossed aside when book “Fighting for Ourselves,” it is “pos- bosses seek out campaigns based on a very form their own staff union to combat the things slowed down. Our hours fluctuated sible to identify two distinct meanings businesslike calculation of how much they SEIU-inspired high-turnover model of wildly from week to week based on the bound up in the term ‘union.’ The first is will cost, and how much dues money the labor union management. dictates of the company’s computerized simply that of an association of workers…” new bargaining unit will bring in. For most The shabby treatment of hard-working scheduling system, making budgeting and and the second is “that of the represen- unions, the odds in fast food seemed too organizers points to a deeper deficit of planning impossible. The job combined all tation of workers vis-à-vis capital.” As long to merit an investment of organizing democracy in the SEIU’s model. Speaking the repetitive joy of a factory assembly line an association of workers, unions have resources. on condition of anonymity, workers in with all the charm of ritualized emotional a theoretically limitless power to shut the campaign reported having their arms abuse by customers. At Starbucks, chronic down or transform the economy. As an Fast-Food Strikes twisted into support for the strike strategy understaffing turned our shifts into a blur institution “representing” workers, unions Many on the left have expressed hope decided on by SEIU union bosses, with no of ceaseless motion to produce lattes and behave like an “interest group” jockeying that the current SEIU-directed mobiliza- room for discussion of more sustainable, Frappuccinos for a never-ending line out for influence using the same tools of lob- tion in fast food and other “alt-labor” transformative, long-term alternatives. the door. Our boss showed his gratitude bying, litigating, public relations (PR), and formations represent a break with the One source close to the SEIU informed me for our hard work by paying us around deal-making as any other corporate entity. logic of business unionism, or at least an that some high-level staff on the campaign minimum wage. On busy days, he “asked” Rather than relying on the associa- opening to go beyond fast-food strikes and reject organizing for immediate gains in workers to stay past the end of their shifts, tional power of their members expressed build a more transformative movement. It the workplace because they think victo- and then deleted the overtime hours from through production-halting strikes, busi- has been hard to assess how these hopes ries would remove workers’ reasons for the payroll. Adding insult to injury, he ness unions are often heavily dependent stack up against reality; SEIU bans staff wanting a union. While some cities have made frequent sexually explicit remarks to on the provisions of the 1935 National from speaking with the media and leaves adopted a more rank-and-file-oriented ap- my female co-workers. My boss at Jimmy Labor Relations Act (NLRA), which sets most rank and filers in the dark about the proach, the overall strategy has remained John’s made a habit of peppering her dic- up a bureaucratized process for workers union’s plans. So I went around the official beyond question by the rank and file. The tates with death threats: “I’m gonna stab to vote a union leader in as their “repre- SEIU mouthpieces and spoke with workers SEIU packed a much-vaunted national you” if you don’t spread the mayo more sentative.” The NLRA is permeated with and staff in the campaign to find out what’s meeting in Detroit with workers who had smoothly, or “Ima bring in a shotgun and a politics, stated most clearly by its pre- really going on. been convinced to vote “yes” on the August shoot you” if the sandwich line was moving amble: “It is declared to be the policy of To hear top SEIU officials Mary Kay 29th National Day of Action, regardless of too slowly. But even though these were bad the United States to eliminate the causes Henry and Scott Courtney tell it, fast-food whether it would serve to build organiza- jobs, they were hard to keep. In a ludicrous of certain substantial obstructions to the workers virtually organized themselves, tion for the long term in their communities catch-22, one co-worker at Starbucks lost free flow of commerce and to mitigate beating down SEIU’s door asking for and workplaces. The risk of the quick-and- her healthcare coverage because she was and eliminate these obstructions when help organizing. In truth, the strikes for dirty organizing demanded by the SEIU to too ill to work enough hours to qualify to they have occurred by encouraging the $15 are hardly a spontaneous upsurge. stay in the headlines is that workers are buy insurance. Unable to afford medical practice and procedure of collective bar- According to inside sources, the $15 per pushed to risk their jobs to meet quotas treatment, she missed a shift because she gaining…” It bears repeating: the purpose hour demand itself was thought up not decided by bureaucrats atop the command was immobilized with pain. She couldn’t of U.S. labor law is to sustain the “free originally by workers, but by consultants at economy of business unionism, without afford to go to the doctor’s office to get flow of commerce,” a goal wholeheartedly the Berlin Rosen PR firm working with the regard for building the relationships that an excuse note and was fired. Two of my adopted by post-war union leaders who SEIU brass. SEIU’s plans for a fast-food form the basis of any successful social co-workers attempted suicide in the six happily disarmed the rank-and-file, trad- campaign have been in the works since at movement. years I worked at Starbucks, driven to wit’s ing direct action for bureaucratic griev- least 2009. According to another inside Ryan Wyatt, a Potbelly’s worker in end by the stress of demanding managers, ance procedures and no-strike clauses. source, the initial cities for the strikes were Chicago, was recently on strike. He said,“I disrespectful customers, and the agony of C. Wright Mills dubbed them the “New selected based on areas where the union believe that because of that, my manager is watching their dreams slip out of reach as Men of Power,” labor statesmen eager to thought it could translate a splashy media starting to retaliate. Just recently, after the they slid deeper into poverty. act as the junior partners of capital in the hit into political capital to push through last strike, they told me to go home and not Despite deplorable conditions for Cold War against Communism. Taking a legislation. The one-day protests were come back for the next five days because I the industry’s 3.6 million workers, main- running start toward our own era’s “end conceived of not as an economic weapon was five minutes late from lunch.” Ryan’s stream unions were, until this past year, of history,” these partisans of business to win gains, but as a juicy hook for a manager did not return his calls after five uninterested in organizing fast food. The unionism purged radicals from the labor “march on the media,” as IWW member days, a de facto firing. Senior Vice President of the Minneapolis movement, jettisoned visions of qualita- Adam Weaver has noted. Many activists The Workers Organizing Committee UNITE-HERE union local told me in tive social change for a narrow focus on have used the term “wildcat strike” to de- of Chicago is fighting the retaliation, but 2008, “It’s not like we’re going to just quantitative bread-and-butter issues, fine these one-day protests. A wildcat is a such stories are likely to multiply, absent organize any group of McDonald’s work- and lulled themselves to sleep with the strike organized by rank and filers against a strategy of involving more workers in the ers who come to us.” He then declined Keynesian fairy tale of never-ending vir- or without the bureaucracy. These were organizing before parading isolated to support our DIY organizing efforts at tuous cycles of rising productivity linked its exact opposite—mobilizations directed Continued on next page December 2013 • Industrial Worker • Page 7 Special Fast-Food Unionism: The Unionization Of McDonald’s & The McDonaldization of Unions Continued from previous page change, as several on the labor left have number to call if they have questions or ences of those who had come before us workers from different shops before the suggested? concerns. and created an associational organizing cameras. Given the recent evisceration of The SEIU is no monolith. There are Early concludes that the SEIU is a model that works in fast food. Our model OUR Walmart through the firing of over competing visions inside the SEIU about “deeply flawed, increasingly autocratic in- was built on our own inherent strength 60 worker-activists, one would think that the direction of the Fight for Fifteen, and stitution that doesn’t deliver as advertised, as workers—our boss’s reliance on us to the prospect of mass retaliation would a certain level of autonomy (albeit under no matter who is in charge.” He seems to do the work. Instead of spending millions have prompted the SEIU to take more care constant threat of trusteeship) in certain be right. While many hope that the SEIU (which we didn’t have) on PR consultants in building up a base before going public. locals. There is a higher level of worker has made a new beginning under Mary and professional staff, we emphasized a Corporate management hardly needs to participation and democracy in some cities Kay Henry, and that the Fight for Fifteen’s long-term approach of training our own train or tell managers to union-bust or than others. There are hundreds of coura- “strike first” tactic will be a real departure co-workers as organizers, empowering blacklist. Every fast-food manager knows geous workers and dozens of principled, from business-unionism-as-usual, a look them to fight their own battles wherever how to tighten and selectively enforce rules hardworking staff active in the union, behind the media hype reveals the same they go, and making all decisions together in order to weed out a worker they want seeking to do the best they can to move old dynamics and patterns of behavior are democratically. And we won. We got the to get rid of and keep troublemakers out. from a transactional to a transformative already at play. An inside source reports boss who was stealing our wages and sexu- Absent a shift in strategy to change the organizing model within SEIU’s confines. that SEIU has already made overtures to ally harassing co-workers fired, stopped power relationships against fast-food com- It may be possible for rank and filers the National Restaurant Association, of- unfair firings, got the company to install panies to stop firings in each city, subtle and radicals on staff to articulate a strat- fering to back tax cuts for corporate fast- air conditioning and fix broken equipment, retaliation will eventually take a heavy toll egy that breaks with the logic of fast-food food chains in exchange for some kind of won improved staffing, won my reinstate- on the organizing. unionism, but it certainly won’t come from neutrality deal. This is likely the shape of ment when I was fired by Starbucks for It could be that the SEIU just doesn’t the SEIU international, and it won’t come things to come. organizing, and even forced our district care. After all, the union already got its 15 without a fight with the bureaucracy. The manager to cut a personal check for a co- minutes of fame from the campaign. An union’s track record, the tendencies inher- Beyond Fast-Food Strikes worker who was owed back wages with a SEIU spokesperson voiced a disturbingly ent in its brand of neo-business unionism Aside from the principled critiques short strike. In another IWW campaign, cavalier attitude to the price workers will and frank off-the-record views from SEIU of SEIU’s neo-business unionism model, we drafted a “Ten Point Program for Jus- pay for this strategy, telling me that work- staff give us hints about what rank and there is also the fact that it simply won’t tice at Jimmy John’s,” listing the 10 most ers could easily go across the street and filers and their allies can expect. A 2010 work. We are now more than three decades important demands identified by our co- get a job at the next fast-food place after article in The Nation summed up the in to the U.S. employers’ war of annihila- workers, going beyond bread-and-butter getting fired. SEIU’s modus operandi under Andy Stern: tion against the labor movement. As in the issues to address fundamental questions of With all the major decisions in the “As growth became his all-consuming 1930s, employers will hold the line against power on the shop floor. Using escalating hands of the SEIU international, the staff- passion, Stern came to rely heavily on any union incursion unless they are faced direct action, we won direct deposit pay, driven nature of the campaign has taken back-room deals with employers and with an existential threat. The only lever raises, holiday pay, the right to call in sick, on a troubling racial dynamic. I spoke with other shortcuts, perpetuating an illusion long enough to move the mountain of a consistent discipline policy, and many multiple participants who were dismayed of robust growth that has obscured SEIU’s resistance to workers’ power in the U.S. other demands, detailed more extensively by the recurring spectacle of mostly white failure to devise a viable long-term strate- fast-food industry is mass direct action by in the forthcoming book, “New Forms of staffers shouting marching orders through gy for reversing labor’s decline. Along the workers on a scale of disruptiveness not Worker Organization.” Neither of these megaphones at mostly black and brown way, Stern’s go-it-alone leadership style seen since labor’s pre-World War II street- campaigns were perfect, and the labor fast-food workers during the strikes. In alienated rank-and-file members and fighting years. The business unions aren’t movement still has a lot to learn about New York, a white SEIU marshal actually isolated the union from former allies.” likely to pull that lever. As former SEIU organizing the low-wage service sector, physically pushed several workers of color, As the bills for the high-priced PR strategist Stephen Lerner has written, but our experience does make one thing seeking to prevent them from occupying consultants and small army of staff on “Unions with hundreds of millions in as- clear: workers can declare independence a McDonald’s. All too often in the United fast-food organizing pile up, pressure sets and collective bargaining agreements from the business union bureaucracy, fight States, hierarchies are color-coded. The will mount on the SEIU’s union bosses to covering millions of workers won’t risk their own battles, and win. SEIU and its surrogates are no exception. broker a deal that can be painted as a vic- their treasuries and contracts by engag- In several cities, rank and filers in And the words that SEIU has put in tory. As with any business transaction, it ing in large-scale sit-ins, occupations, and the fast-food organizing campaign have workers’ mouths? While “$15 and a union” will involve a quid pro quo. Steve Early’s other forms of non-violent civil disobedi- already begun building their own organi- makes for a good slogan, the problems research on the SEIU’s machinations in ence that must inevitably overcome court zations autonomous from the bureaucracy, plaguing our fast-food nation will not be “The Civil Wars in U.S. Labor” offer a injunctions and political pressures.” We connecting with community supporters solved by a dollar increase in wages. In glimpse of what this typically looks like. might add that even if they wanted to, the who are free from the fetters of a pay- another capitulation to the needs of the Over the course of 339 pages, Early pulls business unions have long gutted their check signed by D.C. union bosses. Class campaign’s media narrative, the Fight for a seemingly endless parade of skeletons membership base, alienating workers with struggle didn’t start with the SEIU, and it Fifteen has replicated the narrow econom- out of they SEIU’s closet, many marked high-handed top-down decision-making won’t end once a contract is signed, a law ic focus of post-war business unionism. by the fingerprints not just of Andy Stern, and years of stultifying door-knocking for is passed, the minimum wage increases, This is all the more unfortunate because but also President Mary Kay Henry and Democrats. Unwilling and unable to take or the union bosses stop footing the bill the food industry stands at the crux of the current crop of SEIU bosses. the road that could lead to a real victory, for the campaign. The struggle will con- the complex of capitalist consumerism. Driven by a growth-at-all costs rapac- the SEIU will begin watering down its tinue. Fast-food jobs are the jobs of the Workers in fast food can speak and act ity on par with the corporations it faced “justice for all” slogan, bringing propos- future—not just because 58 percent of directly against the horrors of industrial across the bargaining table, the SEIU als for less justice, and for fewer workers jobs created in the post-2007 recovery are agriculture, the dehumanization of Tay- turned to a strategy of “partnerships” with (narrowing the focus to fewer cities, fewer in low-wage occupations, but also more lorized production and absurd workplace employers and raiding other unions to se- companies, and demanding a smaller wage metaphorically, as George Ritzer noted, hierarchies, corporate monoculture, the cure new dues streams, worker democracy increase), to the bargaining table and the the corporate logic of fast food has come to scourge of working-class hunger amidst be damned. In most cases, new organiz- ballot. If this fails, the SEIU will likely look permeate our society much more broadly. plenty, and myriad other ills that flow from ing took the form of getting employers for a way to walk away and save face. Ironi- Whether we work at a McDonald’s, an of- their workplaces. Imagine if a fast-food to sign on to “template agreements” that cally, that may mean giving workers more fice, a hospital, school, nonprofit, for the worker union advanced a vision not just trade away workers’ rights to speak out room to do their own organizing. More government, or in virtually any workplace, of better-paying work in a fundamentally or take action to resolve problems on the tragically, it may also mean leaving work- we have all seen our co-workers abused inhumane economy, but for a worker- job, abandon control of the shop floor to ers who have taken a risk to strike high or unfairly fired, been forced to do more controlled food system operated in the management by allowing for few or no and dry to face retaliation on their own. with less, been told to cut corners at the interests of all of humanity and the earth? shop stewards, and restrict the param- Fortunately, the SEIU’s fast-food expense of the public, and been denied a Such a turn is unlikely while the campaign eters of collective bargaining—all without unionism is neither the first nor last word voice on the job and in society. Millions narrative is dictated by union bureaucrats any input from workers. Even worse, in in class struggle in the industry. Fast-food of workers live lives of quiet desperation, who see themselves not as capitalism’s order to get employers to agree with these workers have battled the bosses who ex- watching their labor disappear into the gravediggers, but its doctors. “partnerships,” the SEIU often backs leg- ploit them since the industry’s genesis. To machinery of the capitalist system, turned An honest appraisal of the campaign islation that benefits the employer at the give just a few examples, in the mid-1960s, against them to perpetuate the very evils thus far forces us to an unavoidable con- expense of the broader working class. For McDonald’s was so concerned about the that they oppose: fast-food workers watch clusion: the corporate logic of fast food is example, in California and Washington, unionization of its Bay Area workforce the product they serve poison their com- alive in the SEIU union effort itself. From the SEIU agreed to lobby for restrictions that it forced potential employees to take a munities; bank workers see their employer the decision to prioritize quantity of strik- on patients’ ability to sue over medical lie-detector test to weed out union sympa- selling predatory loans to their neighbors; ers over quality of worker empowerment malpractice at the hands of hospitals and thizers. The burger chain’s full-time anti- hospital workers bear witness to how and democracy, privileging of flashy media home healthcare providers in exchange union specialist claims to have squashed profit is put before patient health; and events and legislative pushes over sub- for an eased path to union recognition for “hundreds” of unionization drives in the teachers chafe under the dehumanization stantive organizing to build power, to the healthcare workers. early 1970s. In the early 1980s, ACORN that standardized testing wreaks on their simulacra of cookie-cutter PR consultant- Once the terms of the deal are negoti- launched a fast-food workers’ union in students. Collectively, workers produce all designed messaging, to the centralized ated by the labor and management profes- Detroit that briefly won one of the only of the ills of our society; which means that command-and-control modus operandi of sionals, organizers are tasked with getting union contracts in franchised fast food in collectively, we can stop producing them. the SEIU international, to the ugly reality workers to sign a card authorizing dues the United States. In the United Kingdom, And increasingly, we want to. of institutional racism inside the campaign deduction from their paycheck. That might the enigmatic McDonald’s Workers Resis- Wyatt, the former Potbelly’s worker itself, to the reduction of campaign goals be the last time the workers see an orga- tance waged a campaign of faceless guer- in Chicago, says it best: “We’re asking not to a dollar number while accepting the nizer. Once unionized, the SEIU keeps its rilla resistance to corporate bosses from just for better working conditions for us. fundamentals of class society, this is true overhead low by warehousing members in 1998 into the early 2000s. While none of We’re asking to live in a better America.” fast-food unionism. mega-locals that span hundreds of miles. It these efforts led to lasting organization, Fast-food unionism cannot change becomes impossible for low-wage workers they all played a role in the long process a fast-food nation, but it can be a step Neo-Business Unionism to attend a meeting where they would have of the growth of class consciousness in the toward a movement that will. Is there hope for the workers, staff, a voice, let alone run for union office or get global fast-food industry. This piece was originally published and supporters in the campaign to turn the active on the job as a steward. That job is In my time organizing at Jimmy John’s in CounterPunch, Vol. 20 No. 10, Nov. 4, SEIU’s fast-food unionism into a broader left for college-educated labor profession- and Starbucks with the IWW, my wfellow 2013. It was reprinted with permission long-term movement for more substantial als. What do workers get instead? A 1-800 workers and I learned from the experi- from the author. Page 8 • Industrial Worker • December 2013 Organizing How I Got Fired And Won My Job Back By Emmett J. Nolan to us. Next, the fired worker would do fast. In between chain smoking cigarettes everything he or she legally could to stay and transferring buses on my way to the The Termination on the premises and speak with as many diner, I called and texted every current Arriving to work, I entered through the co-workers as possible about what just and former co-worker I knew and relayed break room as usual. There, awaiting me happened. If organizers were on shift, to them what had happened. was my manager who immediately said they’d act immediately to stop work and When I sign people up to the IWW that we needed to talk. He told me not to call for an on-site meeting with manage- and am asked why I’m a member, part put away my bag; I couldn’t get ready for ment. Unfortunately, at the time of my of my reply is consistent: “I know that my shift like I usually did. I asked him if firing our campaign was at a lull. We if I get fired for organizing, I know that this was a disciplinary meeting but he did weren’t taking collective actions on the the union will be there to have my back not respond directly to the question. He shared and specific issues (staffing levels, and fight tooth-and-nail for me to get just said, “We need to talk. This will just holiday bonuses, profit sharing, etc.) usu- my job back.” Now that day had come, take a minute.” While walking through the ally discussed on the floor. As a result, I and for the next four months my fellow production floor I greeted co-workers as I was making the rookie organizer mistake workers fulfilled that commitment be- usually do and I followed my manager into of talking shit about working conditions yond what I could’ve hoped and imagined. his office. Seeing that no one else was in but not taking any collective actions to the office, I asked, “Is someone from HR back things up. Therefore, management The Committee Responds [Human Resources] going to be here?” was able to spin a narrative of me being During the first three weeks following Graphic: portlandbuttonworks.com He barked back at me, “This is coming detrimental to morale and to justify firing my termination I distracted myself from straight from HR.” I then asked him if I me accordingly. the realities of unemployment by assist- most important: setting up one-on-one could have a co-worker in the meeting with The timing of my firing was a further ing a newly-formed workers’ organizing meetings and assisting with two-on-one me. He denied this request, responding, disadvantage for us. My fellow organizer committee in their efforts to reestablish meetings with fellow organizers. My “Hmmm, no.” was on vacation and another ally worker my employment. As I said earlier, the usual role in these conversations was to Immediately after the door closed, had just voluntarily left the company campaign was at a lull. Yet, prior to my act as the agitational force while my fellow my manager informed me “this” wasn’t a week earlier. This left me with little termination we’d been preparing a time- organizer would conduct the education, working out, perhaps justifying this by immediate support in my department, line to reset the organizing campaign. The inoculation and organization tasks. These stating I was “clearly unhappy” here. He so there was no one to organize a work night I got fired, the committee met with conversations were highly emotional as went through a cursory explanation of pa- stoppage in direct response. In hindsight, two other fellow workers and we had a we uncovered other grievances, stories perwork and stated that I was terminated. after receiving the termination notice, I focused conversation about our options of discipline gone awry and the immense I did not agree with the judgments and probably should have immediately walked for response. We distinguished two im- fear co-workers had of losing their jobs. told him so; and when instructed to sign out and gathered my co-workers so we mediate options: 1) take this firing on the Naturally, workers brought up unionizing a termination form I refused. could read it together, thereby avoiding chin and keep the organizing underground frequently. For me, the hardest component I inquired if the termination was a re- management’s typical trap of trying to get or 2) make our first cross-department of the one-on-ones was asking a worker sult of my work performance. “No. You’re me to say something I’d regret within the and cross-store action that would fight to to sign the petition knowing I couldn’t a great worker, but a bad employee,” he emotionally charged closed-door meeting. regain my job. Since I was an outspoken definitely assure them I’d be present if or replied. While still in shock at what was When I did walk out of the office, I worker on conditions of employment, we when they faced retaliation. happening, I had enough sense to ask some immediately sought my departmental co- were confronted with the question: How As the general task monkey, I spent follow-up questions and see what he’d re- workers. As I tried to explain what just could we respond to future issues or firing most of my days at the IWW’s office, veal. Foremost, I was curiously struck by happened to a co-worker whom I’d worked if we didn’t take action on my egregious addressing peripheral tasks of the peti- that explicit worker/employee distinction alongside for three years, the anger, rage firing? With a quiet acknowledgement tion drive. The paperwork—coordinating he mentioned, and so I asked him about it. and disbelief inhabiting me turned to of the immense work ahead of them, the translation of documents, making copies He elaborated that while I was a “leader” sadness and confusion. We hugged, made committee decided action was necessary, and getting them to organizers—was to be on the crew, I was nonetheless disrespect- plans to call each other later and I then even if they couldn’t win my job back. We expected. I feel my most beneficial role was ful to the owners. For example, he cited went on to have the same emotional con- suspected that the company was clearing checking in with organizers multiple times the frustration I’ve expressed to other versation another dozen or so times with house and another outspoken organizer a day about their one-on-ones. In those co-workers, including him, about how the other co-worker friends on-site. During would likely be terminated soon, too. And first two weeks, our committee members owners leave their week-old dirty dishes these conversations I could see the shock if that happened our position to respond were regularly at the office brainstorming from the office by the sink and neglect to and fear in their faces. Having worked for would be further diminished. escalation strategies, one-on-one con- wash them. With that I readily pointed out the company for five years, all of them Rather than limiting the demand to versations, and how to reach out to more how he and everyone else complain to me knew this wasn’t about work performance; my reinstatement, we decided to expand workers. about just that practice as well. but was another example of the company it to include addressing the broader issue Altogether, 34 workers signed onto “They’re the owners, and it doesn’t retaliating against workers who speak up of the company’s subjective and usually the petition demanding a forum on the matter,” he replied. and pushing out those who they didn’t unjust disciplinary procedures. This strat- company’s disciplinary procedure and my “Can I work my shift or am I fired?” I like. But, without a planned response, egy proved beneficial. Our demands were reinstatement. A week after I was fired, asked to clarify whether my firing was, in or an organizer already prepared to lead constructed into a petition letter, coupled four organizers interrupted a meeting of fact, underway. one, solidarity had to assume the simpler with a personal letter I’d written to my our bosses, read aloud the demand letter I was told no, I could not work my forms of hugs and handshakes. Yet, to co-workers, addressing the charges used and gave testimonials. Though noticeably shift. I inquired if the company would make sure that everyone knew why I was to terminate me. The demand for my rein- uncomfortable, the employers remained approve my unemployment, to which he fired, I made a copy of my termination statement proved motivational for workers confident in their power. responded affirmatively. form (on the office copier in front of the I was acquainted with; yet, the broader “We will never rehire Emmett,” an I’ve had many a nightmare about be- boss who just fired me) and passed it off demand succeeded in acquiring the sup- owner defiantly stated. ing fired from this job and have thought at to my co-workers (who in turn shared it port of a vaster range of co-workers—who Mistaking the letter delivery as the length about what I would do should that with the afternoon crew). In hindsight, had presumably witnessed and/or experi- culmination of our efforts rather than the day arrive. Having seen how managers call those individual conversations and the enced the company’s abusive disciplinary first public step in an escalation plan, the unsuspecting co-workers to cover shifts generalized sharing of the termination practices in the past. bosses would soon be proven wrong as for workers walking into termination, and form proved extremely agitational for The committee understood that we internal and external direct actions created how they wait for their target to arrive my fellow co-workers, and it assisted the needed to move fast on the petition, while an environment which forced the company through the break room, I recognized what campaign which would eventually develop the issue was still vivid in co-workers’ to accept the NLRB’s determination and was happening to me. Previously, when to reclaim my job. minds. The anger, immediate and fiery, settle in my favor. my departmental co-workers and I were When I left the premises, I immediate- that grievances can ignite in a worker just better organized, we discussed what we’d ly called a co-worker and fellow organizer as often dissipate when there’s no timely How I Got My Job Back do if one of us was fired for a collective to confide my termination. path forward for action: paralyzed res- Before I detail my role in preparing for action we’d taken. “What’s the plan?” he asked. ignation often results. So the committee the ULP, let me stress another thing: our First, we’d obviously ask for a witness, Still reeling from it, I didn’t know what set a few immediate goals to pursue: first, committee’s direct action escalation cam- and wouldn’t sign anything presented to say. We made plans to meet for break- to coordinate a delegation of four to six paign and our ULP strategy were largely workers and compose and have 25 workers informed by the experience of assisting sign a petition, ready for delivery within and bearing witness to a fellow worker in Subscribe to the Industrial Worker a week. Also, more timely, at our Food & our branch who was fired a year earlier Subscribe or renew your Industrial Worker subscription. Retail Workers United Industrial Orga- from another campaign. In that previous nizing Committee (FRWU-IOC) meeting campaign, our fellow worker lost what we Give a gift that keeps your family or friends thinking. the next day, the committee presented its believed was a solid ULP charge, so ev- escalation plan to other fellow workers for Get 10 issues of working class news and views for: eryone questioned whether my fate would • US $18 for individuals. feedback. We then created a “social map” differ. The ULP process is a roll of the dice, • US $30 for library/institutions. of our workplace and assigned shop orga- the NLRB must let working people win a • US $30 for international subscriptions. nizers to meet with a few dozen co-workers round every now and again in order to Name: ______we assessed as potential supporters of the maintain worker confidence in the system. Address:______petition. While the ULP process would take over City/State/Province:______As the fired worker, my role within the three months, the unimaginable was seem- organizing campaign was threefold: 1) As- ingly about to happen: I was going back Zip/Postal Code:______sist with one-on-ones, 2) act as a general to work. I was surprised to be awarded a Send this subscription form to: task monkey for the campaign’s needs back-to-work order and a “merit” ruling, Industrial Worker Subscriptions, and 3) prepare my case for the Unfair which meant the NLRB believed there was PO Box 180195, Chicago, IL 60618 USA Labor Practice (ULP) complaint with the compelling evidence that I was retaliated Subscribe to the Industrial Worker today! National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), against. Even more surprising news was if we decided to file. The first role was the Continued on next page December 2013 • Industrial Worker • Page 9 Organizing How I Got Fired And Won My Job Back union or solidarity group would escalate finally, terminate me. Yes, the temptation me as I set foot back on the shop floor almost instantaneously to pickets, rallies, to go off-topic into other unverifiables was where high-fives, hugs and handshakes and media coverage and thereby create a certainly there, but I stuck to responding awaited me from all my co-workers. new set of obstacles. Organizers found only to the accusations found in the ter- The greeting which I’ll never forget it difficult to increase the intensity of mination form. came from the morning dishwasher, an pressure, maintain the frequency of Timing was again very strategic with old-timer in the company and a man 25 actions, or win unorganized workers the ULP. The day after management held years older than me. As co-workers sepa- over to the side of the cause. While an all-company discussion forum which rated by our different native languages applying this full-throttle emotional was demanded by workers and in which and different departments, our interac- and economic leverage can be effec- the ownership defended my termination tions at work were often limited to a short tive in circumstances of wage theft and their disciplinary procedure, the com- exchange when he’d pour his daily coffee. and when a single Wobbly on the job is pany received its first ever letter from the The day I was fired, with tears welling up seeking settlement of wrongful termi- NLRB informing them of the investigation. in my eyes and a shocked but all knowing nation, the presence of an underground As my fellow organizer told me later, the look in his, we said goodbye and shook organizing committee requires organizers department manager looked like he was hands. The day I returned to work I ap- to consider their level of reach within the going to vomit when the owner brought proached him to shake his hand once workplace. him the news. again, he hurriedly threw down his mop Graphic: portlandbuttonworks.com In assessing our committee’s width Next, significant credit for this victory and gave me a hug. Later, he sought me and depth within the several worksites, must go to the IWW’s Organizer Training out to express how happy he was to have Continued from previous page we concluded that our committee was too and the community of Wobbly organiz- me back at work. that rather than further appealing the small to conduct public pickets without ers with whom I’m fortunate to share a We then marched on the boss and an NLRB’s judgment the company expressed encountering the same campaign-stalling General Membership Branch. You know organizer presented a letter demanding its interest in a settlement—including results mentioned earlier that previous how we talk a lot about documentation that I have a witness in my pre-work meet- agreeing to my reinstatement. Though campaigns experienced. The Friends of and those workplace journals? Well, those ing with management and HR. The HR they first inquired if I’d accept a payout Emmett Committee developed a measured were integral in getting my job back. In manager agreed to our insistence that I be settlement, I had already informed the escalation plan that sought to escalate those journals and my day planners where allowed a witness of my choice but stated organizing committee and my NLRB agent slowly and provide the opportunity for I recorded all my one-on-one meetings, that one could not be expected at future that I wouldn’t agree to any settlement the external and internal campaigns to some dating back years, I was able to piece meetings. I felt so much more confident in that didn’t include me going back to work. synthesize. Simply, organizers envisioned together a narrative for both my co-work- this meeting because I had a fellow worker While at first my position on returning to the Friends of Emmett Committee as a ers and for the NLRB. Furthermore, the there who had my back and was taking work was based on principle and a desire tool not to win my job back but to provide numerous organizers I learned from in my notes the whole time. to keep the organizing going, reinstate- public cover for the organizing within the years within the IWW gave me the skills to Throughout my shift that first day ment became very personal as a way to shop and help initiate action. know how to respond, while the Wobbly back and for the next few days, co-workers reciprocate the mutual aid given to me by The first step in the external escalation community present around me assisted in stopped and congratulated me and told my co-workers. Just as an injury to one is plan, which coincidentally occurred the the campaign’s strategy (not to mention me how happy they were to see me back. an injury to all, my victory was a victory day after the company received the NLRB countless burritos and timely funding from My response to all of my co-workers was for all my co-workers. merit notification, was a customer delega- our Organizer Hardship Fund). “Thank you for your support. I wouldn’t So, how was this rather unthinkable tion. A group of customers, organized by Finally, management arrogantly be- have my job back without it. Todos juntas!” outcome made a reality? I attribute it Friends of Emmett and which included a lieved that their power would allow them Even some managers congratulated me on to four factors: 1) internal and external Wobbly from the FRWU-IOC, delivered to quietly terminate me and justify it how- putting up a good fight! Regular customers direct actions, 2) a solid ULP strategy, 3) and read to an owner in front of my co- ever they saw fit. In doing so, management who knew what happened likewise greeted a trained and experienced community of workers (and a few random customers) a did most of the heavy lifting, polarizing my me with hugs and handshakes. For those organizers, and 4) the company’s naiveté. demand for my reinstatement. We placed co-workers in support of me and giving customers who didn’t know why I was First, while I’ll likely never know ex- the rest of the escalation plan, which in- enough evidence for the NLRB to side with gone, I laid it out that I was fired illegally actly why management agreed to reinstate cluded neighborhood postering, canvass- my charge. Among the long list of judg- and that the company was forced to give me, instinct tells me that without direct ing, hand-billing and second delegation, ments written on my termination form me my job back because of the support of action it would never have happened. on hold until we heard back on whether included documented instances when I my co-workers. One thing I am 100 percent positive of is the company was willing to settle. was talking to co-workers about staffing that, without internal direct action, my The second component I credit for my levels, profit sharing and our absent holi- Where Do We Go From Here reinstatement would never have meant so return to work was the ULP strategy the day bonus. Certainly, I was not the only Arriving to work these days, I’m con- much to my co-workers. The march on the organizing committee developed with the one who discussed these matters on the stantly reminded of the struggle that took boss, petition signatures, pins and mag- assistance of fellow workers both locally shop floor; the surprise withholding of our place to win my job back. I can’t miss see- nets, plus all the time workers took out of and from across the country. Rather than holiday bonus that year became a consis- ing the “I Missed Emmett” magnets scat- their day to meet, brainstorm and motivate rushing to the NLRB, I made the direct tent topic of frustration and contempt for tered across my co-workers’ lockers in the each other to take action, all effectively action campaign of my co-workers a top co-workers throughout the company. break room as I lace up my work shoes or invested my co-workers in the situation. priority and brainstormed how/if the ULP Furthermore, I had participated in sit down for a lunch break. In my locker are They became active agents within the pro- process could be used to our advantage. As several direct actions in the past. One my NLRB back-to-work order, a welcome- cess from which management had tried to referred to earlier, this was my final role particularly important action involving back card given to me by a co-worker, and exclude them. Furthermore, I believe the as the fired organizer. During the weeks our entire department was done just be- a picture drawn by the five-year-old son reason the company buckled to the NLRB prior to filing a complaint, I read through yond the NLRB timeline for a ULP charge. of a regular who, accompanied by her two had more to do with the visible shop-floor previous NLRB affidavits and consulted I learned that one could effectively argue kids, delivered the customer letter to an actions, support and discussion regard- numerous fellow workers and allied labor how latter individual actions could be owner requesting my reinstatement. When ing my case than a sternly-worded letter lawyers to make sure my case was solid. protected under the law if judged to be I walk back onto the shop floor, I’m greeted from the NLRB. With the message that I For days I went back and forth on the extensions of a previous collective action. by the dozens of faces of co-workers who “won” the ULP floating in the air, if the decision to file as the IWW. While the cam- However, this naiveté and arrogance did so much to ensure that I returned to company had appealed the decision they paign wasn’t public, my involvement with- by management will likely not be repeated work. Much has changed since I was fired. would have run the risk of polarizing the in the union was public outside of work. so carelessly again. Since my firing, the To the credit of my co-workers and fellow workplace further away from them and Ultimately, I decided not to file as the company hired an experienced HR man- organizers, the question of “just cause” closer towards the organizing committee. IWW or an independent union. Hunches ager and has held several meetings with disciplinary procedure was raised publicly. This was the move that shop organizers and assumptions aside, I could not prove lawyers to ensure they’re never caught Additionally, workers are questioning our were anticipating and which organizers management knew anything about me liable for an unlawful termination or any compensation and discussing the need for were readying an escalated response to. being union. Therefore, if I couldn’t dem- other charge of violated labor or employ- a voice within our workplace. Externally, Wobblies within the FR- onstrate it and management wasn’t going ment law. While much has indeed changed, the WU-IOC created a Friends of Emmett to offer it, then the NLRB agent wouldn’t power structure largely remains the same. Committee, tasked to develop a two- be able to prove it. Bringing in the union Reclaiming My Job Until my co-workers and I have the power month escalation plan to mobilize custom- at this point would only expose organizers Returning to work was surreal. I was to determine OUR conditions of employ- ers and the community behind my cause. to an anti-union campaign they were not back from the dead, as some of my fellow ment, I believe it’s my responsibility to We knew such support would be vital to effectively positioned to counter. Besides, workers said. The return could not have continue the fight. As things are now, the our morale as organizers and hopefully most relevant to the ULP was keeping the been better. Rather than quietly walking lessons and meaning of our victory to win serve as a lightning rod for further internal NLRB agent focused on my best piece of back on the job as if nothing had hap- my job back are largely internalized by the action by workers. For every step of the documentation: management’s clear viola- pened, my fellow organizers and I decided workers. We need to make our working escalation plan, Wobblies in the organiz- tion of an employee’s Section 7 rights, as that we’d use the moment to claim victory conditions subject to the lessons of our ing committee and the friends committee observable in my termination form. and set the tone with management about victory and institutionalize the conditions considered how the actions would polarize My charge accepted, I walked into the what to expect from now on. Three fellow we demand. Since I returned to work four the workers on the inside. meeting with the NLRB agent, my affidavit organizers accompanied me as I walked months ago, three of my co-workers have Our external strategy was largely testimony appropriately outlined with all back onto the floor. When I re-entered the quit and a new crew of workers is being informed by participation in solidarity ac- supporting evidence prepared. With such break room I was greeted with “I Missed introduced to the workplace without the tions for fired Wobblies over the course of preparation at hand, I was well positioned Emmett” magnets that covered the lockers experience of struggle the rest of us shared. the past few years. Some of these actions to substantiate a narrative beginning and a few that held up copies of the NLRB So, we must share our stories, organize involved just a Wobbly on the job with- with me being labeled the head agitator notification. When I arrived, one worker more aggressively than we have ever out a campaign, while others contained of a petition delivery, continuing through was there reading the posting and shaking before and be ready to not only respond an underground organizing committee. with documented instances of managerial his head in disbelief. I added to my work to management’s endless assaults collec- Often in these previous efforts, organiz- hostility toward me (hello, work journals!), cap the pins of support my co-workers tively, but to initiate our own plan to win. ers applied an immediate and aggressive and concluding with a managerial per- were wearing in my absence to show their Let’s keep fighting; there’s no alternative public approach to both scenarios: the sonnel change intended to isolate and, solidarity. My fellow organizers followed anymore. Page 10 • Industrial Worker • December 2013 Headline News Wobblies Fight Neo-Nazis In North Dakota Continued from 1 an all-neo-Nazi town. It was there that we she had been called a communist. She was headed pig wearing a Golden Dawn t-shirt met our new allies, as the march would shouted down Cobb and his fascist cohorts. soon followed by several members of the and a kilt began playing bagpipes, which soon begin. Members and leaders of the Standing Rock community who refused to sit through the we drowned out with air horns and chants. The march down the main street to Reservation, whose borders are a mere 30 hate speech. As the orders to disperse started, we were the neo-Nazis’ meeting hall was led by miles from the site, vowed that they would Around this time, the riot police specifically targeted by the local sheriff the local First Nations communities, fol- resist the neo-Nazis and refuse to allow the showed up without identification badges, and told, “This rally is now over. You lowed closely by members of our branch, spread of their venomous hatred on their dressed in their usual storm trooper at- need to leave or congregate in a different and then by brave residents of the town. land. Afterwards, Fellow Worker Weise tire, bearing rubber bullet guns and tear location.” On our way out, we witnessed A large banner on the main drag of road addressed the crowd, explained what the gas launchers. No incidents occurred, several local First Nations people tearing read, “Anti-Racism is a code word for IWW is, and cemented our commitment however, and the cops simply observed down the swastika flags and ripping them anti-white” and was accompanied by the to the fight against fascism in Leith and the events. apart before getting into their car. flags of Norway, Sweden, the Creativity around the world. We chanted and sang until the neo- As we went through the barricade, Movement, the NSM, and various other Shortly after, the NSM marched into Nazis’ rally ended and then assaulted them they were stopped and forced to give up white power organizations. the meeting hall, which was heavily pro- with marina- and party-sized air horns. the remains of the flag, which the police Before proceeding to the meeting hall, tected by the police, intending to strong- Several exchanges occurred, but the neo- then threw to the ground and kicked. This we stopped in front of the house of Craig arm the residents into accepting their rule. Nazis were unable to spew out anything is only our first trip to Leith, and plans are Cobb, the neo-Nazi scum behind the fas- About five minutes into the rally, a woman beyond simple schoolyards insults. in place to return until the Nazi menace is cist plot to buy up land and turn Leith into was escorted out of the hall, screaming that As the day came to a close, a bone- eliminated. Starbucks Workers Union Strike In Chile the organization have man Rights on Oct. 25. And the IWW and begun to see justice workers in Belgium, England, Denmark, in our cause, and are Germany, Switzerland, Bulgaria, New growing closer and Zealand, Spain, Argentina, and of course closer to us. It has the U.S. unions in Starbucks all staged become clear that actions to support our cause. Starbucks is a hypo- We firmly believe that today a scenario critical and obstinate has been initiated that will favor the unity business. Here there of the workers against the anti-unionism is no social respon- of the company. Although Starbucks sibility but rather purports to be “a company with policies social irresponsibil- promoting open doors and a meritocracy,” ity. “No budget nego- what outrages us is that it is also proud to tiations,” “we cannot be an anti-union company. Therefore it recognize collectives is our duty to take all measures, domes- and grant them privi- tic and international, to ensure that the leges,” “unions are business stops violating the inalienable unnecessary at Star- collective rights of its workers. Starbucks is bucks”—these were a repeat offender. We will, therefore, pres- the responses that ent our case not only to the Labor Courts the company posed of Justice, but also to the Organisation for to argue why it would Economic Co-operation and Development Photo: Starbucks Workers Union of Chile not agree to a single for Starbucks’ violation of the guidelines demand of its union for multinationals. Likewise, we will file Continued from 1 to be [supposedly] a company with policies workers despite a tremendous increase a complaint against the Chilean state at promoting open doors and meritocracy,” in profits. the International Labour Organization Starbucks Workers Declare Strike, but we are outraged that they are also We have also reached the public, for abandoning its role as guarantor of Oct. 31, 2013 proud to be an anti-union company. collecting more than 5,000 signatures the rule of law, thereby allowing violations To the public: Our reality is complex. We face a of support in Chile and 7,000 interna- of domestic law and the international The Starbucks Coffee Union began a model of anti-union work on a worldwide tional signatures calling upon Starbucks conventions ratified by Chile. We will legal strike on Oct. 29 after having been scale. This has never simply been about to change its anti-union behavior. Presi- continue to publicize our struggle during unable to find in the company willingness resources—it is a philosophical and politi- dential candidates Marcel Claude, Roxana this process, with the support and solidar- to negotiate in good faith. Our organization cal struggle, and therefore the company Miranda and Marco Enríquez-Ominami ity of all organizations that have stayed repeatedly expressed a desire to reach an has constantly thrown the full weight expressed their support. The picket line with us during this battle. ’That’s why as agreement. We even reduced our petition of its economic power and operations was attended by Democratic politician Tu- Starbucks workers, we do not return to our from 13 points to only one: providing meal into weakening us as a collective. None capel Jimenez, the Workers’ United Center jobs defeated; as we have cracked open bonuses in an amount subject to discus- of the four fines for anti-union practices of Chile, the Labor Front, the Confeder- the door that will allow us to democratize sion. Starbucks does not provide any type have fazed the multinational giant, which ación de Trabajadores del Cobre and the the company. We were always aware that of food to non-management employees continues to display the same behavior as Confederación Nacional del Trabajo and this was the beginning of a long-winded during the working day, unlike all other always. Therefore, we urge the citizens, many, many other organizations. Outside fight against the violent imposition of a companies in the industry and among consumers, trade unions, and society as our borders, La Confederación Sindical corporate job model. We’ll meet again in competition—a form of discrimination a whole to demonstrate in any ways that Internacional and La Confederación Sin- 18 months, more united than ever. that is, obviously, unjustified. “No budget you can in support of these workers that dical de Trabajadores/as de las Américas Thanks to all. negotiations,” “we cannot recognize col- now represent many more who genuinely did their part to show the dark side of the Starbucks Workers Union of Chile lectives and grant privileges,” “unions are fear organizing in a company like this. company internationally, taking our case unnecessary at Starbucks” are some of Today, in this unequal contest the sacrifice to the Inter-American Commission on Hu- Translated by Steve Fake. the responses from the company to argue of these warriors is not for money, but for why they will agree to absolutely none of their right to bargain collectively and to the demands of the workers’ union. The win respect for the freedom of associa- company has, however, recently reported tion at Starbucks. Therefore, we continue, an increase in profits of over 34 percent to united. (approximately) $1.3 billion. Officially, Starbucks will continue Starbucks Union Strike Ends, saying that it “has always recognized and Nov. 8, 2013 respected the right of all partners to join To our fellow workers, our friends, and the union.” However, it has paid more the public: than $50 million in four fines for breach- Today, Nov. 8, we concluded our legal ing the right to freedom of association in strike voluntarily, having achieved, over the most grotesque manner. Moreover, the 11 days of mobilization, each and every the company claims that we are a small one of the political objectives we set as a group and that 95 percent of its workers group at the time of launching the strike. “recognize and appreciate the good work- The campaign was not only to obtain the ing atmosphere and the services offered much-desired meal subsidy or some other by Starbucks, without sharing the union’s benefit we knew that Starbucks was not demands,” even though, in reality, surveys going to compromise, given its anti-union show that more than 80 percent of the philosophy. It was not about resources. company’s workers support the demands Rather, it was about fighting for our collec- of our organization but fear to organize tive rights and sending a political message and speak out due to a history of reprisals. full of solidarity to Chile and the world. One cannot ignore that after two years of In just 11 days our organization anti-union practices, the unionization rate strengthened its unity and political de- fell from 55 percent to less than 6 percent velopment. Non-union workers, who today. We know that “Starbucks is proud historically have been too afraid to join Photo: Starbucks Workers Union of Chile December 2013 • Industrial Worker • Page 11 IWW History Nonviolent Direct Action And The Early IWW By Stephen R. Thornton with money by laying down our tools. Pure Wobbly organizer Matilda Rabinow- strength lies in the overwhelming power itz took the stage to address hundreds of of numbers.” For Haywood, nonviolent ac- striking mill workers and the townspeople tion was not necessarily a moral principle. who came to gawk: “I apologize to the It was, however, a conscious, strategic people of Shelton who came here out of turn toward mass action without physical curiosity. I fear the IWW speakers here violence. tonight have disappointed you. None of For the purposes of this article, I define them have come to the stage with a stiletto nonviolent direct action as a technique of in their teeth. They carry no guns, nor do struggle outside of institutional methods they bring with them bombs with sputter- (courts, voting) without the use of injuri- ing fuses.” And with that simple rebuke, ous force or threat to others. It is open and Rabinowitz dispelled the prevailing myth direct conflict that exposes oppression. It of Wobblies as mad bombers—a myth that is protest, resistance, or intervention to the press, police and plutocrats manufac- stop injustice and/or to win control over tured for decades. the economic life of society. It uses a set It would be incorrect to say that the of special methods that do not necessarily early IWW was an explicitly nonviolent exclude coercion or property destruction. or pacifist organization. There is nothing in the union’s Preamble or Constitution Gandhi, Union Leader that indicates an adherence to nonviolent Whether they knew it or not, the Photo: ucblibraries.colorado.edu direct action. But there is widespread Wobblies were building on the work of Mo- International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers (formerly the Western evidence that the Wobbly founders con- handas Gandhi who was, during the same Federation of Miners, the IWW’s largest founding union) strike against the Potash Company of America in Carlsband, N.M., in 1949. Strikers prevented the moving of sciously chose nonviolence over violence period, organizing the oppressed Indian ore by train by sitting on the tracks. as a strategy for self-defense, for winning minority in South Africa. From 1907 to strikes and in response to thousands of 1914, he led massive peaceful protests of just as violent. But a 1939 study at Johns Massacre (1919) and the Everett Massacre vicious assaults. noncooperation to fight compulsory state Hopkins University found that despite (1916). Even Gandhi wrote “I do believe Consider the following article pub- registration and racist poll taxes. the hundreds of accusations against the that where there is only a choice between lished in Solidarity in 1912, entitled “The In India beginning in 1916, Gandhi led Wobblies, law enforcement never caught cowardice and violence I would advise vio- Passive Resistance Policy of the I.W.W. the successful Ahmedabad textile workers’ or convicted one Wobbly for sabotage. lence.” But in the same essay he wrote that and How it Works”: strike. He had previously organized labor Other nonviolent tactics developed in “strength does not come from physical ca- “As we have previously remarked in campaigns in South Africa and where response to specific conditions, such as pacity. It comes from an indomitable will.” the columns of Solidarity, the policy of he also promoted the eight-hour work- when in 1918, dozens of Sacramento Wobs, IWW organizers sometimes mixed passive resistance is a very inconvenient day. The Indian leader organized indigo who had been arrested on trumped-up their metaphors when cautioning workers proposition to handle. plantation workers in 1917 and believed charges, organized their “silent defense.” about violence. Jean Spielman conjured up “For instance, when the Solidarity in decentralized industry under worker They refused to recognize the court’s au- the Haymarket anarchists and the Molly boys were arrested, tried and convicted; control. Worldwide press reports fol- thority by silently sitting in the courtroom, Maguires to inspire striking weavers at the law set the penalty at one hundred lowed his Satyagraha movement. Here in rejecting the use of attorneys and refusing Russell Manufacturing near Wesleyan dollars fine each and cost. The costs footed the United States, labor activists pledged to defend themselves. University in Connecticut. Then he told up about one hundred dollars more. their “assurance of support” to Gandhi in them “We do not believe in using physi- “The authorities and Mr. Taxpayer the fight for independence from England. The Women Lead cal force. We possess a weapon stronger (poor fellow) had their mouths watering The early Wobblies perfected the Women in the IWW challenged the than physical force or violence; it is to use over this $700 that they thought would strategic use of free speech campaigns and culture of violence, even in the face of fero- our labor power. We will quit producing.” drop like a plum into their mouths. mass industrial strikes during the first two cious capitalist brutality. As Andy Piascik Joseph Ettor was even more pithy. “We “Now here is how the affair turned decades of the 20th century. Both types of wrote in his piece “Bread And Roses A are at war with war,” he said. At an Italian out. First the boys refused to pay the fine action are classic nonviolent tools, even Hundred Years On: Lessons From The Socialist Federation meeting Giovannitti and costs and the 700 good dollars went though both elicited violent responses Lawrence Textile Strike,” which appeared saw cops spying on him at the back of the up the spout. Then of course the boys from the boss. Withholding labor, refus- in the March 2012 IW: hall. He predicted that the time would had to go to jail for 90 days each, and ing to cooperate with authority, and filling “Knowing all too well that violence come when “we will take the uniforms and the county has to pay the sheriff 50 cents the jails won victories for the IWW. And always reverberates hardest on those on clubs away, place shovels in their hands, a day per man for board...it was fully these techniques of struggle proved to be society’s lowest rungs, women strikers and set them to work.” expected that Solidarity would have to go so successful that they were adopted by called the men on their beatings of scabs out of business. But it did not nor will not. the civil rights movement and many other and their fights with police and militia. In Good Company And it is getting stronger every day and campaigns, most recently by Occupy Wall It was women who moved to the front of Maybe the best indicator of the IWW’s so is the I.W.W.” Street and against construction of the Tar many of the marches in an effort to curtail successful practice is the impressive list of Big Bill Haywood agreed. As a former Sands pipeline. state violence against the strike (though how many nonviolent activists the union leader of the Western Federation of Min- At the IWW’s 1905 founding con- the police and militia proved not at all has attracted. It’s hard to believe that ers (WFM), he was no stranger to militant vention, Lucy Parsons foresaw that “the shy about beating women and children “Howl” poet Allen Ginsberg would join the labor violence. In fact, the WFM had strike of the future is not to strike and go as well as men).” IWW if he believed it was a violent orga- built its own army to fight state militias out and starve, but to strike and remain In response to a textile strike in Con- nization. Ammon Hennacy, a tax resister, and vigilantes. But by the time he was in and take possession of the necessary necticut, private detectives would “insult and anti-war activist, was a longtime IWW organizing the Lawrence Textile Strike (or property of production.” Her call was and aggravate the strikers in many ways,” member. He was also a Catholic Worker the “Bread and Roses” strike), Haywood heeded in 1906 by General Electric work- according to a news report, while the sent by Dorothy Day (a former Wob) to told a reporter “I should never think of ers in Schenectady, N.Y., where Wobblies workers “desire to conduct themselves establish the Joe Hill House of Hospitality conducting a strike in the old way...I, for and machinist union members cooperated peaceably.” In one of her daily talks, in Salt Lake City. He taught Utah Phillips, one, have turned my back on violence. It in the first 20th century sit-down strike. Matilda Rabinowitz warned the striking the great Wobbly troubadour, about the wins nothing. When we strike now, we Parsons was no pacifist, having repeatedly mill hands against the overuse of alcohol. connections between personal and insti- strike with hands in our pockets. We have called for workers to arm themselves with “In a time like this, men with strong drink tutional violence. a new kind of violence—the havoc we raise dynamite. IWW rhetoric was sometimes are led to do things they ought not to do,” Phillips had become a pacifist as a she said. “Let the strike breakers and the result of his traumatic experience as a guards do the drinking. We must get along soldier in the Korean War. As he explains Sponsor an Industrial Worker without it.” it, Hennacy taught him that “you came into the world armed to the teeth. With an Subscription for a Prisoner Trade Their Clubs for Shovels arsenal of weapons, weapons of privilege, More often than not, picket line vio- economic privilege, sexual privilege, racial Sponsor an Industrial Worker lence comes from a place of seething anger privilege. You want to be a pacifist, you’re subscription for a prisoner! The and the desire for revenge—an eye for an not just going to have to give up guns, eye. As one Syrian silk weaver told a New knives, clubs, hard, angry words, you are IWW often has fellow workers London, Conn., reporter in response to going to have lay down the weapons of & allies in prison who write to police violence, “We are not dogs. We will privilege and go into the world completely us requesting a subscription to be as bad as they are if we cannot have disarmed.” (At his request, Hennacy’s the Industrial Worker, the official some of our rights.” ashes were scattered across the Haymarket By no means were all Wobblies paci- Martyrs’ graves). newspaper of the IWW. This is fists. IWW members fought in the Magoni- Bayard Rustin was a labor organizer, your chance to show solidarity! sta rebellion of 1911, and many joined the civil rights leader, gay activist and non- U.S. Armed Forces to fight in World War I. violent advocate. His union affiliation was For only $18 you can buy one James Connolly helped lead the Irish Citi- not the IWW but primarily with A. Philip full year’s worth of working-class zen Army during the 1916 Easter Rising. Randolph’s Brotherhood of Sleeping Car At one time or another, Wobbly leaders Porters. He has provided us with a provoc- news from around the world for a argued for the use of violence if it would ative contribution to the ongoing debate fellow worker in prison. Just visit: help workers win. ” To kill is a great crime, surrounding nonviolent action. This con- http://store.iww.org/industrial- but to be killed is the greatest,” wrote the summate organizer melded nonviolence worker-sub-prisoner.html to order rebel poet Arturo Giovannitti in 1913. theory with the Wobbly watchword when Wobblies have picked up the gun for he said “We are nonviolent because an the subscription TODAY! self-defense, notably during the Centralia injury to one is an injury to all.” Page 12 • Industrial Worker • December 2013 Rising Tide Shuts Down Port Of Vancouver By John Kalwaic On Nov. 4, the environ- mentalist action group Ris- ing Tide shut down the Port of Vancouver, Wash., in soli- darity with locked-out long- shore union workers. United Grain, part of the Japanese conglomerate Mitsui & Com- Labor Law In France: pany, locked out the Interna- tional Longshore and Ware- “Socialist” And Employer Flavored house Union (ILWU) Local By Guillaume Goutte the company, without any guarantee of 4. United Grain chose to lock Continental, PSA Peugeot Citroën, this being limited to within the country. out its union workers rather Goodyear, Fralib, ArcelorMittal, Sanofi— Salaries can be lowered and working than negotiate with them in these are the major companies where hours changed for a period of two years. good faith. On July 15, 2011, Photo: Portland Rising Tide layoffs are taking place right now. Today Redundancy and redeployment plans will workers of the ILWU came Port shut-down on Nov. 4. there are countless “redeployment” plans now be possible with a simple document to the terminal to protest United Grain and its allied groups were also shutting in France that threaten the jobs of tens that is approved by La direction Générale and blockaded a grain train. The struggle down the ports in protest of the proposed of thousands of workers. du Travail (department of ILWU Local 4 is now spilling over into oil terminal’s violation of the treaty rights There are also increas- of labor), and a basic con- another terminal as the port has decided to with the local indigenous people of the ingly radical struggles and sultation of the Comité build a Tesoro oil terminal near the Port of Columbia River. Around 50 people came a resurgence of solidarity d’Entreprise (works coun- Vancouver. Tesoro is responsible for an oil to shut down the port. ILWU Local 4 did across sectors and jobs, cil) is sufficient, even if spill of 20,000 barrels in North Dakota in not participate but stood in solidarity with some of which have be- its opinion is negative. October that left five workers dead. ILWU Rising Tide and their other community al- come symbols of France— Meanwhile, a new type Local 4 was concerned that this unac- lies in their shutdown of the port. a country whose workers of employment contract countable company was coming to build With files fromEarth First! Journal and are refusing the inevita- is created, more flexible an oil terminal near their port. Rising Tide PaperBlog. bility of capitalism. than ever before, and gen- But the attacks eralizing precarity: the against workers on the so-called “intermittent” Bangladeshi Garment Workers Hold Boss Hostage By John Kalwaic tage when he said there part of bosses (who are permanent contract— In mid-October, was no money available firmly supported by the a permanent contract Bangladeshi garment to pay them. Negotia- Socialist government), consisting of periods of workers locked their tors were sent to talk are not limited to the employment and unem- boss in his office and with the hostage takers workplace alone. Since ployment. Graphic: CGT demanded him to give for the release of their Jan. 11, 2013, labor law With regards to the them their bonuses. boss. After negotia- itself has been severely attacked by this justice system, the time period to bring The workers went to tions, the boss paid 900 sinister but historic coalition. This attack an action to the “Prud’hommes” (employ- the Tuba Group fac- workers their bonuses, has the hypocritical and cynical name “job ment tribunal), changes from five to two tory to demand their Photo: sexgenderbody.tumblr.com totaling 5 million taka protection agreement.” years for layoffs, and from five to three bonuses for the Muslim holiday of Eid ($64,000). In this case direct action got This law is the fruit of negotiations years for matters relating to wages. Com- al-Adha. They forced their way into owner the goods! which were (from their start) doomed to be pensations will also be capped, and allow Delwar Hossain’s office and held him hos- With files from Reuters. a defeat for workers. It has been ratified by bosses to escape penalties proportionate the Mouvement des Entreprises de France to their wrongdoing. (MEDEF),the largest employers asso- Not content with stabbing labor law Teachers Union & Anarchists Join Forces In Brazil ciation in France, and several of France’s in this manner, the Socialist government By John Kalwaic largest unions, including the Confédéra- is also preparing to reduce employer con- Massive social unrest has tion Française Démocratique du Travail tributions by 20 billion euros! And if the hit Brazil in recent months and (CFDT), the Confédération Française des government gives to the rich in this man- anarchists are taking the lead. Travailleurs Chrétiens (CFTC), and the ner, it’s of course not without taking from Anarchists have taken to the Confédération Française de l’Encadrement the very poorest, notably by planning the streets in greater numbers and are (CGC), who only think about saving their taxation of benefits. using more militant tactics. Mass ass in terms of being recognized as repre- In other words, under the pretext of protests in Brazil erupted in the sentative. Amongst the big unions, only “adapting to the crisis,” employers can summer during a protest against the Confédération Générale du Travail now more easily fire their workers and public transportation cuts. These Anarchists protest public tran- Photo: gulf-times.com (CGT) and Force Ouvrière (FO) refused to draw in a plentiful supply of precarious first protests attracted a mixed sit cuts in Sao Paulo in October. sign this heinous agreement, which glori- labor, while receiving valuable gifts from group of people from across the political by the mainstream media, who accused fies employment flexibility. the government. Workers, for their part, spectrum, including fascists, but more “black bloc” anarchists of hijacking a Now, thanks to these historic negotia- will just have to work. And, of course, keep progressive forces came into the move- “peaceful teachers’ strike” and turning the tions, employees are forced, under threat their mouths shut. ment as well and changed the discussion. demonstrations violent. The teachers of of dismissal, to accept mobility within Translated by Monika Vykoukal. Brazil’s indigenous movements have SEPE had a different opinion: the federa- been reignited by the recent wave of tion decided unanimously to endorse the social unrest. Unions are also going on anarchist demonstrations. It is important The IWW Survey & Research very militant strikes. The latest account to realize that the teachers’ union endorse- of militant unrest is the protest by the ment of ”black bloc” tactics exists not just Committee Expands Its Activities Brazil’s teachers involved in Sindicato in this union but also in the context of Estadual dos Profissionais de Educação Brazil’s growing anarchist movement. An- From the SRC do Rio de Janeiro (SEPE) and their black- archists in Brazil have also recently called The Survey & Research Committee (SRC) consists of three mem- clad anarchist supporters. The anarchists for free public transportation. bers appointed by the General Executive Board and a number of were having militant marches in support With files fromRevolution News! and member volunteers. The mandate of the SRC is to develop research of their teachers. This was widely criticized the Gulf Times. trainings for members, conduct analyses of organizing strategies and tactics, and support local campaigns in their research needs.

The SRC is expanding its activities this year and will focus on three projects: Looking for that perfect holiday gift? 1. Research 101 training. The SRC is developing training to empower and Order a one-year subscription to the Industrial Worker! build capacities within workers to reclaim areas of “knowledge-making” and power structure analysis that will aid in campaigns to directly confront and attack oppres- Get 10 issues of the IW for: sive and unjust power systems in their workplaces. Kate D. is leading this effort. • US $18 for individuals Contact her at [email protected] for more information or to get involved. • US $30 for library/institutions 2. National campaign research. The SRC is coordinating campaign research • US $30 for international subscriptions on the three national targets. The committee will create an online repository of re- search to share information and strategy across the union. Eric D. is leading this effort. Contact Eric at [email protected] for more information or to get involved. Just make out a check or money order for the above amount 3. Global supply chains. A working group of the SRC is trying to under- to “Industrial Workers of the World,” fill out the recipient’s stand the global flow of goods by mapping out logistics and how strike waves have address below, and send this form and payment to: stopped the flow of capital over time. See Empire Logistics for initial maps: http:// Industrial Workers of the World empire-logistics.org. Inquiries with logistics workers in London, Oakland, and Los P.O. Box 180195, Chicago, IL 60618 USA Angeles are also underway. Yvonne YL is leading this. Contact her at yvonne@ militantresearch.org. Name: ______Address:______If you’d like to talk with the SRC, there are monthly conference calls in which City/State/Province:______members can call in with questions. And the Committee is always looking for more volunteers to contribute to developing the strategic research and analysis capacity Zip/Postal Code:______of the union, so please consider joining. For more information, please contact the SRC at [email protected]. Give a gift that keeps on giving! Subscribe to the Industrial Worker today!