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Vines, Gates, and Temples: Using Cemeteries to Understand Mormonism in Canada Brooke Kathleen Brassard

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Vines, Gates, and Temples: Using Cemeteries to Understand Mormonism in Canada Brooke Kathleen Brassard Document generated on 10/06/2021 7:08 a.m. Journal of the Society for the Study of Architecture in Canada Le Journal de la Société pour l'étude de l'architecture au Canada Vines, Gates, and Temples: Using Cemeteries to Understand Mormonism in Canada Brooke Kathleen Brassard Religious Architecture in Canada Volume 43, Number 1, 2018 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1049409ar DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1049409ar See table of contents Publisher(s) SSAC-SEAC ISSN 2563-8696 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Brassard, B. K. (2018). Vines, Gates, and Temples: Using Cemeteries to Understand Mormonism in Canada. Journal of the Society for the Study of Architecture in Canada / Le Journal de la Société pour l'étude de l'architecture au Canada, 43(1), 65–73. https://doi.org/10.7202/1049409ar Copyright © SSAC-SEAC, 2018 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ ANALYSIS | ANALYSE VINES, GATES, AND TEMPLES: USING CEMETERIES TO UNDERSTAND MORMONISM IN CANADA BROOKE KATHLEEN BRASSARD completed her > BROOKE KATHLEEN Ph.D. in the Department of Religious Studies BRASSARD at the University of Waterloo. Her dissertation is titled “Thirsty Land into Springs of Water: Negotiating a Place in Canada as Latter-day Saints, 1887-1947.” She completed her B.A. everal Latter-day Saints predicted the in art history/religious studies and M.A. in art Spresence of a Mormon temple from history at the University of Victoria. Her research the start of Mormon migration into the District of Alberta, North-West Territories, interests include new religious movements, Canada, in the late nineteenth century. history of religion, Canadian history, and material Jonathan Layne [1835-1899], one of the and visual culture. When she is not teaching or earliest Mormon settlers, prophesied that writing, she works as the historian for the Rockton Canada would provide for the Latter-day Agricultural Society and as a library clerk for Saints (LDS) just as Cache County, Utah, Musagetes Architecture Library. did, and that the country would eventu- ally house their temples.1 On his visit to the new Canadian community in 1888, John W. Taylor [1858-1916] made a similar forecast: “I now speak by the power of prophecy and say that upon this very spot shall be erected a temple to the name of Israel’s God and nations shall come from far and near and praise His high and holy name.”2 These predictions clashed with the expectation that their stay in the North- West Territories was temporary, that it was only until they could legally prac- tice plural marriage in Utah that the LDS would remain in Canada. However, a temple symbolized permanence as it was a significant commitment and under- taking for the emerging Canadian LDS communities. The religious and geographic landscapes of southern, rural Alberta offer a par- ticular lens to view and understand the experiences of Canadian Latter-day Saints. Specifically, permanent sacred spaces, such as the cemetery, possess a wealth of information about the inhabitants and provide evidence of a process of integration into Canadian society. According to folklorists Austin and Alta Fife, cemetery visitors learn FIG. 1. HANS PETERSON’S GRAVE MARKER, CARDSTON CEMETERY. | BROOKE KATHLEEN BRASSARD. JSSAC | JSÉAC 43 > No 1 > 2018 > 65-73 65 JSEAC_int_V43n1.indd 65 2018-07-05 12:00 PM BROOKE KATHLEEN BRASSARD > ANALYSIS | ANALYSE FIG. 2. HANS PETERSON’S GRAVE MARKER, CARDSTON CEMETERY. | BROOKE FIG. 3. NOAH SHURTLEFF’S GRAVE MARKER, CARDSTON CEMETERY. | BROOKE KATHLEEN BRASSARD. KATHLEEN BRASSARD. about their loved ones’ “civic pride; their Like sacred architecture, the cemetery is to Mormonism—characteristics that drew family groups or clans and the individ- “a physical space and a spiritual place,” borders around themselves and main- ual members thereof; their professions, but it is the cemetery, according to tained an identity of peculiarity—pro- trades, occupations, and affiliations; the Elizabethada Wright, an expert on the vided enough tensions between the LDS ethnic groups to which they belonged; rhetoric of memorial place, that “con- and outsiders to keep them separate and the fraternal orders of which they were fuses the symbolic and physical to allow different. LDS memorials offer evidence members; terms of military service; dis- memories forgotten in other locations to of assimilation, negotiation, and tension asters and tragedies they experienced.”3 survive—often silently.”7 with mainstream society and present Folklorist Carol Edison, studying Utahn the process of adjusting to a new social graves, agreed: “Gravestones, with their In this article, I focus on the material environment. Data collected from six cem- visual symbolism and wealth of cultural culture of death and memory, but I con- eteries in southern Alberta revealed three information, represent a category of ducted for my Ph.D. research a larger themes: generic Christianity, Mormon expression offering another way to recog- study examining, in addition to material symbolism, and temple imagery. The nize and understand this unique cultural culture, politics, economics, gendered progression from generic symbolism to region.”4 Writing about rural cemeteries roles, and marriage practices, and found specific LDS imagery demonstrates how in the Great Plains, professors of architec- out that the Mormon experience in LDS expressions of memorial and death ture Steve C. Martens and Nancy Volkman southern Alberta was a negotiation changed as their status and reputation described the sacred sites as “familiar, between assimilation and peculiarity.8 in Canada improved. ritual landscapes that serve a funda- Mainstream Canadian society forced the mental human need for remembrance, newcomers to decide what they were GENERIC CHRISTIANITY commemoration, and spiritual healing.”5 willing to give up, maintain, or innov- Within the cemetery, the grave marker ate in their own traditions as well as The memorials for the first immigrants “is an important way for us to tell the what they would embrace, reject, or did not present anything unexpected for next generation who we were and to help ignore in their adopted society. Certain the Late-Victorian era. For example, the preserve our collective cultural identity.”6 beliefs, traditions, and practices unique headstones of Hans Peterson [1834-1890] 66 JSSAC | JSÉAC 43 > No 1 > 2018 JSEAC_int_V43n1.indd 66 2018-07-05 12:00 PM BROOKE KATHLEEN BRASSARD > ANALYSIS | ANALYSE FIG. 4. AUSTIN G. RUSSELL’S GRAVE MARKER, STIRLING CEMETERY. | BROOKE KATHLEEN FIG. 5. FANNY CALDWELL’S GRAVE MARKER, CARDSTON CEMETERY. | BROOKE KATHLEEN BRASSARD. BRASSARD. and Martha Woodward [1863-1894] were The monument memorializing Thomas R. Like the early Canadian LDS meeting- stone tablets supported by low platforms. Leavitt [1834-1891] was more elabor- houses and tabernacles, memorials in their Both depicted a hand pointing an index ate in that it included several standard cemeteries also blended in as standard finger toward the sky, which several Victorian symbols such as vines of ivy Christian graves.13 In the Stirling Cemetery, scholars have interpreted as indicative of (representing immortality) running the blunt obelisk monument for Utah-born the destination of the deceased: heaven over two columns and an arch, and Austin G. Russell [1881-1900] included oak (fig. 1).9 In addition to this common underneath a planter filled with calla leaves, acorns, stars, his vita, an epitaph, Christian symbol, Peterson’s headstone lilies (symbolizing beauty, purity, and and his family name (fig. 4). The oak leaves included the also familiar epitaph: “No marriage).12 Leavitt’s epitaph read: “A symbolized strength, and the acorns pros- pain, no grief, no anxious fear can reach precious one from us has gone, A voice perity and spiritual growth.14 His epitaph the peaceful sleeper here.”10 Peterson we loved is stilled, A place is vacant in stated: “Blessed are the dead which die in was a shoemaker, born in Denmark but our home, Which never can be filled” the Lord,” possibly inspired by Revelation immigrated to Utah in 1870 where he (fig. 2). But, again, nothing specific to in the New Testament. Chapter 14 of took a plural wife. After serving a prison Mormonism. Noah Shurtleff’s [1846- Revelation follows an account of great sentence for polygamy, Peterson and his 1892] simple marker laid flush with the suffering, but, according to this proph- second wife Jennie moved to Alberta. lawn, presenting his full name, dates ecy, with the fall of Babylon comes bet- Woodward was a thirty-one-year-old and locations of birth and death, and ter times for the faithful: “And I heard a wife and mother who died of tuberculo- “Utah Pioneer 1851 – Canadian Pioneer voice from heaven saying unto me, Write, sis in 1894, soon after arriving in Alberta. 1888” (fig. 3). Like many of the early Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord Peterson and Woodward had in common LDS settlers in Alberta, Shurtleff, at the from henceforth: Yea, saith the Spirit, that their Mormon faith and status as immi- age of four, travelled from Iowa to Utah they may rest from their labours; and their grants in Canada. Nothing about their Territory with a Mormon migration com- works do follow them.”15 The blessed are headstones displayed anything uniquely pany. The mention of Utah on his grave those that “either die in the cause of Christ, Mormon, such as a beehive or Angel hinted at his faith that not all observers or rather die in a state of vital union with Moroni.11 would understand.
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