Sudan: Saving Peace in the East
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The Eastern Front and the Struggle Against Marginalization
3 The Eastern Front and the Struggle against Marginalization By John Young Copyright The Small Arms Survey Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 2007 as the principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and First published in May 2007 as a resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activ- ists. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Depart- permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by ment of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Bel- law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- gium, Canada, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should United Kingdom. The Survey is also grateful for past and current project-spe- be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. cific support received from Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand. Further Small Arms Survey funding has been provided by the United Nations Development Programme, Graduate Institute of International Studies the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Geneva 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland International Academic Network, and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining. -
The Juba Agreement for Peace in Sudan1 - Summary and Analysis
[DRAFT] [NOT FOR CIRCULATION] International IDEA The Juba Agreement for Peace in Sudan1 - Summary and Analysis - 1. Executive summary ....................................................................................................................... 2 2. Context .......................................................................................................................................... 3 (a) This Paper ............................................................................................................................. 3 (b) The Agreement ..................................................................................................................... 3 (c) The Parties ........................................................................................................................... 6 3. Content of the future constitution ................................................................................................ 8 (a) Federalism ............................................................................................................................ 8 (b) Financial issues and revenue sharing .................................................................................. 13 (c) Individual and the state ...................................................................................................... 15 4. Transitional issues ....................................................................................................................... 16 (a) Transitional period............................................................................................................. -
Sudan: International Dimensions to the State and Its Crisis
crisis states research centre OCCASIONAL PAPERS Occasional Paper no. 3 Sudan: international dimensions to the state and its crisis Alex de Waal Social Science Research Council April 2007 ISSN 1753 3082 (online) Copyright © Alex de Waal, 2007 Although every effort is made to ensure the accuracy and reliability of material published in this Occasional Paper, the Crisis States Research Centre and LSE accept no responsibility for the veracity of claims or accuracy of information provided by contributors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce this Occasional Paper, or any part thereof, should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Research Centre, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE 1 Crisis States Research Centre Sudan: International Dimensions to the State and its Crisis Alex de Waal Social Science Research Council Overview This paper follows on from the associated essay, “Sudan: What Kind of State? What Kind of Crisis?”1 which concluded that the two dominant characteristics of the Sudanese state are (a) the extreme economic and political inequality between a hyper-dominant centre and peripheries that are weak and fragmented and (b) the failure of any single group or faction within the centre to exercise effective control over the institutions of the state, but who nonetheless can collectively stay in power because of their disproportionate resources. -
Usipeace Briefing Peacemaking and Peacebuilding in Eastern Sudan by Dorina Bekoe and Nirina Kiplagat September 2006
Peacemaking and Peacebuilding in Eastern Sudan by Dorina Bekoe and Nirina Kiplagat: ... Page 1 of 7 USIPeace Briefing Peacemaking and Peacebuilding in Eastern Sudan By Dorina Bekoe and Nirina Kiplagat September 2006 Drivers of Conflict in Eastern Sudan Lessons from the Comprehensive and Darfur Peace Agreements Key Actors and their Roles and Responses to Eastern Sudan's Crises The Way Forward for Peace and Stability in Eastern Sudan The Beja Congress and Free Lions rebel movements in eastern Sudan1 have waged a low-intensity conflict since 1997, alleging that the government has marginalized the region politically, socially, and economically. In January 2005, there were fears that the conflict would intensify (after the armed forces of the government of Sudan (GOS) killed demonstrators in the city of Port Sudan). Fortunately, the conflict did not escalate; on the whole violence in eastern Sudan has been kept to minimal levels. In June 2006, the Eastern Front—a coalition of the Beja Congress and the Free Lions—and the GOS entered into formal peace talks in Asmara, Eritrea. The government of Eritrea serves as mediator to the talks. To understand the drivers of conflict and the keys to sustainable peace in eastern Sudan, the United States Institute of Peace, in partnership with the Nairobi Peace Initiative-Africa, hosted a workshop entitled "Listening to East Sudan: Assessing the Social and Economic Stresses, Mobilising Responses" in Nairobi, Kenya, from August 21 to 23, 2006. Seventeen representatives from a cross-section of Sudanese civil society organisations and international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) attended. On September 20, a meeting of the Institute's Sudan Peace Forum, which comprises policy and academic experts on Sudan, took place as a follow-up to the Nairobi workshop. -
Spotlight on Sudan
REGIONAL PROGRAM POLITICAL DIALOGUE SOUTH MEDITERRANEAN FOREWORD At the crossroads between Sub-Saharan Africa, North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, Sudan is keeping pace with the political developments of the entire region. Yet, little studied, the country is not very visible to research institutions and think tanks due to difficult access to information. The recent developments that have brought Sudan to the forefront have also highlighted the extent to which this country of 42 million inhabitants has its destiny linked to the countries on the southern Mediterranean. Indeed, from the sending of Sudanese militiamen to Libya to the discussions on normalization with Israel through the numerous transactions with the Egyptian neighbor, Sudan is a country that impacts the southern Mediterranean in a deep and constant way. Furthermore, in addition to the internal ongoing conflicts, Sudan has found itself in the middle of the Nile river dispute between Ethiopia and its north African neighbor Egypt. Faced with this, and following a common reflection, the Regional Program Political Dialogue South Mediterranean of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung decided to open its geographical scope to Sudan and develop more knowledge about this country through various events and programs. SPOTLIGHT ON SUDAN In this sense, our regional program elaborated this study striving to highlight the recent developments in Sudan, its impact on the country’s neighbors and the geopolitical situation. Thomas Volk Director Regional Program Political Dialogue South Mediterranean -
The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the 'Darfurization' of Chad: Myths and Reality
12 The Chad–Sudan Proxy War and the ‘Darfurization’ of Chad: Myths and Reality By Jérôme Tubiana Copyright The Small Arms Survey Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Grad- uate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves as the © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva 2008 principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and as a First published in April 2008 resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a Established in 1999, the project is supported by the Swiss Federal Department retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior of Foreign Affairs, and by contributions from the Governments of Belgium, permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by Canada, Finland, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the UK. The law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- Survey is also grateful for past and current project-specific support received zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should from Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand. Further funding has been pro- be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. vided by the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, the Geneva International Academic Net- Small Arms Survey work, and the Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining. The Graduate Institute of International Studies Small Arms Survey collaborates with research institutes and NGOs in many 47 Avenue Blanc, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland countries, including Brazil, Canada, Georgia, Germany, India, Israel, Jordan, Copyedited by Emily Walmsley Norway, the Russian Federation, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the United States. -
Sudan, Country Information
Sudan, Country Information SUDAN ASSESSMENT April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III HISTORY IV STATE STRUCTURES V HUMAN RIGHTS HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS ANNEX A - CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B - LIST OF MAIN POLITICAL PARTIES ANNEX C - GLOSSARY ANNEX D - THE POPULAR DEFENCE FORCES ACT 1989 ANNEX E - THE NATIONAL SERVICE ACT 1992 ANNEX F - LIST OF THE MAIN ETHNIC GROUPS OF SUDAN ANNEX G - REFERENCES TO SOURCE DOCUMENTS 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum/human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. These sources have been checked for accuracy, and as far as can be ascertained, remained relevant and up-to-date at the time the document was issued. 1.4 It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. -
Sudan Opposition to the Government, Including
Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Opposition to the government, including sur place activity Version 2.0 November 2018 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the basis of claim section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis of COI; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Asessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment on whether, in general: x A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm x A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) x A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory x Claims are likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and x If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. -
Sudan Assessment
SUDAN ASSESSMENT April 2000 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I INTRODUCTION 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.7 The Economy 3.8 - 3.10 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE Political System 4.1 - 4.12 The Judiciary 4.13 - 4.21 The Security Forces 4.22 - 4.24 V HUMAN RIGHTS A Introduction A.1 - A.4 B General Assessment B.1 - B.5 Prison Conditions B.6 Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in B.7 - B.9 Internal Conflicts C Specific Groups Opposition Members C.1 - C.4 Religious Groups C.5 Christians C.6 - C.8 Islamic Sects C.9 - C.13 Ethnicity C.14 - C.18 Women C.19 - C.22 Children C.23 - C.26 Students C.27 - C.30 Conscripts C.31 - C.35 1 D Other Issues Civil War D.1 - D.17 Ceasefire/Peace Negotiations D.18 - D.24 Freedom of Political Association D.25 - D.31 Freedom of Assembly D.32 - D.35 Freedom of Speech and of the Press D.36 - D.45 Freedom of Religion D.46 - D.51 Freedom to Travel/Internal Flight D.52 - D.57 National Service and Popular Defence Forces D.58 - D.62 VI GENERAL ISSUES Foreign Relations 5.1 - 5.16 Attacks on US embassies and US Retaliation 5.17 - 5.23 Bombings 5.24 - 5.26 Assassination Attempts 5.27 Health 5.28 - 5.33 Slavery 5.34 - 5.35 Punishments 5.36 - 5.41 Elections 5.42 - 5.46 Miscellaneous 5.47 - 5.58 VII ANNEXES A MAJOR POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS Pages 45 - 47 B SPLA FACTIONS Pages 48 - 49 C PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST AND PRESENT Pages 50 - 51 D CHRONOLOGY Pages 52 - 67 E BIBLIOGRAPHY Pages 68 - 75 I. -
Content and Context Autonomy and Conflict Settlement in Sudan
Content and Context Autonomy and conflict settlement in Sudan Martin Ottmann & Stefan Wolff Centre for International Crisis Management and Conflict Resolution University of Nottingham, England, UK [email protected] [email protected] Introduction Self-determination disputes are considered to be among the most intractable, violent, and destructive forms of conflict that societies, states, and the international community have had, and continue, to face. Apparently unending conflicts have plagued places as diverse as Kashmir, the Great Lakes Region of Africa, the Middle East, and the Caucasus, among others, have cost millions of lives, displaced multiple more people, wrecked entire national economies for decades, and they seem to be ―solution-proof.‖ Yet, not all self-determination conflicts are violent and destructive: Quebec and Belgium are two cases in point, but there was no serious violence in Crimea, Romania, Slovakia, and the Baltic states either despite the highly charged atmosphere between these countries‘ majority and minority populations, nor were the separations of Slovenia from socialist Yugoslavia, of Macedonia from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia or of Montenegro from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro characterised by a high degree of bloodshed. Not all self-determination conflicts evade solutions either: in Western Europe, Northern Ireland, the Swiss Jura and South Tyrol are clear examples for the possibility of sustainable peace after violent conflict. The region of the Western Balkans, despite many other shortcomings, has not returned to the violence it experienced throughout the 1990s and early 21st century. Constitutional arrangements in Aceh (Indonesia), Bougainville (Papua New Guinea), Mindanao (Philippines), and Gagauzia (Moldova), likewise, may not be perfect, but they have provided an institutional setting in which ethnic groups can pursue their self-determination claims by political, non-violent means. -
Beja Local Conflict, Marginalisation, and the Threat to Regional Security John Young
Beja Local conflict, marginalisation, and the threat to regional security John Young Introduction tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees and has led to the destruction of the In a region that has become notorious for its level of economy and infrastructure in the Eritrean-Sudanese armed conflict, Sudan stands out. Armed struggles in border area. But the tragedy of the east lies in its lack of the south broke out months before the country was development, poverty, and the loss of human potential. granted independence on 1 January 1956. In the 1960s By these measurements this region may well be suffering these struggles developed into a full-fledged insurrection the most in Sudan from marginalisation. Moreover, led by Anyanya that only ended in 1972. The conflict because of the strategic position of eastern Sudan, this resumed in 1983 between the Sudan Armed Forces conflict has long been at the centre of tensions between (SAF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/ Sudan and Eritrea, and to a lesser extent Ethiopia, Army (SPLM/A), which was established which borders the southern portion of in the same year. The second civil war the territory. Because Eritrea and Ethiopia was formally brought to an end with have yet to resolve their outstanding the signing of the Comprehensive Peace border issues, relations between them Agreement (CPA) in Nairobi on 9 January Instability in remain tense and any developments in 2005, although the jury is still out as to eastern Sudan eastern Sudan are bound to have an whether peace will prove sustainable. -
Red Lines: Upheaval and Containment in the Horn of Africa
Red Lines: Upheaval and Containment in the Horn of Africa This is the final part in a series of three analysis features covering unrest in Sudan. The first in the series — Riders on the Storm — explored the dynamics and agendas which resulted in the Juba Peace Agreement. The second — Danse Macabre — examined the origins of the uprising in Sudan and its trajectory following the coup of April 2019. This final analysis situates Sudan’s current upheaval in the context of the Horn of Africa, and extends the scope of analysis to encompass conflict in Ethiopia and the region. Introduction Since 2018, the Horn of Africa has made headlines for a series of dramatic developments. Following years of protests in the restive Oromia region, a power transition took place in Ethiopia in April 2018.In December of that year, anti-government demonstrations began. This culminated in a coup in April 2019 which was greenlit by Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) (Gallopin, 2020). A dubious peace deal was reached in South Sudan in September of 2018 at the insistence of Sudan and Uganda, months after Saudi Arabia and the UAE brokered a peace agreement in Ethiopia and Eritrea in July (see Woldemariam, 2018; Watson, 2019). Events in the Horn have not proceeded entirely smoothly since these changes, despite initial optimism that a more pluralistic form of politics led by civilians would take root in Sudan and Ethiopia. Sudan’s military and paramilitary forces have cast an increasingly long shadow over the supposed transition underway in the country, while growing tensions between Ethiopia’s new administration and its former rulers — the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) — led to fears of civil war, as disorder spread to several parts of the country (see International Crisis Group, 2020a).