The Kachin Crisis : Peace Must Prevail
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↓ Burma (Myanmar)
↓ Burma (Myanmar) Population: 51,000,000 Capital: Rangoon Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 7 Status: Not Free Trend Arrow: Burma received a downward trend arrow due to the largest offensive against the ethnic Karen population in a decade and the displacement of thousands of Karen as a result of the attacks. Overview: Although the National Convention, tasked with drafting a new constitution as an ostensible first step toward democracy, was reconvened by the military regime in October 2006, it was boycotted by the main opposition parties and met amid a renewed crackdown on opposition groups. Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party, remained under house arrest in 2006, and the activities of the NLD were severely curtailed. Meanwhile, a wide range of human rights violations against political activists, journalists, civil society actors, and members of ethnic and religious minority groups continued unabated throughout the year. The military pressed ahead with its offensive against ethnic Karen rebels, displacing thousands of villagers and prompting numerous reports of human rights abuses. The campaign, the largest against the Karen since 1997, had been launched in November 2005. After occupation by the Japanese during World War II, Burma achieved independence from Great Britain in 1948. The military has ruled since 1962, when the army overthrew an elected government that had been buffeted by an economic crisis and a raft of ethnic insurgencies. During the next 26 years, General Ne Win’s military rule helped impoverish what had been one of Southeast Asia’s wealthiest countries. The present junta, led by General Than Shwe, dramatically asserted its power in 1988, when the army opened fire on peaceful, student-led, prodemocracy protesters, killing an estimated 3,000 people. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/05k6p059 Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(2) Author Guyon, Rudy Publication Date 1992 DOI 10.5070/P8102021999 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California COMMENTS VIOLENT REPRESSION IN BURMA: HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE GLOBAL RESPONSE Rudy Guyont TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........................................ 410 I. SLORC AND THE REPRESSION OF THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT ....................... 412 A. Burma: A Troubled History ..................... 412 B. The Pro-Democracy Rebellion and the Coup to Restore Military Control ......................... 414 C. Post Coup Elections and Political Repression ..... 417 D. Legalizing Repression ........................... 419 E. A Country Rife with Poverty, Drugs, and War ... 421 II. HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN BURMA ........... 424 A. Murder and Summary Execution ................ 424 B. Systematic Racial Discrimination ................ 425 C. Forced Dislocations ............................. 426 D. Prolonged Arbitrary Detention .................. 426 E. Torture of Prisoners ............................. 427 F . R ape ............................................ 427 G . Portering ....................................... 428 H. Environmental Devastation ...................... 428 III. VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW ....... 428 A. International Agreements of Burma .............. 429 1. The U.N. -
The Generals Loosen Their Grip
The Generals Loosen Their Grip Mary Callahan Journal of Democracy, Volume 23, Number 4, October 2012, pp. 120-131 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/jod.2012.0072 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v023/23.4.callahan.html Access provided by Stanford University (9 Jul 2013 18:03 GMT) The Opening in Burma the generals loosen their grip Mary Callahan Mary Callahan is associate professor in the Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies at the University of Washington. She is the author of Making Enemies: War and State Building in Burma (2003) and Political Authority in Burma’s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation and Coexistence (2007). Burma1 is in the midst of a political transition whose contours suggest that the country’s political future is “up for grabs” to a greater degree than has been so for at least the last half-century. Direct rule by the mili- tary as an institution is over, at least for now. Although there has been no major shift in the characteristics of those who hold top government posts (they remain male, ethnically Burman, retired or active-duty mili- tary officers), there exists a new political fluidity that has changed how they rule. Quite unexpectedly, the last eighteen months have seen the retrenchment of the military’s prerogatives under decades-old draconian “national-security” mandates as well as the emergence of a realm of open political life that is no longer considered ipso facto nation-threat- ening. Leaders of the Tatmadaw (Defense Services) have defined and con- trolled the process. -
The Geopolitics of Change in Burma Bertil Lintner
Asian Studies Centre, St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford Southeast Asia Seminars Wednesday 20th January, 2 p.m. Deakin Room, Founder’s Building, St Antony's College The Geopolitics of Change in Burma Bertil Lintner Independent Journalist and Author The United States and the West did not change their policy of isolating Burma because of their concerns were primarily with the lack of democracy and human rights. It was "the China factor". Burma was becoming a vassal of China, which was seen as a threat to the status quo and regional stability. At the same time, Burma's military was also concerned about China's growing influence and realised that it has to reach out to the West to avoid being absorbed by Chinese political, economic and strategic interests. But in order to "woo the West" they also realised that they had to liberalise the country's rigid political system - but not in a way that would jeopardise their hold on power. Bertil Lintner was born in Sweden in 1953 and left for Asia in 1975. He spent 1975-79 traveling in the Asia-Pacific region (the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent, Southeast Asia, Hong Kong, Japan, Australia and New Zealand). He has been living permanently in Thailand since December 1979, working as a journalist and author. Mr Lintner was a freelance journalist until March 1988, when he was employed by the Far Eastern Economic Review of Hong Kong (for which he began writing on a free-lance basis in 1982) as its Burma correspondent. Later, he also covered a wide range of issues for the Review such as organized crime, ethnic and political insurgencies, and regional security. -
Myanmar Security Outlook: a Taxing Year for the Tatmadaw CHAPTER 4
CHAPTER 4 Myanmar Security Outlook: A Taxing Year for the Tatmadaw Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction 2015 was a landmark year in Myanmar politics. The general election was held on 8 November and the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi (daughter of Myanmar armed forces founder and independence hero General Aung San) won a landslide victory over the incumbent Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP; a military-backed party led by ex-military officers and President Thein Sein). This was an unexpected development that could challenge the constitutionally-guaranteed political role of the military. The Tatmadaw (literally “royal force”) or Myanmar Defence Services (MDS) also faced a serious challenge to its primary security role when the defunct Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), a renegade ethnic armed organization (EAO), unleashed a furious assault to take over the Kokang Self-Administered Zone (KSAZ; bordering China) leading to a drawn out war of attrition lasting several months and threatening Myanmar-China relations. Tatmadaw: fighting multiple adversaries Despite actively participating in the peace process, launched by President Thein Sein’s elected government since 2011, The MDS found itself engaged in fierce fighting with powerful EAOs in the northern, eastern and south-eastern border regions of Myanmar. In fact, except for the MNDAA, most of these armed groups that engaged in armed conflict with the MDS throughout 2015 were associated with EAOs which had been officially negotiating with the government’s peace-making team toward a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) since March 2014. Moreover, almost all of them had some form of bilateral ceasefire arrangements with the government in the past. -
MYANMAR: Peaceful Protester Jailed for Life
MYANMAR: Peaceful Protester Jailed For Life Pro-democracy activist U Ohn Than is serving a life sentence for peacefully exercising his right to freedom of expression. He was jailed after a trial that was grossly unfair. Veteran protester U Ohn Than was arrested on 23 August 2007 for staging a solo protest outside the US embassy in Myanmar’s largest city, Yangon. He was protesting peacefully against the military government, dressed in a prisoner’s uniform to symbolize his belief that all people in Myanmar are prisoners in their own country. Throughout the protest he held up a placard calling for national and international action to solve the political problems in Myanmar, including a request for UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon to intervene, and a call to the country’s armed forces to disobey their superiors and help overthrow the military government. He was arrested by men in civilian clothes, and taken to Botahtaung Township police station in Yangon. He was held in a military interrogation camp until January 2008, when he was then charged with sedition. U Ohn Than was tried behind closed doors, without any legal representation, inside Yangon’s Insein prison. He was sentenced to life imprisonment on 2 April 2008. He was moved to other prisons three times, the third being Khamti prison, Sagaing Division, in the north of the country, where he is still held. Khamti prison is in a malarial area and prisoners are vulnerable to infection. In June 2008 Amnesty International learned that U Ohn Than was at an advanced stage of cerebral malaria which if left untreated is almost always fatal. -
Religion: a Tool of Dictators to Cleanse Ethnic Minority in Myanmar?
Religion: A Tool of Dictators to Cleanse Ethnic Minority in Myanmar? Mang Hre Victorian Chin Baptist Church 153-157 Hull Road, Mooroolbark, VIC 3138 Email: [email protected] Religion plays a vitally important role among the people of Myanmar. In this paper, I will use the name “Myanmar” as a country name and “Burma” for the ethnic Barma people. “Burma” was the country name before the military government changed “Burma” to “Myanmar.” The USA, the EU, and some ethnic groups in Myanmar as well as the opposition party, National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi, do not recognize the name and still use the word “Burma’ for the country name. I prefer to use Burma to denote the “Burma ethnic group” because it is traditionally the word used to denote the Burma ethnicity. Even from ancient times religion has been firmly rooted in the heart of the people. They worshipped and adored “nats” or “spirit” which displays a form of reverence for the spirit of nature. Buddhism was first introduced around 241 BC but it was only in the time of King Anawrahta who unified the Burmese kingdom in 1044 AD that Buddhism in Myanmar began to influence political events (Guruge 2004:105-107). From this time Theravada Buddhism was considered the State religion. Today, the Therevada Buddhism is practiced by the Burman, Mon, Shan, Rakhine, and some Karens, peoples. In 1962, General Ne Win, who ruled the country from 1962 to 1988, promised that the government would not involve itself in mixing religion and politics. Against his promise, his government had clamped down on all forms of organization, including many Buddhist organizations (Houtman 1999, p. -
Burma's 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress
Burma’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs March 28, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44436 Burma’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress Summary The landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma’s November 2015 parliamentary elections may prove to be a major step in the nation’s potential transition to a more democratic government. Having won nearly 80% of the contested seats in the election, the NLD has a majority in both chambers of the Union Parliament, which gave it the ability to select the President-elect, as well as control of most of the nation’s Regional and State Parliaments. Burma’s 2008 constitution, however, grants the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw, widespread powers in the governance of the nation, and nearly complete autonomy from civilian control. One quarter of the seats in each chamber of the Union Parliament are reserved for military officers appointed by the Tatmadaw’s Commander-in-Chief, giving them the ability to block any constitutional amendments. Military officers constitute a majority of the National Defence and Security Council, an 11-member body with some oversight authority over the President. The constitution also grants the Tatmadaw “the right to independently administer and adjudicate all affairs of the armed services,” and designates the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services as “the ‘Supreme Commander’ of all armed forces,” which could have serious implications for efforts to end the nation’s six-decade-long, low-grade civil war. -
Bertil Lintner GPO Box 79, Chiang Mai 50000, Thailand Mobile Phone: +66 86 911 3348 E-Mail: [email protected] and Bertil
Bertil Lintner GPO Box 79, Chiang Mai 50000, Thailand Mobile phone: +66 86 911 3348 e-mail: [email protected] and [email protected] website www.asiapacificms.com CURRICULUM VITAE I was born in Sweden in 1953, left for Asia in 1975 and spent 1975-79 travelling in the Asia- Pacific region (the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent, Southeast Asia, Hongkong, Japan, Australia and New Zealand). I have been living permanently in Thailand since December 1979, working as a journalist and author since 1980. I was a free-lance journalist until March 1988, when I was employed by the Far Eastern Economic Review of Hong Kong (for which I began writing on a free-lance basis in 1982) as its Burma correspondent. Later, I also covered a range of other issues for the Review such as organized crime, ethnic and political insurgencies, and regional security. After the Review was closed down in October 2004, I began working as a senior analyst for Jane’s Information Group in the USA. From 1995 to 2014 I was also the East Asia correspondent for the Swedish daily Svenska Dagbladet, and from 1995 to 2003 the Southeast Asia correspondent for Politiken of Denmark. I am now a full-time correspondent for the Hong Kong-based news agency Asia Pacific Media Services and I write regularly for Asia Times (http://www.atimes.com/), The Irrawaddy (https://www.irrawaddy.com/) and other, mainly local websites and publications. In addition to my media work, I served as President of the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand (FCCT) from January 1993 to January 1995. -
Burma's Union Parliament Selects New President
CRS INSIGHT Burma's Union Parliament Selects New President March 18, 2016 (IN10464) | Related Policy Issue Southeast Asia, Australasia, and the Pacific Islands Related Author Michael F. Martin | Michael F. Martin, Specialist in Asian Affairs ([email protected], 7-2199) On March 15, 2016, Burma's Union Parliament selected Htin Kyaw, childhood friend and close advisor to Aung San Suu Kyi, to serve as the nation's first President since 1962 who has not served in the military. His selection as President-Elect completes another step in the nation's five-month-long transition from a largely military-controlled government to one led by the National League for Democracy (NLD). In addition, it also marks at least a temporary end to Aung San Suu Kyi's efforts to become Burma's President and may reveal signs of growing tensions between the NLD and the Burmese military. Htin Kyaw received the support of 360 of the 652 Members of Parliament (MPs), defeating retired Lt. General Myint Swe (who received 213 votes, of which 166 were from military MPs) and Henry Na Thio (who received 79 votes). The 69-year-old President-Elect is expected to be sworn into office on March 30, 2016. Myint Swe and Henry Van Thio will serve as 1st and 2nd Vice President, respectively. On November 8, 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory in nationwide parliamentary elections (see CRS Insight IN10397, Burma's Parliamentary Elections, by Michael F. Martin) that gave the party a majority of the seats in both chambers of Burma's Union Parliament. -
Old Friends, New Partners, and Troubled Times: North Korea's
International Journal of Korean Unification Studies Vol. 26, No. 2, 2017, 1−34. Old Friends, New Partners, and Troubled Times: North Korea’s Relations With Southeast Asia Brian Bridges Taking a broad historical perspective, this article examines the charac- ter of North Korea’s relationships with the individual member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations as well as with ASEAN as a regional organization. North Korea, with its limited experience of interact- ing with regional cooperation organizations, has approached Southeast Asia in terms of individual bilateral relationships that can be leveraged through historical and ideological linkages. It was not until the 1990s that North Korea took ASEAN seriously, but even then its focus remained pri- marily on preventing a unified position from being sustained. However, the continued nuclear and missile tests have pushed ASEAN into taking stronger critical actions against the North, despite ASEAN’s aspiration to play a mediating role. Keywords: North Korea, ASEAN, Legitimacy, Security, Development In March 2016, Le Luong Minh, Secretary-General of the Associa- tion of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), received the credentials of the new Ambassador from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, or North Korea hereafter), An Kwang Il. During their exchange of courteous remarks, Ambassador An explained that his country looked forward to ‘expanding and developing cooperation with ASEAN,’ while Le mentioned that he specifically hoped for ‘greater and active participation’ by North Korea in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Notably, however, Le also reaffirmed the ASEAN posi- tion on the ‘importance of maintaining peace and stability in the Korean peninsula and the wider region.’1 This caveat reflected the fact that only 1.