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Lecture 9. Pronouns and Reflexives: Syntax and Semantics

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Lecture 9. Pronouns and Reflexives: Syntax and Semantics Formal Semantics and Current Problems of Semantics, Lecture 9 Formal Semantics and Current Problems of Semantics, Lecture 9 Barbara H. Partee, RGGU, April 8, 2008 p. 1 Barbara H. Partee, RGGU, April 8, 2008 p. 2 Lecture 9. Pronouns and Reflexives: Syntax and Semantics alternatives to them) are known by these names, so one has to learn to associate “Condition A” with reflexives, “Condition B” with pronouns, and “Condition C” with full NPs. 1. Review of Chomsky’s (syntactic) “Binding condtions”......................................................................................1 (3) Binding conditions 2. Semantic binding vs. coreference........................................................................................................................2 2.1. Basics of semantic binding ...............................................................................................................................2 Condition A: An anaphor must be bound in its local domain. 2.2 The c-command requirement on semantic binding and why QNPs cannot be bound .......................................5 Condition B: A pronoun must be free in its local domain. 2.3. Binding vs. coreference with non-quantificational antecedents........................................................................5 3. Grodzinsky and Reinhart on the scope of binding theory. ..................................................................................6 Condition C: An R-expression must be free. 3.1. Acquisition Findings and Their Possible Interpretations. .................................................................................7 These conditions rule out the impossible choices of co-indexing in (1), and also account for the 3.2. Anaphora. .........................................................................................................................................................8 3.3. Cutting the experimental pie...........................................................................................................................11 contrasts in the following. 4. Revision of next 3 weeks’ schedule. .................................................................................................................11 (4) a. Felixi invited himselfi. Homework #4: Prepare a presentation for April 29....................................................................................................12 References ..................................................................................................................................................................12 b. *Felixi invited himi. (This is a “condition B violation”) (5) a. Felixi heard himselfi sing. Readings: Full references and links are in References at the end. These are all on the CD. b. *Felixi heard himi sing. (A “condition B violation”) (1) (Reinhart 1999) Binding theory (2) Büring (2004), Chapters 4 and 5, Binding vs. Coreference, Other Cases of Semantic Binding. (6) a. Luciei believes that we should elect heri. (3) (Testelets 2005), St.Petersburg Lectures on Binding Theory, Lectures 1 and 4. b. *Luciei believes that we should elect herselfi. (A “condition A violation”) Optional readings: It is argued that these conditions are universal, with parametric variation across languages (and (4) (Chomsky 1980) On binding; (5) (Bach and Partee 1980) Anaphora and semantic structure; perhaps even across particular subclasses of anaphors and pronominals within a language) on (6) (Reinhart and Reuland 1993) Reflexivity (for next week); (7) (Grodzinsky and Reinhart the relevant definition of “local domain”. 1993) The innateness of binding and coreference; (8) (Pollard and Sag 1992) Anaphors in English and the scope of binding theory (for next week); (9) (Fischer 2004) Optimal binding Issues to focus on, especially in a semantics course like this: ¾ How do the syntactic binding conditions relate to the semantics of anaphora? What happens 1. Review of Chomsky’s (syntactic) “Binding condtions”. when we distinguish “bound variable anaphora” from “coreference” and/or “pragmatic (Review from Lecture 5) anaphora”? A central question is how to describe and explain the differences in distribution between “plain ¾ More distinctions: different kinds of reflexives, various properties of anaphoric expressions pronouns” like he, she, it (called pronominals, or pronouns, in Chomskian Binding Theory) and in various languages. What’s the full range of syntactic anaphoric expressions, what’s the reflexive pronouns himself, herself, itself (anaphors in Chomskian Binding Theory), and similar full range of semantic (or semantic and pragmatic) varieties of anaphora, and how do syntax forms in other languages. Reinhart (1999) begins as follows: and semantics correlate cross-linguistically? Binding theory is the branch of linguistic theory that explains the behavior of sentence- We’ll begin looking at some of these today, especially at the significance of the distinction internal anaphora, which is labelled 'bound anaphora' …. The sentences in (1) each contain between semantic bound variable anaphora and coreferential or pragmatic anaphora, and how an anaphoric expression (she, herself), and a potential antecedent (Lucie or Lili). that leads to fundamental questions about what, if anything, the syntactic binding conditions apply to. The conclusion will be: semantic binding requires syntactic binding, but coreference (1) a. Lucie thought that Lili hurt her. does not. b. Lucie thought that Lili hurt herself. c. *Lucie thought that herself hurt Lili. 2. Semantic binding vs. coreference. The two anaphoric expressions have different anaphora options: In (1a), only Lucie can be Bach and Partee (1980); Büring (2004), Chapter 4, Binding vs. Coreference, pp. 81-96, Chapter the antecedent; in (1b), only Lili; in (1c), neither can. This pattern is universal. (Reinhart 5, Other Cases of Semantic Binding, pp. 104-117; Reinhart (1999). 1999, p.86) 2.1. Basics of semantic binding Binding Theory is concerned primarily with the differences between the distributions of Bach and Partee (1980) summarize a number of different places where coindexing is used in the pronominals like her and reflexive pronouns like herself. literature: What does “binding” mean in syntax? (7) (i) The same pronoun appears in several places in a sentence: (2) Syntactic binding: NP1 syntactically binds NP2 iff NP1 and NP2 are coindexed and NP1 c- He said he was OK. commands NP2. (ii) A pronoun appears together with a referring NP: The Binding conditions proposed in (Chomsky 1981) can be summarized as follows; what a John said that he was OK. “local domain” is must be specified; to a first approximation it’s a clause. These conditions (and (iii) A pronoun appears together with a quantificational NP: No woman doubts that she is OK. RGGU089.doc 1 RGGU089.doc 2 Formal Semantics and Current Problems of Semantics, Lecture 9 Formal Semantics and Current Problems of Semantics, Lecture 9 Barbara H. Partee, RGGU, April 8, 2008 p. 3 Barbara H. Partee, RGGU, April 8, 2008 p. 4 (iv) A pronoun appears in a relative clause: The interpretation of the quantified NP has nothing in it with the index 2! Quantified NPs are … the woman who said that she had found the answer. semantically “closed” expressions: all of their variables are bound internally to the NP (v) A reflexive or other obligatorily bound pronoun appears in a sentence: interpretation. John loves himself. If we treat Heimian indefinites as type <<e,t>,t>, this would not be true of them. A generalized Oscar is out of his head. (idiom meaning “is crazy”; *Oscar is out of your head.) 1 quantifier interpretation of Heimian a cat3 would be λP(cat’(x3) & P(x3)) (note ). But it is Bach and Partee: “It is really only in situation (7i) (in some sentences) and (7ii) that it seems equally true in this case that when such an indefinite is an antecedent of a pronoun, the appropriate to talk about coreference. In every other case … coindexing a pronoun with some indefinite does not provide any operator that could semantically bind the pronoun. Similarly for other expression is a shorthand way of saying that the pronoun in question is being interpreted definite NPs. So we are faced with the following “paradox”: as a bound variable.” The same point is emphasized by Reinhart (1982, 1983a, 1983b). (11) Syntactic - Semantic binding “paradox”: Syntactic binding corresponds to semantic binding only in the case of bound variable pronouns, but an NP antecedent to a bound As Büring (2004, p. 82) notes, when we replace the pronouns in (7ii) and (7iii) by copies of their variable pronoun never binds it! antecedent NP, we get very different results. The resolution of the “paradox” is seen in the extra node in the tree in (10): the adjoined “2” is (8) John said that John was OK. interpreted as λx2, and it is that lambda-operator that semantically binds both the “trace” of the (9) No woman doubts that no woman is OK. QR’d subject every tenor (he2 in Montague’s way, or t2 in a Chomskian LF) and the coindexed Sentence (8) is (usually said to be) anomalous because of its Condition C violation, but at the pronoun he2, both of them interpreted as bound variables x2. same time it is a semantically accurate paraphrase of (7ii). (12) Interpretation of the tree in (10): TR(every tenor) (λx2 TR(he2 thinks that he2 is Sentence (9), on the other hand, is not syntactically anomalous at all – it does not seem to be a competent)) Condition C violation – but it has a very different meaning from (7iii). The pronoun in (7iii) in (Büring does
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