The Representation of Heroic Episodes in Plutarch's Life of Pyrrhus
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Rome. the Etymological Origins
ROME.THE ETYMOLOGICAL ORIGINS Enrique Cabrejas — Director Linguistic Studies, Regen Palmer (Barcelona, Spain) E-mail: [email protected] The name of Rome was always a great mystery. Through this taxonomic study of Greek and Latin language, Enrique Cabrejas gives us the keys and unpublished answers to understand the etymology of the name. For thousands of years never came to suspect, including about the founder Romulus the reasons for the name and of his brother Remus, plus the unknown place name of the Lazio of the Italian peninsula which housed the foundation of ancient Rome. Keywords: Rome, Romulus, Remus, Tiber, Lazio, Italy, Rhea Silvia, Numitor, Amulio, Titus Tatius, Aeneas, Apollo, Aphrodite, Venus, Quirites, Romans, Sabines, Latins, Ἕλενος, Greeks, Etruscans, Iberians, fortuitus casus, vis maior, force majeure, rape of the Sabine, Luperca, Capitoline wolf, Palladium, Pallas, Vesta, Troy, Plutarch, Virgil, Herodotus, Enrique Cabrejas, etymology, taxonomy, Latin, Greek, ancient history , philosophy of language, acronyms, phrases, grammar, spelling, epigraphy, epistemology. Introduction There are names that highlight by their size or their amazing story. And from Rome we know his name, also history but what is the meaning? The name of Rome was always a great mystery. There are numerous and various hypotheses on the origin, list them again would not add any value to this document. My purpose is to reveal the true and not add more conjectures. Then I’ll convey an epistemology that has been unprecedented for thousands of years. So this theory of knowledge is an argument that I could perfectly support empirically. Let me take that Rome was founded as a popular legend tells by the brothers Romulus and Remus, suckled by a she-wolf, and according to other traditions by Romulus on 21 April 753 B.C. -
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11Th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA an Ancient City in Greece, the Capital of Laconia and the Most Powerful State of the Peloponnese
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA AN ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the central Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of the point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mount Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus and Eurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time its distance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium, made it invulnerable to a maritime attack. I.-HISTORY Prehistoric Period.-Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyan foundation a few miles to the south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. The Aetolians settled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way down the Eurotas were new settlements were formed and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia. -
Ig V 1, 16 and the Gerousia of Roman Sparta
IG V 1, 16 AND THE GEROUSIA OF ROMAN SPARTA (PLATE 46) G Vi 1,16 is embeddedupside down in the apseof the Katholikonin the monasteryof hJI[ the Agioi Saranta,the Forty Martyrsof Sebaste,some nine kilometerseast of Sparta.1Kolbe, the editor of the Laconian section of the corpus, based his edition on tran- scriptionsof the text in the works of antiquariantravelers, among them Col. William Leake and Ludwig Ross. Although the inscription, thanks to a restorationAdolf Wilhelm pro- posed and Kolbe adopted, is directly relevant to the vexatious problem of the size of the Spartan gerousia in the Roman period, no one has examined the stone since the 19th cen- tury.2A new edition based on autopsy is required. p. ante vel p. post A.D. 61 NON-ITOIX. Height 0.205 m. Width 0.277 m. Letter height 0.01 1-0.01 9 m. COL. I [o betva--------office ------------------------------------?IN]I ~[pwvosvJKAavbliov Katoapos----------------------------------]OIO I-----------------------------------------------------]II[--] ?-- 5 [--------------------------------------------------------- ?I] ?I] ?I] COL. II vacat Iro b Aou,oi j cvavo[ov? -?----------------------------------- SOY aL'-rcZoat.vacat [ vacat ] Aztarovtrov -rovi KocaAalov[ --------------------------------------[ rovtrovsyap o Aev 1c8ao[rs0] ------------------------------------? I An earlier version of this article was given as the paper "FortySaints, But How Many Gerontes?"at the 1989 annual meeting of the ArchaeologicalInstitute of America in Boston, Massachusetts. I would like to thank this journal's referees for their useful comments. Works frequently cited are abbreviatedas follows: Cartledgeand = P. Cartledge and A. Spawforth, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta. A Tale of Two Cities, Spawforth London 1989 Oliver = J. H. Oliver, GreekConstitutions of Early Roman Emperorsfrom Inscriptionsand Papy- ri, Philadelphia 1989 Kennell = N. -
An Examination of the Political Philosophy of Plutarch's Alexander
“If I were not Alexander…” An Examination of the Political Philosophy of Plutarch’s Alexander- Caesar Richard Buckley-Gorman A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Classics 2016 School of Art History, Classics and Religious Studies 1 | P a g e Table of Contents Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………………………3 Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..4 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 Chapter One: Plutarch’s Methodology…………………………………………………………….8 Chapter Two: The Alexander………………………………………………………………………….18 Chapter Three: Alexander and Caesar……………………………………………………………47 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………………….71 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………………….73 2 | P a g e Acknowledgements Firstly and foremost to my supervisor Jeff Tatum, for his guidance and patience. Secondly to my office mates James, Julia, Laura, Nikki, and Tim who helped me when I needed it and made research and writing more fun and less productive than it would otherwise have been. I would also like to thank my parents, Sue and Phil, for their continuous support. 3 | P a g e Abstract This thesis examines Plutarch’s Alexander-Caesar. Plutarch’s depiction of Alexander has been long recognised as encompassing many defects, including an overactive thumos and a decline in character as the narrative progresses. In this thesis I examine the way in which Plutarch depicts Alexander’s degeneration, and argue that the defects of Alexander form a discussion on the ethics of kingship. I then examine the implications of pairing the Alexander with the Caesar; I examine how some of the themes of the Alexander are reflected in the Caesar. I argue that the status of Caesar as both a figure from the Republican past and the man who established the Empire gave the pair a unique immediacy to Plutarch’s time. -
Stylometric Classification of Ancient Greek Literary Texts by Genre
Stylometric Classification of Ancient Greek Literary Texts by Genre Efthimios Tim Gianitsos Thomas J. Bolt Pramit Chaudhuri Department of Computer Science Department of Classics Department of Classics University of Texas at Austin University of Texas at Austin University of Texas at Austin Joseph P. Dexter Neukom Institute for Computational Science Dartmouth College Abstract analyses of literary genre have been reported, us- ing both English and non-English corpora such Classification of texts by genre is an impor- as classical Malay poetry, German novels, and tant application of natural language process- Arabic religious texts (Tizhoosh et al., 2008; Ku- ing to literary corpora but remains understud- mar and Minz, 2014; Jamal et al., 2012; Hettinger ied for premodern and non-English traditions. et al., 2015; Al-Yahya, 2018). However, computa- We develop a stylometric feature set for an- cient Greek that enables identification of texts tional prediction of even relatively coarse generic as prose or verse. The set contains over 20 distinctions (such as between prose and poetry) re- primarily syntactic features, which are calcu- mains unexplored for classical Greek literature. lated according to custom, language-specific Encompassing the epic poems of Homer, the heuristics. Using these features, we classify tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, almost all surviving classical Greek literature the historical writings of Herodotus, and the phi- as prose or verse with >97% accuracy and F1 losophy of Plato and Aristotle, the surviving lit- score, and further classify a selection of the verse texts into the traditional genres of epic erature of ancient Greece is foundational for the and drama. -
The Lex Sempronia Agraria: a Soldier's Stipendum
THE LEX SEMPRONIA AGRARIA: A SOLDIER’S STIPENDUM by Raymond Richard Hill A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Boise State University August 2016 © 2016 Raymond Richard Hill ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BOISE STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE COLLEGE DEFENSE COMMITTEE AND FINAL READING APPROVALS of the thesis submitted by Raymond Richard Hill Thesis Title: The Lex Sempronia Agraria: A Soldier’s Stipendum Date of Final Oral Examination: 16 June 2016 The following individuals read and discussed the thesis submitted by student Raymond Richard Hill, and they evaluated his presentation and response to questions during the final oral examination. They found that the student passed the final oral examination. Katherine V. Huntley, Ph.D. Chair, Supervisory Committee Lisa McClain, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee Lee Ann Turner, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee The final reading approval of the thesis was granted by Katherine V. Huntley, Ph.D., Chair of the Supervisory Committee. The thesis was approved for the Graduate College by Jodi Chilson, M.F.A., Coordinator of Theses and Dissertations. DEDICATION To Kessa for all of her love, patience, guidance and support. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thank you to Dr. Katherine Huntley for her hours spent proofing my work, providing insights and making suggestions on research materials. To Dr. Charles Matson Odahl who started this journey with me and first fired my curiosity about the Gracchi. To the history professors of Boise State University who helped me become a better scholar. v ABSTRACT This thesis examines mid-second century BCE Roman society to determine the forces at work that resulted in the passing of a radical piece of legislation known as the lex Sempronia agraria. -
Titus Quinctius Flamininus, the Man and His Portrayal by Plutarch
for my father Promotor Prof. dr. Kristoffel Demoen Vakgroep Letterkunde Copromotor dr. Koen De Temmerman Vakgroep Letterkunde Decaan Prof. dr. Freddy Mortier Rector Prof. dr. Paul Van Cauwenberge Illustration on cover: gold stater bearing the image of Flamininus, now on display in the British Museum. On the reverse side: image of Nike and identification of the Roman statesman (“T. Quincti”) © Trustees of the British Museum. Alle rechten voorbehouden. Niets uit deze uitgave mag worden verveelvoudigd, opgeslagen in een geautomatiseerd gegevensbestand, of openbaar gemaakt, in enige vorm of op enige wijze, hetzij elektronisch, mechanisch, door fotokopieën, opnamen, of enige andere manier, zonder voorafgaande toestemming van de uitgever. Faculteit Letteren & Wijsbegeerte Peter Newey Titus Quinctius Flamininus, the Man and his Portrayal by Plutarch Proefschrift voorgedragen tot het behalen van de graad van Doctor in de Taal- en Letterkunde 2012 Foreword It was nearly fifty years ago as an undergraduate that, following a course of lectures on Livy XXXIII, I first met Titus Quinctius Flamininus. Fascinated by the inextricable blend of historicity and personality that emerges from Livy‖s text, I immediately directed my attention toward Polybius 18. Plutarch‖s Life of Flamininus was the next logical step. Although I was not destined to pursue an academic career, the deep impression left on me by these authors endured over the following years. Hence, finally, with the leisure and a most gratefully accepted opportunity, my thesis. My thanks are due initially to Dr T.A. Dorey, who inspired and nurtured my interest in ancient historiography during my undergraduate years in the University of Birmingham. -
PHILOPOEMEN IMMODICUS and SUPERBUS and SPARTA the Decision Taken by the Achaean League in the Autumn of 192 B.G at Aegium To
PHILOPOEMEN IMMODICUS AND SUPERBUS AND SPARTA The decision taken by the Achaean League in the autumn of 192 B.G at Aegium to wage war against the Aetolians and their allies was crucial to the Greeks and their future. Greece proper had been divided for generations among several political bodies — and, in fact, had never been united into one state. Yet all those known as Έλληνες felt the natural human desire to avoid the unnecessary violence, bloodshed, and self-destruction engendered by ceaseless competition for preeminence and hegemomy in the domestic arena. The so-called “Tragic Historians” adopted these emotions as the leitmotif of their principal efforts to delineate the deeds and omissions of the Greek leadership and populace.1 Rome’s powerful political-strategical penetration east of the Adriatic sea, into Mainland Greece, particularly during the later decades of the third century B.C, undermined the precarious balance of internal Greek politics. The embarrassment which had seized most of Greece is easily understandable. Yet the Achaeans at Aegium do not appear to have been inspired by the memory of their ancestors’ resistance to the Persians. The Achaean leaders, Philopoemen not excluded, rejected Aetolian pleas for help or, at least, non-intervention in the struggle that they had started in the name of Έλληνες for the whole of Greece. Somewhat surprisingly, the Achaean leaders hastened to declare war on the Aetolians, anticipating even the Roman crossing to Greece2. These are the bare facts available to us (Livy 35.50.2-6). However, the conventional interpretation of these occurrences derived from Polybius 3 tends to be pathetic more than historical, and consti tute an embellished portrait of Achaean policy and politicians of those days rather than an honest guide to the political realities of the Έλληνες and Greece proper. -
[Life of Pompey] , Latin Translation by Antonius Tudertinus Pacinus
PLUTARCH, Pompei viri illustris vita [Life of Pompey] , Latin translation by Antonius Tudertinus Pacinus [or Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia] In Latin, decorated manuscript on paper Northern Italy, Lombardy, perhaps Ferrara or Mantova?, c. 1470-80 71 ff., preceded and followed by [3] paper flyleaves, complete (collation: i-vi10, vii10+1), vertical catchwords, on thick paper with watermark of the type Briquet, “Basilic,” no. 2671: Ferrare, 1471 or no. 2672-2673: Mantoue, 1478-1483, written in an Italian humanistic slightly sloping cursive script, in brown ink, on up to 21 long lines (justification 140 x 90 mm.), headings in margins in pale red ink, blank space left for initial on fol. 1, contemporary marginal annotations in brown ink. Nineteenth-century English brown Russia binding, smooth back with blind tooling and gilt lettering: ”Pompei Vita / Plutarchus / MS.”, blind-stamped and gilt with monogram and motto on upper board, and arms on lower cover, brown paper endleaves, edges gilt (Upper inner hinge loose, binding a bit scuffed, occasional minor stains to paper, else in very good condition). Dimensions 215 x 155 mm. Containing Plutarch’s life of Pompey the Great, the Roman republican hero often hailed as an antagonist of tyranny, this is one of about 50 recorded Renaissance manuscripts of the Latin translation from the Greek original completed by either Antonius Tudertinus Pacinus or Jacopo Angeli da Scarperia. The present manuscript provides testimony that the lives continued to circulate independently in manuscript form, even after their assembly into one common collection. PROVENANCE 1. Script and watermarks all point to an Italian origin for this manuscript, likely Northern Italy, Lombardy. -
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967
This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-15,122 PIPER, Linda Jane, 1935- A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-146 B.C. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, ancient University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967 All Rights Reserved A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-1^6 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Linda Jane Piper, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1966 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE The history of Sparta from the death of Alexander in 323 B.C; to the destruction of Corinth in 1^6 B.C. is the history of social revolution and Sparta's second rise to military promi nence in the Peloponnesus; the history of kings and tyrants; the history of Sparta's struggle to remain autonomous in a period of amalgamation. It is also a period in Sparta's history too often neglected by historians both past and present. There is no monograph directly concerned with Hellenistic Sparta. For the most part, this period is briefly and only inci dentally covered in works dealing either with the whole history of ancient Sparta, or simply as a part of Hellenic or Hellenistic 1 2 history in toto. Both Pierre Roussel and Eug&ne Cavaignac, in their respective surveys of Spartan history, have written clear and concise chapters on the Hellenistic period. Because of the scope of their subject, however, they were forced to limit them selves to only the most important events and people of this time, and great gaps are left in between. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses Historiography in Lives: Plutarch's Use of Thucydides in the Lives of Pericles and Nicias BISHOP, PAUL,BERNARD How to cite: BISHOP, PAUL,BERNARD (2016) Historiography in Lives: Plutarch's Use of Thucydides in the Lives of Pericles and Nicias, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11538/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 HISTORIOGRAPHY IN LIVES: PLUTARCH’S USE OF THUCYDIDES IN THE LIVES OF PERICLES AND NICIAS Paul Bernard Bishop Ustinov College This Thesis is submitted for a Master of Arts by Research Department of Classics and Ancient History University of Durham 2015 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents........................................................................................................................................................... 2 Statement of -
Nabis — Aemulus Lycurgi
NABIS — AEMULUS LYCURGI Nabis, the last king of Sparta, was rather unfortunate during his reign, and has been so especially with posterity. Alive, he failed to restore to Sparta her place as a power in the Peloponnese or in Greece; after his death his reputation was systematically blackened by the historians, all of whom — at least those of whom something has been preserved — depend on Polybius for information and judgement.1 Plutarch, who sympathized with the Lycurgan po lity and the attempts to revivify it in the third century B.C., could have assumed a positive attitude to Nabis, one would think, but he did not, and this, as well as the unanimity of the tradition, leads to the conclusion that there did not exist any sympathetic account of his reign, unlike that of Cleomenes (and Agis) whose story was moulded by a gifted historian in the person of Phylar chus. This writer even succeeded in influencing Polybius, an author rather disinclined to view social revolutions with favour, to adopt a friendly attitude to Cleomenes the man at least and perhaps even to some of his reforms. No such historian took up Nabis’ case, while Polybius painted his picture in uni formly dark colours, stooping even to atrocity-stories like that of the “Iron maiden”. Perhaps only the Aetolians received comparable treatment in his work.2 3 It comes therefore rather as a surprise to find in the tradition a piece of reporting which appears to reproduce, briefly but without gross distortion, Nabis’ ideas and aims. 3 Actually this is the only passage in which his ideas are recorded.