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Diversity, Social Justice, and the Unique Nature of Sport

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Diversity, Social Justice, and the Unique Nature of Sport JOURNAL OF GLOBAL SPORT MANAGEMENT 2021, VOL. 6, NO. 1, 30–48 https://doi.org/10.1080/24704067.2019.1578623 A Site to Resist and Persist: Diversity, Social Justice, and the Unique Nature of Sport George B. Cunninghama , Marlene A. Dixona , John N. Singerb, Kristi F. Oshiroc , Na Young Ahnc and Anthony Weemsc aDepartment of Kinesiology and Health Education, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX, USA; bCollege of Education and Human Development, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX, USA; cDepartment of Health and Kinesiology, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX, USA ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY Scholarly debate on the unique characteristics of sport management Received 14 May 2018 continues, with much of the dialogue focusing on the sport product, Revised 19 November 2018 the relationship between sport and external stakeholders (e.g. fans, Accepted 18 December 2018 government, leagues), as well as the unique role that fans and win- KEYWORDS ning play in the delivery of sport. In offering a new lens from which Activism; resistance; protest; to approach the academic argument, the authors suggest that sport athlete; sport is unique because it serves as a site for coaches and athletes to resist and persist through their activist efforts. To support this pos- 关键词 ition, they (a) articulate the significance of sport in society for fans 行动主义 抵抗 抗议 运 and non-fans, alike; (b) demonstrate how, because of the relevance ; ; ; 动员; 体育运动 of sport in society, coaches and athletes have taken on celebrity sta- tus, and as a result, are likely to engage in activism and resistance; and (c) propose these activities then result in societal change. Noting the importance of moderators, the authors also suggest that coach and athlete demographics, their social justice orientation, and the context in which they operate are all likely to influence the rela- tionship between celebrity status and activism and resistance. The effectiveness of their message is likely to vary based on their cred- ibility and the involvement and demographics of the message receiver. The authors offer theoretical and practical implications. 坚持和抵抗的场所：多样性、社会正义和体育的独特性质 关于体育管理独特特征的学术讨论仍在继续, 很多讨论都集中于 体育产品、体育和外部利益相关者（例如粉丝、政府和联盟）之 间的关系以及粉丝和冠军球队在体育交付中所扮演的独特角色。 作者们为处理此类学术争论提供了崭新的视角, 他们认为体育之 所以独特, 是因为它是一个供教练和运动员通过自身积极的努力 去坚持和抵抗的场所。为了支撑自身观点, 作者们(a)明确地表达 了社会体育对粉丝和非粉丝的重要性; (b)论证了如何去做, 因为体 育与社会之间具有相关性, 所以教练和运动员身上会带有名人身 份, 因此他们很可能参与行动主义和抵抗；(c)提出这些活动之后 会导致社会变革。作者们注意到了调解人的重要性, 他们还认为 教练和运动员人口统计、其社会正义取向及工作背景都有可能影 响名人身份、行动主义和抵抗之间的关系。基于这些人的可信度 与信息接收方的参与度和人口统计, 他们所传达信息的有效性可 能会有所不同。作者们给出了理论和实际上的意义。 CONTACT George B. Cunningham [email protected] Diversity in Sport, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843-4243, USA ß 2019 Global Alliance of Marketing & Management Associations (GAMMA) JOURNAL OF GLOBAL SPORT MANAGEMENT 31 1. Introduction For decades, scholars have debated the unique features of sport management. Slack (1998) noted that, although the growth of the field had been impressive, “there is really nothing unique about the body of knowledge within the field of sport man- agement” (p. 21; see also Slack, 1996, for similar criticisms). Other scholars have offered a different perspective, identifying various characteristics that differentiate sport from other industries. Chadwick (2011), for example, pointed to a number of distinguishing characteristics, including the uncertainty of the outcomes, the desire for competitive balance, the product (instead of market) led focus, cooperation across teams and organizations, a lack of control over the product, a focus on performance over other outcomes (e.g. return on investment), the fans as both producers and con- sumers, and the interdependent relationship with the media. Though the specific cate- gories vary slightly, other authors have advanced similar arguments (Hoye, Smith, Nicholson, & Stewart, 2015; Smith & Stewart, 2010). Finally, recognizing that theory and scholarship are key indicators of the distinctiveness of a field (Chalip, 2006; Slack, 2003), Cunningham, Fink, and Doherty’s (2016) edited volume of theory in sport management demonstrates how the discipline has grown and differs from other disciplines. Much of the foregoing discussion focuses on the sport product, the relationship between sport and external stakeholders (e.g. fans, government, leagues), as well as the unique role that fans and winning play in the delivery of sport. Largely missing from this dialogue is the recognition that sport and athletes can play a role in shaping cultural discourse and promoting social justice. Girginov (2010) noted that these types of cultural studies are essential to sport management because they shift the focus of research from discussion only about “what makes people participate in sport, watch a game or how organizational structures are designed, to one in which “the sport management researcher is seeking to understand the underlying cultural proc- esses that drive and facilitate people’s and organizations’ behaviours in sport.” (p. 413). These broader discussions and debates help scholars understand the very mean- ing of organizations, sport, and management. The contradictory and contested terrain can lead to new avenues of ways of thinking about sport and management that are fundamental to the growth of scholarship and to practice that is culturally sensitive and allows for accommodation of multiple cultures, viewpoints, and meanings. The role of sport and athletes in activism and shaping cultural discourse is ongoing (see Brockington & Henson, 2015). Athletes and coaches, both of whom have taken on status as celebrity (Andrews & Jackson, 2001; Nalapat & Parker, 2005), have famously spoken out on topics of oppression and injustice. Globally, examples include former soccer star Didier Drogba’s peace and sport promotion to the Ivory Coast; soccer superstar Mario Balotelli’s protest of racist abuses; and sportswoman and journalist Flor Isava Fonseca’s protest of human rights and gender equality in sport. More recent examples in the US include professional boxer Muhammad Ali’s protest of the Vietnam War; US Olympics team members Tommie Smith’s and John Carlos’s protest of human rights abuses in the US at the 1968 Olympics; the Minnesota Lynx of the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) protesting 32 G. B. CUNNINGHAM ET AL. racial inequality; the National Hockey League’s You Can Play campaign designed to combat prejudice against lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals; and Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling during the National Anthem prior to NFL games as a form of protest against racial inequality and police brutality, among many others (Cullen, 2017; Davidson, 2017; Garber, 2017; Powell, 2008). To be sure, politicians and some in the entertainment business, including actors and musicians, have used their status to address similar topics. We argue, however, that because of sport’s unique space in society, affecting all people irrespective of their fandom (Dunning, 1999; Jackson, 2017), it is different from other industries and serves as a unique site in which key individuals can resist cultural arrangements that serve to subjugate people from under-represented groups. In this paper, we argue that sport is distinctive from other industries because it is a site for key actors to both resist and persist. Specifically, we suggest that sport has a special place of relevance and affection for many throughout the world, and as a result, coaches and athletes have celebrity status that affords them the opportunity to engage in activism and resistance. We also suggest that the sport context, the social justice orientation and credibility of the coach or athlete, and the sport involvement of the message receiver all likely influence this process. Finally, unlike other celebri- ties, such as actors, athlete protest and activism is infused deeply into the sport itself, such as when Kaepernick kneeled prior to the American football contests. Thus, for fans, the consumption of the sport means they are also privy to the protest. The merging of sport and protest is so close that many leagues govern the activities that can take place—something unique to the sport context. Actors, on the other hand, might protest, but in their films or television shows, they largely leave such activities behind. In the following sections, we offer an overview of sport as a site for protest and resistance, and then offer a theoretical model to help understand the underly- ing dynamics. 2. Sport, Resistance, and Persistence For decades, athletes and some coaches from around the world and at various levels of competition have protested social injustices and voiced their discontent with social injustices. They engaged in activism, which refers to activities that disrupt hegemonic structures and systems by challenging the status quo and giving voice to members of disadvantaged groups (Cooper, Macauly, & Rodriguez, in press). As the following review illustrates, they resisted social arrangements that served to subjugate and oppress, and the struggle persisted over time, through different waves of activity. Edwards (2016) outlined a typology of athlete activism, suggesting that resistance has taken places in waves. In the first wave, which occurred between 1900 and 1945, athletes (e.g. Paul Robeson, Fritz Pollard, and Peter O’Connor) sought legitimacy through their athletic participation and excellence in the pursuits. Edwards suggested the second wave started in 1946 and continued into the early 1960s. Here, athletes such as Jackie Robinson of Major League Baseball
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