DOCSLIB.ORG

Volume 2, Issue 2

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Volume 2, Issue 2 VysokáMetropolitan škola veřejné správy Universitya mezinárodních vztahů Prague v Praze VolumeVolume 2 / 1Issue / Issue 2 / November2 / November 2008 2007 CentralCentral European European Journal Journal of of International & Security Studies Volume 2 Issue 2 November 2008 Contents Editor’s Note . .5 Research Articles Miroslava Filipović / Cross-Cutting Issues in International Capital . 11 David Erkomaishvili / Collective Security and Unilateral Decisions – Security Prospects for the post-Soviet Space . 28 Liyan Hu and Ter-Shing Cheng / China’s Energy Security and Geo-Economic Interests in Central Asia 42 Scott Romaniuk / The Russian Minority in Post-Communist Politics: a Case Study of Ukraine, Moldova and Chechnya . 56 Šárka Matějková / Establishing the Norm of Humanitarian Intervention in International Relations . 76 Abubakar Siddique / Pakistan at 61: An Assessment of Challenges and Opportunities . 92 Mohammed T . Obidallah / Water and the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict . 103 Comment & Analysis Patrycja Podrazik / Who Really Lost the Georgian War? . 119 Marie Homerova / Personal Experiences from the Years of ‘Late Normalization,’ 1980s .1 23 Book Reviews . .129–136 Notes on Contributors . 137 CEJISS Contact Information . .139 5 Editor’s Note: CE JISS InAs readying CEJISS thereleases content its of fourth Volume issue, 1 Issue international 2 of CEJISS, relations I was restsstruck uncom by the- growingfortably onsupport the brink this journal. The international has received atmosphere within many resembles scholarly a andmixture profes- of sionalpre-WWI quarters. over-confidence Building on among the success the great of thepowers rst (particularlyissue, CEJISS the has US, man- Rus- agedsia and to China)extend itsand readership post-WWI to global the universities economic and instability institutions . The ofresult a number of these of countriesdangerous both ingredients in the EU is uncertain,and internationally. though there It is is truly much a topleasure consider, to watchespecially this projectas recent take events on a lifeseem of toits signal own and the provide return ofits thereaders political with overcutting-edge the economic analy- . sisDespite of current current political headlines affairs. indicating I would economic like to take collapse this opportunity – which is increasinglyto thank our readersbecoming for atheir reality constructive – the international criticism, commentspolitical dynamics and continued at play support. deserve at- tentionMuch . has changed in the 6 months since CEJISS was rst launched. I would likeAt to presentintroduce there this isissue a movement with a brief in commentarythe US, and regardingto a lesser the extent tense the atmos- EU, phereto ‘bail-out’ currently or cloudingnationalise Israeli-Syrian faltering financial relations. corporations. There is growing This concernmay appear of clandestine,as a standard actual economic or potential question WMD – whether procurement a state in should the greater bankroll Middle a national Eastern region,company which whose has collapse (rightly) couldattracted undermine the attention the economic of scholars and and wellbeing policy makers. of its citizens.On 6 However,September the 2007, decision it was has reported more to that do withIsraeli politics air force than jets economics, violated Syrianparticularly airspace, in the and case after of thebeing US, engaged which pridesby Syrian itself anti-aircraft as a prototype batteries of Smith’s were forcedinvisible back hand to moretheory friendly that limits skies. a government’s Since the initial intervention reports were in themade economy public, . itThe has actions become of clear the US that signal Israel’s the actions beginning were of not the accidental end of free-market but rather partsystems of a deliberatein practise, strategy implying to dealthat withthe political potential structures Syrian nuclear which weapons encourage (or andmaterials) main- acquisition,tain free-market purportedly systems fromare also North eroding Korea. This Two is likelyimportant to have issues wide-reaching have been raised:implications rstly, to the US continued domestic dangerspolitics ofand, WMD by extension, proliferation its role in the in internationalMiddle East and,affairs. possible If the waysUS can of nocountering longer cope such with proliferation. unrestrained market forces, then its abilityWhile to ‘sell’Israel’s the nuclearliberal-economic programmes model have abroad been isthe greatly subject hampered of much . Thisdebate is –coupled especially with as the Israel fact refuses that as tomore allow than IAEA $ 1 inspectorstrilion (USD) to assess of tax its paying nuclear money sites andwas capabilitiesallocated to –some the fact of the remains US’s largestthat Israel corporations, is a (largely) US responsiblecitizens rightly state ask in whichthe question there are of whymany they checks are andnot morebalances adequately to prevent cared the fordeployment with for example,of WMD inhealth a wanton care . manner.This question Unfortunately, was partially in most answered other Middle by the Eastern election states of Barak such checksObama andto President balances ofare the absent. US in This November compounds 2008. the problem of WMD devel- opmentConceivably, as regimes the which US under control Obama internal will and be external more introspective; security policy indicating without signia return, cant of oversight sorts, to area form likely of to isolationism utilise WMD whereby (particularly the US nuclear deploys weapons) ad hoc asalliances a strategically on a case-by-case deployable basisweapon to insteadsecure itsof adoptingmaterial interests(as most otherwhile nuclear reduc- statesing its have) more a enduring strategic internationalview of WMD commitments as residual; not. While a security this policy mantle-piece. approach mayIf be the logical accusations given levelled the credibility against deficitSyria – regardingcurrently itsplaguing acquisition the US,of nuclearit could weaponsnot come (or at amaterial) worse time from for North the EU,Korea which – are relies accurate, heavily then on it the con US rms for theits worstsecurity. fears Together of Israeli the (and economic international) crisis and security the failing analysts: credibility that despite of the intenseUS on internationalthe international pressures level underscores and investigations an essential which tension attempt in totransatlantic dissuade WMD relations, de- velopmentone that has and not smuggling, been lost on such the weapons EU’s greatest may be geopolitical acquired with challenge, relative Russia.ease. Israel’sOf the manymilitary political reaction crises to the and Syria conflicts acquisition in current was a internationalnecessary and affairs, even encouragingfew will have response. longer implications It demonstrated for thea willingness security of to the unilaterally EU than therespond August to aconflict nuclear betweenprovocation Georgia with maturity.and Russia. It targetedThat conflict, non-civilian it seems, sites andhad lessfocused to do itswith attention dissuading only the on Georgiansthe source fromof danger. asserting The theirdeployment sovereignty of special in Abkhazia ground forcesand South which Ossetia directed and Israelimore to warplanes do with limiting to their Western target was influence, dangerous particularly though 6 | Editor’s Note the EU’s and NATO’s, in the post-Soviet space. If the target audience of the August conflict was the EU and NATO, what were the messages Russia sought to convey? Russia is signalling its return to great power politics . It demonstrated, through its actions, that there are new costs for Western states and institutions to bear in mind when considering relations in the post-Soviet/post-Czarist states of the Black Sea, the Caspian Sea, Central Asia and even the Baltic Sea areas. In practical terms Russia is reasserting itself in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Moldova, Ukraine, and Belarus. These states have, at one time or another, since their independence, flirted with the EU; attempting to initiate favoured nation status to gain access to the lucrative EU market-place. With time however, most of the states in the post-Soviet sphere have selected – for practical reasons associated to growing Russian power – a return to alignment with Russia rather than the EU. The only exceptions are the three Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia which are now full-fledged members of the EU and NATO, a fact that has limited, though not eradicated Russian influence in that region. Indeed, at every opportunity, Russia exploits EU vulnerabilities and, using its energy leverage, attempts to ‘blackmail’ concessions . Russia’s conflict with Georgia must be viewed as a direct challenge to EU security. This stems from the self-perception of the Union (together with the US) as a defender of democratic states, no matter their size or distance. Georgia is a democratic state which had been engaged in negotiations for NATO mem- bership . This would have brought NATO to the unstable South Caucuses and provided a forward defence platform for the EU. However, seeing the reluctance of many EU members to bear responsibility for souring EU-Russian relations by including Georgia (and Ukraine) in NATO, Russia acted to undermine Geor- gian independence and increase its regional and international isolation . After all, the EU is unlikely to support Georgia’s NATO candidacy if conflict could erupt there again – forcing NATO
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Europe Report, Nr. 153: Pan-Albanianism
    PAN-ALBANIANISM: HOW BIG A THREAT TO BALKAN STABILITY? 25 February 2004 Europe Report N°153 Tirana/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 A. THE BURDENS OF HISTORY...................................................................................................2 B. AFTER THE FALL: CHAOS AND NEW ASPIRATIONS................................................................4 II. THE RISE AND FALL OF THE ANA......................................................................... 7 III. ALBANIA: THE VIEW FROM TIRANA.................................................................. 11 IV. KOSOVO: INTERNAL DIVISIONS ......................................................................... 14 V. MACEDONIA: SHOULD WE STAY OR SHOULD WE GO? ............................... 17 VI. MONTENEGRO, SOUTHERN SERBIA AND GREECE....................................... 20 A. ALL QUIET ON THE WESTERN FRONT?................................................................................20 B. THE PRESEVO VALLEY IN SOUTHERN SERBIA....................................................................22 C. THE GREEK QUESTION........................................................................................................24 VII. EMIGRES, IDENTITY AND THE POWER OF DEMOGRAPHICS ................... 25 A. THE DIASPORA: POLITICS AND CRIME.................................................................................25
    [Show full text]
  • “TELLING the STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: a Regional Perspective (2011-2016)
    “TELLING THE STORY” Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective (2011-2016) Emma Hooper (ed.) This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. © 2016 CIDOB This monograph has been produced with the financial assistance of the Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not reflect the position of the Ministry. CIDOB edicions Elisabets, 12 08001 Barcelona Tel.: 933 026 495 www.cidob.org [email protected] D.L.: B 17561 - 2016 Barcelona, September 2016 CONTENTS CONTRIBUTOR BIOGRAPHIES 5 FOREWORD 11 Tine Mørch Smith INTRODUCTION 13 Emma Hooper CHAPTER ONE: MAPPING THE SOURCES OF TENSION WITH REGIONAL DIMENSIONS 17 Sources of Tension in Afghanistan & Pakistan: A Regional Perspective .......... 19 Zahid Hussain Mapping the Sources of Tension and the Interests of Regional Powers in Afghanistan and Pakistan ............................................................................................. 35 Emma Hooper & Juan Garrigues CHAPTER TWO: KEY PHENOMENA: THE TALIBAN, REFUGEES , & THE BRAIN DRAIN, GOVERNANCE 57 THE TALIBAN Preamble: Third Party Roles and Insurgencies in South Asia ............................... 61 Moeed Yusuf The Pakistan Taliban Movement: An Appraisal ......................................................... 65 Michael Semple The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan .......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ÿþm I C R O S O F T W O R
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Knowledge Repository Open Network Indo - Afghan Relations since 9/11 Dissertation Submitted to the University of Kashmir in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Award of Degree of Master of Philosophy (M. Phil) In Political Science By Ashfaq Maqsood Ali Under the Supervision of Dr. Tabasum Firdous (Assistant Professor (Sr.) in Political Science) Centre of Central Asian Studies University of Kashmir Srinagar J&K- 190006 2013 CENTRE OF CENTRAL ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF KASHMIR, SRINAGAR Certificate Certified that the dissertation entitled “Indo - Afghan Relations since 9/11” submitted by Ashfaq Maqsood Ali, in partial fulfillment of M. Phil Degree in the Discipline of Political Science is an original piece of research work. This work has not been submitted fully or partially so far anywhere for the award of any degree. The scholar worked under my supervision on whole-time basis for the period required under statutes and has put in the required attendance in the Centre. Dr. Tabasum Firdous Supervisor Centre of Central Asian Studies Prof. Aijaz A. Bandey University of Kashmir Director Centre of Central Asian Studies University of Kashmir Declaration I solemnly declare that the dissertation entitled “Indo-Afghan Relations since 9/11” submitted by me in the discipline of Political Science under the supervision of Dr. Tabasum Firdous embodies my own contribution. This work which does not contain any piracy has not been submitted, so far anywhere
    [Show full text]
  • Contagious Jihad: Turmoil in Central Asia
    © Kamoludin Abdullaev 2012 Contagious Jihad: Turmoil in Central Asia CONTENT INTRODUCTION Central Asia: Land and People - Defining Central Asia - Ethnic composition - Brief historical background The 19th Century Great Game - State and border formation - The end of stateless “free ride”? - The Evolution of the Insurgency in Central Asia - The Basmachis: mujaheeds, bandits or national liberators? - Soviet-Afghan war and Central Asians - Civil war in Tajikistan: local conflict? - Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan joins Afghan jihad - Recent rise in violence in Central Asia Prospect of Talibanization of Central Asia - Major conflict triggers - What makes spillover effect possible? - Central Asian Partnership in Solving the Afghan-Pakistan Conflict - Central Asian state policies toward Afghanistan and Pakistan - Cooperation between US and international community in Afghan-Pak with Central Asian states CONCLUSION 1 Introduction This book focuses on the impact of the Afghanistan-Pakistan conflict and recent large-scale military operations against Taliban militants and international jihadis on the neighboring independent Central Asian states. The study will provide policymakers with comprehensive historical background, analyses, and policy options for developing regional security strategies that closely engage countries of Central Asia in resolving the Afghanistan-Pakistan issue. Afghanistan’s protracted conflict has long attracted militants from all over the world eager to fight a “holy war” against the “unbelievers”. During the Soviet-Afghan war they were known as mujahedeen. Since the launch of the US-led Operation Enduring Freedom and ouster of the Taliban from Afghanistan, these militants have become to be known as jihadis. The jihadi movement is a combination of various militant groups that came to existence with the Western, Saudi, and Pakistani support during the Afghan resistance to the Soviet occupation in the 1980s.
    [Show full text]
  • The ISI's Psychological Operations
    6/1/2018 The ISI’s Psychological Operations | Vivekananda International Foundation HOME ABOUT US AREAS OF STUDY EVENTS PUBLICATIONS TEAM MEDIA CAREER CONTACT US Language The ISI’s Psychological Operations 22 Aug, 2012 Dr Prem Mahadevan, Visiting Fellow, VIF View3400 Comments 0 The government has stated that recent distress migrations of northeastern Indians were triggered by electronic messages originat Investigators have found that the first hints of pogrom-style killings appeared on Pakistani internet forums, and rapidly spread to coordinated psyops offensive. The modus operandi was vaguely familiar: doctored images and vitriolic texts flooded telecommunications credibility before law enforcement agencies could react. The apparent purpose was to stir up public anger in an already polarized setti political mood for an outbreak of communal violence. During 1989, Pakistan had adopted similar methods when it broadcast televisi communist revolts in Eastern Europe and urged Kashmiri Muslims to likewise rise up against New Delhi. What intelligence agencies now need to assess is whether their Pakistani counterparts were merely out to embarrass India, or if the sca deeper purpose. It is possible that the Inter Services Intelligence, if it was involved, has no strategic end-game regarding present Bangladeshi immigrants and Bodo tribesmen. The agency’s covert operations cells might just be taking opportunistic advantage of the Provided Indian authorities maintain public order, the matter might rest there. However, past experience of ISI psyops suggests that desists from coordinating its propaganda offensives with paramilitary action. Its favourite tactic is to combine persistent low-visibil sporadic high-visibility attacks, conducted on a deniable basis using local assets or expendable mercenaries.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Pashtunistan': the Challenge to Pakistan and Afghanistan
    Area: Security & Defence - ARI 37/2008 Date: 2/4/2008 ‘Pashtunistan’: The Challenge to Pakistan and Afghanistan Selig S. Harrison * Theme: The increasing co-operation between Pashtun nationalist and Islamist forces against Punjabi domination could lead to the break-up of Pakistan and Afghanistan and the emergence of a new national entity: an ‘Islamic Pashtunistan’. Summary: The alarming growth of al-Qaeda and the Taliban in the Pashtun tribal region of north-western Pakistan and southern Afghanistan is usually attributed to the popularity of their messianic brand of Islam and to covert help from Pakistani intelligence agencies. But another, more ominous, reason also explains their success: their symbiotic relationship with a simmering Pashtun separatist movement that could lead to the unification of the estimated 41 million Pashtuns on both sides of the border, the break-up of Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the emergence of a new national entity, an ‘Islamic Pashtunistan’. This ARI examines the Pashtun claim for an independent territory, the historical and political roots of the Pashtun identity, the implications for the NATO- or Pakistani-led military operations in the area, the increasing co-operation between Pashtun nationalist and Islamist forces against Punjabi domination and the reasons why the Pashtunistan movement, long dormant, is slowly coming to life. Analysis: The alarming growth of al-Qaeda and the Taliban in the Pashtun tribal region of north-western Pakistan and southern Afghanistan is usually attributed to the popularity of their messianic brand of Islam and to covert help from Pakistani intelligence agencies. But another, more ominous reason also explains their success: their symbiotic relationship with a simmering Pashtun separatist movement that could lead to the unification of the estimated 41 million Pashtuns on both sides of the border, the break-up of Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the emergence of a new national entity, ‘Pashtunistan,’ under radical Islamist leadership.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamic Gunpowder Empires : Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals / Douglas E
    “Douglas Streusand has contributed a masterful comparative analysis and an up-to- S date reinterpretation of the significance of the early modern Islamic empires. This T book makes profound scholarly insights readily accessible to undergraduate stu- R dents and will be useful in world history surveys as well as more advanced courses.” —Hope Benne, Salem State College E U “Streusand creatively reexamines the military and political history and structures of the SAN Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal empires. He breaks down the process of transformation and makes their divergent outcomes comprehensible, not only to an audience of special- ists, but also to undergraduates and general readers. Appropriate for courses in world, early modern, or Middle Eastern history as well as the political sociology of empires.” D —Linda T. Darling, University of Arizona “Streusand is to be commended for navigating these hearty and substantial historiogra- phies to pull together an analytical textbook which will be both informative and thought provoking for the undergraduate university audience.” GUNPOWDER EMPIRES —Colin Mitchell, Dalhousie University Islamic Gunpowder Empires provides an illuminating history of Islamic civilization in the early modern world through a comparative examination of Islam’s three greatest empires: the Otto- IS mans (centered in what is now Turkey), the Safavids (in modern Iran), and the Mughals (ruling the Indian subcontinent). Author Douglas Streusand explains the origins of the three empires; compares the ideological, institutional, military, and economic contributors to their success; and L analyzes the causes of their rise, expansion, and ultimate transformation and decline. Streusand depicts the three empires as a part of an integrated international system extending from the At- lantic to the Straits of Malacca, emphasizing both the connections and the conflicts within that AMIC system.
    [Show full text]
  • "Ethnic War, Holy War, War O' War: Does The
    UC Berkeley Recent Work Title Ethnic War, Holy War, War O' War: Does the Adjective Matter in Explaining Collective Political Violence? Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6dd333r5 Author Walker, Edward W. Publication Date 2006-02-01 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California University of California, Berkeley Ethnic War, Holy War, War O’ War: Does the Adjective Matter in Explaining Collective Political Violence? Edward W. Walker Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Working Paper Series This PDF document preserves the page numbering of the printed version for accuracy of citation. When viewed with Acrobat Reader, the printed page numbers will not correspond with the electronic numbering. The Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies (BPS) is a leading center for graduate training on the Soviet Union and its successor states in the United States. Founded in 1983 as part of a nationwide effort to reinvigorate the field, BPS’s mission has been to train a new cohort of scholars and professionals in both cross-disciplinary social science methodology and theory as well as the history, languages, and cultures of the former Soviet Union; to carry out an innovative program of scholarly research and publication on the Soviet Union and its successor states; and to undertake an active public outreach program for the local community, other national and international academic centers, and the U.S. and other governments. Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies University of California, Berkeley Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies 260 Stephens Hall #2304 Berkeley, California 94720-2304 Tel: (510) 643-6737 [email protected] http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~bsp/ Ethnic War, Holy War, War O’ War: Does the Adjective Matter in Explaining Collective Political Violence? Edward W.
    [Show full text]
  • Resetting Pakistan's Relations with Afghanistan
    Resetting Pakistan’s Relations with Afghanistan Asia Report N°262 | 28 October 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Policy Imperatives and Internal Implications ................................................................. 2 A. Pakistan’s Monroe Doctrine and Pashtun proxies .................................................... 2 B. Interventionist Ambitions and Domestic Implications ............................................. 5 C. Civil-Military Relations and Afghan Policy ............................................................... 8 III. Expanding Economic Ties ................................................................................................ 11 A. Opportunities ............................................................................................................. 11 B. Constraints ................................................................................................................. 12 IV. Afghans in Pakistan .......................................................................................................... 18 A. The Refugee Question ...............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Durand Line: South Asia’S Next Trouble Spot
    NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE DURAND LINE: SOUTH ASIA’S NEXT TROUBLE SPOT by Tariq Mahmood June 2005 Thesis Advisor: Peter R. Lavoy Co Adviser: Feroz Hassan Khan Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Di-rectorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2005 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: The Durand Line: South Asia’s New Trouble Spot 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 6. AUTHOR(S) Tariq Mahmood 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION REPORT Monterey, CA 93943-5000 NUMBER 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING N/A AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES: The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense, the U.S. Government, the Pakistan Army or the Government of Pakistan.
    [Show full text]
  • The Interplay of Nationalism and Religion in Pashtun Society: an Analysis
    Global Social Sciences Review (GSSR) Vol. IV, No. III (Summer 2019) | Page: 235– 240 III).30 - The Interplay of Nationalism and Religion in Pashtun Society: An Analysis Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Political Science, University of Surat Khan Peshawar, KP, Pakistan. Email: [email protected] This paper discusses the role and interplay of nationalism and religion in the context of Abstract Pashtun society. Both nationalism and religion have been pivotal in shaping the international system and in guiding the mutual interactions of human beings and social groups. For the Pashtun society, both religion and nationalism simultaneously exist . Historically, the role and impact of both phenomena have been varied. However, as a Key Words result of Pakistan's policy of strategic depth and the resultant Afghan Nationalism, Extremism, Jihad in Afghanistan vis-à-vis the USSR, religious extremism and radicalization have increased specifically in the Pashtun areas of http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(IV Radicalization, Pakistan and this rise has conversely impacted the nationalist fervor of Modernism, the Pashtuns resulting in the decline of the Pashtun nationalism. Primordialism, URL: Pashtunwali III).30 | - Introduction This paper discusses the role and interplay of nationalism and religion in the context of Pashtun society. The phenomena of nationalism and religion have been very important in shaping the international system and guiding the mutual social interactions of individuals and social groups. In the case of Pashtun society, both religion and nationalism are present simultaneously. Historically, 10.31703/gssr.2019(IV the role and impact of both phenomena have been varied. However, as a result of Pakistan's policy of strategic depth in Afghanistan vis-à-vis the USSR, religious extremism and radicalization have DOI: increased and this rise has conversely affected the nationalist fervor of the Pashtuns and has resulted in the decline of Pashtun nationalism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Revenge of Geography by Robert D
    http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=4862 Foreign Policy, May/June 2009 The Revenge of Geography By Robert D. Kaplan People and ideas influence events, but geography largely determines them, now more than ever. To understand the coming struggles, it’s time to dust off the Victorian thinkers who knew the physical world best. A journalist who has covered the ends of the Earth offers a guide to the relief map—and a primer on the next phase of conflict. When rapturous Germans tore down the Berlin Wall 20 years ago it symbolized far more than the overcoming of an arbitrary boundary. It began an intellectual cycle that saw all divisions, geographic and otherwise, as surmountable; that referred to “realism” and “pragmatism” only as pejoratives; and that invoked the humanism of Isaiah Berlin or the appeasement of Hitler at Munich to launch one international intervention after the next. In this way, the armed liberalism and the democracy-promoting neoconservatism of the 1990s shared the same universalist aspirations. But alas, when a fear of Munich leads to overreach the result is Vietnam—or in the current case, Iraq. And thus began the rehabilitation of realism, and with it another intellectual cycle. “Realist” is now a mark of respect, “neocon” a term of derision. The Vietnam analogy has vanquished that of Munich. Thomas Hobbes, who extolled the moral benefits of fear and saw anarchy as the chief threat to society, has elbowed out Isaiah Berlin as the philosopher of the present cycle. The focus now is less on universal ideals than particular distinctions, from ethnicity to culture to religion.
    [Show full text]