Master-S-Thesis-Anna-Wa-Gen.Pdf (1.258Mb)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Master-S-Thesis-Anna-Wa-Gen.Pdf (1.258Mb) Between the Social and the Political: Russian Women’s Groups’ Response to Ambivalent State Policies A qualitative study of women’s organizing in contemporary Russia Anna Wågen Master’s Thesis Department of Literature, Area Studies and European Languages (ILOS) University of Oslo September 2019 ii Between the Social and the Political: Russian Women’s Groups’ Response to Ambivalent State Policies A qualitative study of women’s organizing in contemporary Russia Anna Wågen Department of Literature, Area Studies and European Languages (ILOS) University of Oslo September 2019 Supervisor: Geir Flikke iii © Anna Wågen 2019 Between the Social and the Political: Russian Women’s Groups’ Response to Ambivalent State Policies Anna Wågen http://duo.uio.no Print: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo iv Abstract This thesis sets out to examine women’s organizing in contemporary Russia in the context of ambivalent state policies regarding women’s issues and civil society. With Putin’s return to power after a wave of protests in 2012, the Law on foreign agents was adopted. The biggest branch of organizations affected, were those concerned with human rights. At the same time, the regime favors non-profit organizations that provide social services and remain loyal to the government’s narratives. Since women’s issues have both a rights’ aspect and a social aspect, women’s groups are affected by both sides of this co-optation of civil society. Further, the state’s endorsement of “morality politics” and narratives stressing so-called traditional family values have proved an impediment to women’s rights advocacy. In 2017, a state program was launched which aims to improve women’s situation. The National Action Strategy for Women (NASW) is now in its implementation phase and lasts until 2022. So far, few noticeable effects have come out of the strategy, except from promises to reduce the number of professions banned to women from 456 to 100. There still is no law on domestic violence, and both state and church embrace women’s reproductive roles and responsibility in solving demographic problems. The core of the study is the analysis of 16 qualitative interviews conducted in Moscow, St. Petersburg and Voronezh in February 2019. I explore how women’s groups are affected by policies that on one hand restrict the opportunities of certain civic organizations, but on the other hand seem to benefit others. The thesis’ main argument is that women’s groups stand with one foot in the social sphere and one in the political, and that they strategically frame their activity according to their needs. Although independent women’s organizations are negatively affected by the Law on foreign agents, their work is not infeasible: motivated groups adapt quickly to new restrictive measures and find ways to continue to conduct meaningful work despite difficult times. Their opportunities to impact on policy making are scarce, but increased attention towards women’s issues and feminism in recent years leaves them with hopes for more activism and an increased state focus on women’s issues in the future. Key words: women’s organizing, civil society, foreign agent law, Russia, feminism, co- optation, National Action Strategy for Women v vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Geir Flikke at the Department of Literature, Area Studies and European Languages (ILOS), the University of Oslo, for guidance, constructive comments and helpful advice throughout the writing process. Further, I am grateful to the Fritt Ord Foundation for granting me a generous scholarship, which let me focus fully on the thesis and made the field trip to Russia possible. I also owe a dept of gratitude to Dr. Irina Mersianova at the Centre for Studies of Civil Society and the Nonprofit Sector at Moscow Higher School of Economics (HSE) for inviting me as a research intern and providing me with visa support. A special thanks to manager Elizaveta, who put a lot of time and effort into planning my trip. Last but not least, this study would not have been possible without my respondents, whose everyday work and courage continue to inspire me. Thank you for sharing your knowledge, experiences and worldviews with me. vii Abbreviations and explanations CEDAW Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women CSO civil society organization EU European Union GONGO government-organized non-governmental organization GRO grassroots’ organization HRW Human Rights Watch Ministry of Labor Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Russian Federation NASW National Action Strategy for Women (2017-2022) NSD Norwegian Center for Research Data NGO non-governmental organization Oblast An administrative entity in Russia and several other former Soviet countries ROC The Russian Orthodox Church Rosstat Federal State Statistics Service SONGO socially oriented non-governmental organization TNGO traditional non-governmental organization VTsIOM Russian Public Opinion Research Center Zhensovet an abbreviation of zhenskii sovet, meaning “women’s council.” A type of state-controlled women’s organizations that was central in the Soviet Union and hold-overs of which are still existing in high numbers today. viii Transliteration from Russian to Latin alphabet For transliterating from Russian to English, I use a modified version of the romanization table provided by American Library Association and Library of Congress (ALA-LC). The soft sign (Ь) and hard sign (Ъ) are transliterated (as ´ and ʺ, respectively), but mainly in the literature list. Other diacritics are not used. Russian names that are known in English with different transliteration rules (such as “Yeltsin”) remain in their most common form. Russian Alphabet Latin alphabet А а a Б б b В в v Г г g Д д d Е е e Ё ё e Ж ж zh З з z И и i Й й i К к k Л л l М м m Н н n О о o П п p Р р r С с s Т т t У у u Ф ф f Х х kh Ц ц ts Ч ч ch Ш ш sh Щ щ shch Ъ ъ ʺ Ы ы y Ь ь ´ Э э e Ю ю iu Я я ia ix Table of contents 1 Introduction ................................................................................................................ 1 1.1 Research topic: women’s organizing in Russia after 2012 ................................................ 1 1.2 Thesis outline .................................................................................................................. 4 2 Theoretical framework ............................................................................................... 5 2.1 Social movement theory .................................................................................................. 5 2.1.1 External factors: Political, cultural and gendered opportunity structures ...................................... 6 2.1.2 Internal factors: Identity work and framing .................................................................................... 9 2.2 Previous research on women’s organizing in Russia and beyond ...................................... 11 2.2.1 Feminism and women’s organizations: distinctions ..................................................................... 11 2.2.2 Authoritarianism vs. feminism under Putin: framing strategies ................................................... 13 2.2.3 Human rights – whose rights? ...................................................................................................... 14 2.2.4 Emancipation or “NGO-ization”: did NGO work lead anywhere? ................................................. 14 3 Methodology: qualitative interviews ........................................................................ 18 3.1 Thematic analysis .......................................................................................................... 18 3.2 The study: qualitative semi-structured interviews ......................................................... 20 3.2.1 Geographical scope of the study ................................................................................................... 21 3.2.2 Selection of respondents .............................................................................................................. 22 3.2.3 Implementation of the study ........................................................................................................ 25 4 Women’s movements in Russia prior to 2000 ............................................................ 27 4.1 At the turn to the twentieth century ............................................................................. 27 4.2 Communist era from the 1930s ..................................................................................... 30 4.3 Perestroika and the 1990s ............................................................................................. 31 4.4 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 34 5 Russian civil society under pressure .......................................................................... 35 5.1 Co-optation of civil society under Putin ......................................................................... 35 5.1.1 The Law on Foreign Agents ........................................................................................................... 36 5.1.2 Windows of opportunities for the “good” civil society ................................................................. 37 6 The context of women’s organizing in Russia: present .............................................. 39 6.1 Russian women in numbers and statistics ....................................................................
Recommended publications
  • 1 Adcmemorial.Org Alternative Report on the Russian Federation's
    adcmemorial.org Alternative Report on the Russian Federation’s Implementation of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Connection with the Consideration of the Sixth Periodic State Report (2016) by the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights For the Pre-Sessional Working Group of the 60th Session of the CESCR 27 February – 3 March 2017 года The Russian Federation: Violation of the Economic and Social Rights of Roma and Indigenous Minorities; Employment Discrimination against Vulnerable Groups 1 CONTENTS PREAMBLE……………………………………………………………………………………………….3 VIOLATION OF THE RIGHTS OF ROMA AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES……………………….4 Problem: demolition of housing in dense Roma settlements, eviction of residents, deprivation of access to resources………………………………………………………………….4 Problem: violation of the rights of Roma children to education – segregation into separate “Roma” classes and schools, difficulties accessing preschool education, lack of educational opportunities for people who left or never attended school at all for various reasons………………………………………………………………………………………….6 Problem: absence of a comprehensive government strategy to overcome structural discrimination of the Roma population in the Russian Federation……………………………7 Problem: violation of the economic, social and cultural rights of indigenous peoples – seizure of territories where these peoples traditionally live and maintain their households by mining and oil and gas companies; removal of self-government bodies of indigenous peoples; repression of activists and employees of social organizations, including the fabrication of criminal cases………………………………………………………………………….7 EMPLOYMENT DISCRIMINATION OF VULNERABLE GROUPS……………………………….11 Problem: the existence of the “list of professions banned for women” results in employment discrimination against women; the Russian Federation is not implementing the recommendations and rulings of international institutions (CEDAW) to abolish this list.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Federation State Actors of Protection
    European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Russian Federation State Actors of Protection March 2017 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office EASO Country of Origin Information Report Russian Federation State Actors of Protection March 2017 Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Free phone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). Print ISBN 978-92-9494-372-9 doi: 10.2847/502403 BZ-04-17-273-EN-C PDF ISBN 978-92-9494-373-6 doi: 10.2847/265043 BZ-04-17-273-EN-C © European Asylum Support Office 2017 Cover photo credit: JessAerons – Istockphoto.com Neither EASO nor any person acting on its behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the information contained herein. EASO Country of Origin Report: Russian Federation – State Actors of Protection — 3 Acknowledgments EASO would like to acknowledge the following national COI units and asylum and migration departments as the co-authors of this report: Belgium, Cedoca (Center for Documentation and Research), Office of the Commissioner General for Refugees and Stateless Persons Poland, Country of Origin Information Unit, Department for Refugee Procedures, Office for Foreigners Sweden, Lifos, Centre for Country of Origin Information and Analysis, Swedish Migration Agency Norway, Landinfo, Country of
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Federation 2012
    RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2012 Short-term prognosis RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2012 Short-term prognosis Editors: Karmo Tüür & Viacheslav Morozov Editors: Karmo Tüür & Viacheslav Morozov Editor of “Politica” series: Rein Toomla Copyright: Individual authors, 2012 ISSN 1736–9312 Tartu University Press www.tyk.ee CONTENT Introduction ..................................................................................... 7 Evaluation of the last prognosis. Erik Terk ...................................... 9 INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS Political system. Viacheslav Morozov .............................................. 21 Legal system. Aleksey Kartsov .......................................................... 26 Economy. Raivo Vare ...................................................................... 30 Energy sector. Andres Mäe .............................................................. 35 The Russian Military. Kaarel Kaas ................................................. 40 The political role of the Russian Orthodox Church. Alar Kilp ...... 45 Mass media development. Olga Chepurnaya ................................. 49 Civil society. Zhanna Chernova ...................................................... 54 Demography of the regions. Aimar Altosaar ................................... 58 Nationalities policy of Russia. Konstantin Zamyatin ...................... 62 Center – Northern Caucasus. Nona Shahnazarian ....................... 67 Foreign relations of Russian regions. Eero Mikenberg .................... 71 EXTERNAL RELATIONS Russia and the WTO. Kristjan
    [Show full text]
  • Raisa Gorbacheva, the Soviet Union’S Only First Lady
    Outraging the People by Stepping out of the Shadows Gender roles, the ‘feminine ideal’ and gender discourse in the Soviet Union and Raisa Gorbacheva, the Soviet Union’s only First Lady. Noraly Terbijhe Master Thesis MA Russian & Eurasian Studies Leiden University January 2020, Leiden Everywhere in the civilised world, the position, the rights and obligations of a wife of the head of state are more or less determined. For instance, I found out that the President’s wife in the White House has special staff to assist her in preforming her duties. She even has her own ‘territory’ and office in one wing of the White House. As it turns out, I as the First Lady had only one tradition to be proud of, the lack of any right to an official public existence.1 Raisa Maximovna Gorbacheva (1991) 1 Translated into English from Russian. From: Raisa Gorbacheva, Ya Nadeyus’ (Moscow 1991) 162. 1 Table of contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 3 2. Literature review ........................................................................................................................... 9 3. Gender roles and discourse in Russia and the USSR ................................................................. 17 The supportive comrade ................................................................................................................. 19 The hardworking mother ...............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • RUSSIA WATCH Duncan Deville, Guest Editor Graham T
    RUSSIA WATCH Duncan DeVille, Guest Editor Graham T. Allison, Director Analysis and Commentary Danielle Lussier, Assistant Editor Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project Editorial Staff: Melissa Carr, David John F. Kennedy School of Government Rekhviashvili, Annaliis Abrego, John Harvard University No. 7, March 2002 Grennan Rule of Law in Russia: The Wild East No More? Russian support for U.S. efforts in The new Criminal the war on terrorism has surprised Procedure Code. Long many Western observers. But this advocated by Western legal was not the only recent surprise experts as an important step in the development of the rule of law, from Moscow Western — the new Criminal Procedure Code advocates for the rule of law in will divest power from Russia’s (continued on p. 3) Russia also had much to celebrate in the closing months of 2001. Under IN THIS ISSUE: strong prodding by President Sergei Stepashin, p. 9 Vladimir Putin, the Duma passed several impressive pieces Chairman of the Auditing Chamber of the Russian Federation of reform legislation, including an entirely new Criminal Rule of Law and the Peculiarities of Russia Procedure Code, a potentially revolutionary land reform * law, new shareholder protections in amendments to the Scott Boylan, p. 10 Joint Stock Company Law, and the first post-Soviet Labor Regional Director for Eurasia, U.S. Department of Justice Long Awaited Russian Criminal Procedure Code is Enacted Code. * All of these bills had been stalled in the State Stephen Handleman, p. 13 Duma since the mid-1990s despite — or because of — Time Magazine International former President Boris Yeltsin’s efforts to get them passed.
    [Show full text]
  • Suuntaus Project CURRENT SITUATION of SEXUAL AND
    Suuntaus project CURRENT SITUATION OF SEXUAL AND GENDER MINORITIES IN RUSSIA 10/04/2015 Finnish Immigration Service Country Information Service Public theme report The European Refugee Fund contributing to the project. 1 CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 2 1.1. Background ...................................................................................................................... 2 1.2. Terminology ...................................................................................................................... 4 1.3. Special features in research on the topic .......................................................................... 4 2. ATTITUDES TOWARDS SEXUAL AND GENDER MINORITIES IN RUSSIA .......................... 5 3. VIOLENCE COMMITTED BY PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS ........................................................... 7 3.1. Violent offences by individuals .......................................................................................... 7 3.2. Attacks against LGBT events and activists ....................................................................... 8 4. ATTITUDES OF THE AUTHORITIES .................................................................................... 10 4.1. Violence by the authorities .............................................................................................. 10 4.2. Legislation curbing the rights of sexual and gender minorities .......................................
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Soft Power in France: Assessing Moscow's Cultural and Business Para- Diplomacy
    Russian Soft Power in France: Assessing Moscow's Cultural and Business Para- diplomacy January 8, 2018 Marlene Laruelle Senior Fellow, Carnegie Council; Research Professor, The George Washington University This paper is the first of a series of publications on Russia's influence in France. France constitutes the most prominent example of Russia's soft power in Western Europe, due not only to the long-lasting positive bilateral relations but also to the presence of an important Russian emigration since the 1920s that can act as a relay of influence. This project is supported by a grant from the Foundation Open Society Institute in cooperation with OSIFE of the Open Society Foundations. The French-Russian relationship is based on a long-standing tradition of cultural exchanges. In the 19th century, France was already one of the preferred destinations for Russian political exiles, and subsequently received several of the major waves of Russian emigration in the interwar period. Under the presidency of de Gaulle, it positioned itself as a European power relatively favorable to the Soviet Union. France's strong Communist tradition also encouraged a certain ideological proximity, and Russian was widely taught at secondary school level until the collapse of the USSR. The bilateral relationship is more complex today, characterized by close- knit economic and cultural interrelationships but also by political difficulties over the main international issues, the most important of which are Ukraine and Syria. Since the support shown by Russia to the European extreme right and the—now waning—honeymoon between the Front National (National Front) and some Kremlin circles, debate in France on the "Russian presence" and "Russia's networks of influence" has escalated, sometimes reaching extreme forms of paranoia founded on gross exaggeration, groundless supposition, and the reproduction of American arguments concerning the rumored Russian hand in electing Donald Trump.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Foreign Policy: the Internal
    RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY FOREIGN RUSSIA’S XXXXXXXX Andemus, cont? Giliis. Fertus por aciendam ponclem is at ISPI. omantem atuidic estius, nos modiertimiu consulabus RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: vivissulin voctum lissede fenducient. Andius isupio uratient. THE INTERNAL- Founded in 1934, ISPI is Actu sis me inatquam te te te, consulvit rei firiam atque a an independent think tank committed to the study of catis. Benterri er prarivitea nit; ipiesse stiliis aucto esceps, INTERNATIONAL LINK international political and Catuit depse huiumum peris, et esupimur, omnerobus economic dynamics. coneque nocuperem moves es vesimus. edited by Aldo Ferrari and Eleonora Tafuro Ambrosetti It is the only Italian Institute Iter ponsultorem, ursultorei contern ultortum di sid C. Marbi introduction by Paolo Magri – and one of the very few in silictemqui publint, Ti. Teatquit, videst auderfe ndiissendam Europe – to combine research Romnesidem simaximium intimus, ut et; eto te adhui activities with a significant publius conlostam sultusquit vid Cate facteri oriciamdi, commitment to training, events, ompec morterei iam pracion tum mo habem vitus pat veri and global risk analysis for senaributem apecultum forte hicie convo, que tris. Serum companies and institutions. pra intin tant. ISPI favours an interdisciplinary Bonertum inatum et rem sus ilicaedemus vid con tum and policy-oriented approach made possible by a research aur, conenit non se facia movere pareis, vo, vistelis re, crei team of over 50 analysts and terae movenenit L. Um prox noximod neritiam adeffrestod an international network of 70 comnit. Mulvis Ahacciverte confenit vat. Romnihilii issedem universities, think tanks, and acchuiu scenimi liescipio vistum det; hacrurorum, et, research centres.
    [Show full text]
  • Feminist Protest and Anti-Feminist Resurgence in Russia
    Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics, 2(1), 05 ISSN: 2542-4920 Pussy Provocations: Feminist Protest and Anti-Feminist Resurgence in Russia Jessica Mason 1* Published: March 19, 2018 ABSTRACT The Russian feminist punk-art group Pussy Riot sparked a remarkable series of responses with their provocative “punk prayer” in a Moscow cathedral in 2012. This article analyzes the social, political, and cultural dynamics of provocation (provokatsiya) by examining everyday conversations, speeches, articles and other linguistic acts through which Russian Orthodox, feminist, and left-leaning and liberal participants in the anti-Putin opposition made sense of Pussy Riot. A provocation violates norms in ways that compel observers to name and defend those norms. This process simultaneously invigorates norms and helps people shore up their own senses of self amid uncertainty. Yet what observers identify as the provocation — what norms are perceived to be violated — shapes what values they reinforce. Responding to Pussy Riot, Russian Orthodox activists asserted themselves as defenders of tradition against the forces of Western cultural imperialism, including feminism and LGBT rights. Yet most responses from the anti-Putin opposition focused on norms related to speech and protest rights, while Russian feminists were often reluctant even to claim Pussy Riot as feminist at all. Due to this asymmetry, Pussy Riot’s feminist protest revitalized anti- feminism in Russia without a concomitant strengthening of feminist values among supporters. Keywords: Russia, feminist politics, right-wing politic INTRODUCTION We consider the “punk prayer” an extremist crime, degrading millions of women of faith, and demand an appropriate legal assessment be given by society and those in power to this action.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Armed Forces Confront
    WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. The Caucasus Conflict and Russian Security: the Russian Armed Forces Confront Chechnya Part One, Section One: From Intervention to the Outskirts of Grozny (Military-Political Events from 11 December to 31 December) Mr. Timothy L. Thomas Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article was first published in Slavic Military Studies Vol 8, No 2, June 1995, pp 233-256. Note: This article is based on open source literature published in the Russian press, and items broadcast on Russian radio and TV. Most, but not all, of the reports are from the Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS). During the intervention, Russian government and Chechen sources accused one another of placing disinformation in the press. This effort does not aim to prove one point of view correct. It's aim is merely to provide a framework and some logic for the events that have occurred and their consequences. TABLE OF CONTENTS • INTRODUCTION • RUSSIAN RATIONALE FOR THE INTERVENTION • THE LEGAL CASE FOR INTERVENTION • COMMAND AND CONTROL • THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE INTERVENTION Part One, Section One: From Intervention to the Outskirts of Grozny (Military-Political Events from 11 December to 31 December) "No territory has the right to leave Russia." President Yeltsin on Russian TV, 27 December 1994 "Its good to be king." Comedian Mel Brooks, The History of the World As New Year's Eve approached, Russian military gun sights remained pointed at the Presidential Palace of Chechen President Dzhokhar Dudayev.
    [Show full text]
  • Decriminalization of Domestic Violence in Russia
    ISSN 2455-4782 DECRIMINALIZATION OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN RUSSIA Authored by: Shaili Shah* * 3rd Year BLS LLB Student, Pravin Gandhi College of Law ______________________________________________________________________________ Russia decriminalized non-aggravated battery during July of 2016 and it was made an administrative offense being punishable by a fine or detention. However, incessant battery and battery-committed offences against close relatives or family members remained punishable under the Criminal Code. Russia amended the Criminal Code once again in February 2017 and eliminated the provision with respect to assaulting close relatives on non-aggravated battery. As a result, violence perpetrated against family members has further been made an administrative offense when committed for the first time. Only persistent instances of battery would now be prosecuted as criminal offenses and thus, punishable by criminal law. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE Domestic violence is a pattern of abusive behavior in a personal relationship used by one to maintain and establish dominance or control over the other. It has been prevalent since the beginning of time, as it is natural for an individual to want to manifest power and a sense of authority over another. Domestic Violence can be classified into various forms and degrees of abuse such as physical, emotional, psychological, sexual, economical, and verbal. The intensity of each abuse could vary from subtle, coercive forms to violent, brutal abuse including acid- throwing, beating, choking, rape, and so on. It leads to the victim enduring severe psychological traumas and unable to lead a normal, dignified life. The victims of domestic violence could be women, children, the elderly or anyone in a position of insubordination.
    [Show full text]
  • President Obama Imposes Additional Sanctions in Response to Ukraine Crisis
    March 2014 U.S. Targets Russian Insiders – President Obama Imposes Additional Sanctions in Response to Ukraine Crisis BY THE PAUL HASTINGS GLOBAL TRADE CONTROLS TEAM On March 17, 2014, President Obama signed a new Executive Order (the “March 17 Order”) broadening the sanctions the United States imposed less than two weeks earlier under Executive Order (“E.O.”) 13660, relating to the activities currently taking place in Ukraine. We previously described E.O. 13660. The March 17 Order authorizes the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (“OFAC”) to target individuals and entities in the Russian Federation, including any Russian Federation officials. The move marks the most comprehensive sanctions the U.S. has imposed on Russia since the Cold War and carries the potential to change dramatically the tone of U.S.-Russian relations. While these sanctions may have more symbolic value than immediate practical impact on the targeted individuals, the March 17 Order signals the need for U.S. persons doing business in Russia and Ukraine to review their relationships and to be prepared for additional risks. President Obama’s New Russian Sanctions Order The March 17 Order authorizes the Treasury Department to freeze the assets of individuals or entities determined: . to be an official of the Government of the Russian Federation (defined to include the Central Bank of the Government of the Russian Federation); . to operate in the arms or related material sector in the Russian Federation; . to be owned or controlled by either a senior official of the Government of the Russian Federation, or by other persons whose property is blocked pursuant to the Order; or .
    [Show full text]