Reliquary-Chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert*

Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert*

Marina Bulia** George Chubinashvili National Research Centre for Georgian Art History and Heritage Preservation, Tbilisi, Georgia

UDC 75.033:75.046.3](479.22)”11/12” 929:271.2-36-526.7]Demetrios, St DOI: https://doi.org/10.2298/ZOG2044079B Оригиналан научни рад

The paper addresses a recently discovered rock-hewn chapel in Virgin Platytera (figs. 2, 3), a symbolic icon of the Incar- the Davitgareji Desert, which has preserved late twelfth-early nation of Christ,1 flanked by two bishops; on both sides thirteenth century wall paintings dominated by a cycle of St of the sanctuary niche is depicted the Annunciation, a Demetrios. The cycle, which finds no parallel in Georgia, is remarkable in many regards and raises important questions as historical illustration of the Incarnation and its narrative 2 to the chronology and geographical spread of such cycles, the confirmation (figs. 4, 5, 6); the vault has a large trium- provenance of unknown iconographical redactions, the history phal scen e of the Ascension of the Holy Cross; the corners of the relics of St Demetrios, the function of the chapel dedi- of the vault are marked by the busts of Evangelists set in cated to the saint, and the interaction between Georgian and medallions (fig. 7); the adjoining sections of the sanctu- Byzantine artistic and cultural traditions, in general. ary show the Warrior Saints with St George and St Theo- Keywords: Medieval Georgian painting, cultural interaction, dore to the south (fig. 8), and St Demetrios, patron of the vita cycle of St Demetrios, holy relics of St Demetrios church, to the north (fig. 9). The remaining section of the chapel, i.e. the area A lot has been written about the cult and the holy extending from the south-west corner to the north, pre- relics of the Great Martyr Demetrios of Thessaloniki, ap- sents the scenes from the life of St Demetrios arranged in prarently the most Byzantine of all Christian saints, as a single register. The vita cycle illustrates only the Passio well as the religious, historical, political and social aspects text depicting its six episodes combined in four scenes, relating to the veneration of the saint and his relics, his namely: St Demetrios before Emperor Maximian (figs. 10, indvidual images and narrative vita cycles in medieval art. 11); the Scorpion Miracle and an Angel Placing a Crown Therefore, presentation of new observations, not to men- of Martyrdom on the Head of St Demetrios presented tion a hitherto unknown artefact, to scholarly community in one scene (figs. 12, 13, 14); St Demetrios Blessing St would seem highly unexpected – especially from Geor- Nestor and Triumph over Lyaios also united in one scene gia, where very little is known about the veneration of the (fig. 15); and lastly, the Martyrdom of St Demetrios (figs. saint. 16, 17). Several years ago, a small single-nave church In terms of its scenes, the Dodorka cycle follows the adorned with murals was discovered in the rock-hewn Byzantine cycles the majority of which also serve to illus- Dodorka Monastery of the Mother of God at Davitgareji trate the Passio scenes.3 The scenes included in it can be (fig. 1). Its location in a royal monastery next to the main church, as well as a high quality of its murals painted by 1 Ph. Grierson, Byzantine coins, London–Berkeley 1982, 211– using precious pigments (e.g. lapis lazuli in the back- 238, 276–310; Virgin Blachernitissa, in: ODB III, 2170–2171 (N. P. Ševčenko); R. G. Ousterhout, The Virgin of the Hora: an image and its grounds, gold on haloes, cinnabar in the background contexts, in: The sacred image East and West, ed. idem, L. Brubaker, Ur- and on clothes) and above all, a distinctive painting pro- bana–Chicago 1995, 94–96; E. Tsigaridas, The Mother of God in wall- gramme, point to the importance of the commission. The paintings, in: Mother of God. Representation of the Virgin in Byzantine murals are dominated by a cycle of the life of St Demetri- art, Milan – New York 2000, 127; M. B. Cunningham, Mary as interces- os, which finds no parallel in Georgia. sor in Constantinople during the Iconoclast period: the textual evidence, in: Presbeia Theotokou. The intercessory role of Mary across times and The painting programme at Dodorka is highly la- places in Byzantium (4th–9th century), ed. L. M. Peltomaa et al., Vienna conic with its conceptual accents being strongly pro- 2015, 139–152, etc. nounced. The sanctuary features a bust image of the 2 It is noteworthy that the figures represented in the sanctuary, as well as in the Annunciation scene bear golden halos. Of the original gold halos only the violet lining used for gold has survived. * This work was supported by Shota Rustaveli National Sci- 3 For example, the miniatures of the menologion of Deme- ence Foundation of Georgia (SRNSFG), [grant number FR-18-3030]. trios Palaiologos (Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Gr. th. f.1, fol. 54v– I would like to thank my colleague, Prof. Mzia Janjalia and the blind 55r; 1322–1340), Church of St. Demetrios at Mistra (late thirteenth reviewers for the critical reading of this paper and valuable comments. century murals), Bogorodica Ljeviška at Prizren (1310–1313), Markov ** [email protected] monastery (1376–1377), the Church of Prophet Elijah in Thalames 79 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Fig. 1. Dodorka monastery, Davitgareji Desert

found separately in almost all the known cycles depicting or three characters represented against a plain back- the life of the saint.4 The Dodorka cycle differs from them ground marked by a hill, an arch or few buildings. Each only in terms of the arrangement of certain scenes.5 scene contains a traditional iconographic image showing The scenes from the vita of the saint, lacking detail St Demetrios as a young man, which can be found in the and narrative richness, presumably follow iconographic fifth-seventh century mosaics adorning the basilica erect- redactions from an early period.6 They feature only two ed on his tomb in Thessaloniki.7 In Dodorka the saint is depicted with a yellow halo and short hair, wearing the garments of patricians – a long rose tunic and emerald- at Mani (late thirteenth–early fourteenth century), etc. Of the mural cycles, the Dečani cycle (around 1345) that includes several scenes of green chlamys (fig. 13). Only the image in the Martyr- the posthumous miracles of the saint, is an exception. Cf. I. Hutter, Der dom scene (fig. 16) and a separately standing figure of the despotes Demetrios Palaiologos und sein „Bildmenologion“ in Oxford, saint, the largest in size, bear golden halos to indicate their JOB 57 (2007) 183–214; M. Chatzidakis, Mistra: la cite medievale et la centrality in the entire cycle. One of them shows him as a forteresse. Guide des palais, des églises et de la forteresse, Athè nes 1981, 38–42; M. D. Tomić Ðurić, Idejne osnove tematskog programa živopisa martyr, while another points to his military prowess and crkve Svetog Dimitrija u Markovom manastiru, Beograd 2017, 672–678 protective power. Although the fu ll figure representation (doktorska disertacija, Univerzitet u Beogradu); N. Kontogiannis, S. of St Demetrios is not framed, it assumes the role of a cult Germanidou, The iconographic program of the Prophet Elijah church icon and is reminiscent of Byzantine proskynetaria icons in Thalames, Greece, BZ 101/1 (2008) 55–87; J. Radovanović, Heiliger 8 Demetrios – die Ikonographie seines Lebens auf den Fresken des Klosters of church patron saints (fig. 9). Dečani, in: L’art de Thessalonique et des pays Balkaniques et les courants Given that the Dodorka cycle finds no parallel in spirituels XlVe siècle, ed. R. Samardžić, Belgrade 1987, 75–88, etc. Georgia, it is natural to assume that the majority of the 4 For example, St. Demetrios before Emperor Maximian is depicted in the Metropolis at Mistra, in the miniature of the menologion of Demetrios Palaiologos, in Thalames, and in the Church of St. 5 (1950) 3–28; idem, Un nouveau reliquaire de saint Démétrios, DOP Demetrios at Peć; the Scorpion Miracle is featured on the Vatopedi rel- 8 (1954) 305–313; Ch. Walter, The warrior saints in Byzantine art and iquary, at Mistra and in the menologion, while St. Demetrios blessing tradition, Aldershot 2003, 67–93. St. Nestor, Triumph over Lyaios and the Martyrdom of St. Demetrios 7 A. Xyngopoulos, The mosaics of the Church of St. Demetrius are represented in almost all cycles. in Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki 1969, 12–31; R. Cormack, Writing in gold, 5 The combination of the Scorpion Miracle and the Plac- Byzantine society and its icons, London 1985, 50–94; L. Brubaker, Elites ing of the Crown of Martyrdom on the Head of St. Demetrios within and patronage in early Byzantium: the evidence from Hagios Demetrios one scene can be found in iconographic redactions known from the at Thessalonike, in: Byzantine and early Islamic Near East VI. Elites old Palaiologan times, while the combination of St Demetrios Blessing St and new in the Byzantine and early Islamic Near East, ed. J. Haldon, L. Nestor and Triumph over Lyaios is without a parallel. I. Conrad, Princeton 2004, 63–90. 6 With their short iconographic redactions, the Dodorka scenes 8 S. Ćurčić, Pro skynetaria icons, saint’s tomb, and the develop- find the closest affinity with the Vatopedi reliquary featuring a cycle ment of the iconostasis, in: Iconostas. Proiskhozhdenie – razvitie – sim- dated to the second half of the twelfth century, which is believed to be volika, ed. A. Lidov, Moskva 2000, 134–142; S. Kalopissi-Verti, The the earliest cycle bearing this content. Cf. Α. Ξυγγόπουλος, Βυζαντινόν proskynetaria of the templon and narthex: form, imagery, spatial connec- κιβωτίδιον μετά παραστάσεων εκ του βίου του αγίου Δημητρίου, tions, and reception, in: Threshold of the sacred. Architectural, art his- Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς 75 (1936) 101–136; A. Grabar, Quelques reli- torical, liturgical, and theological perspectives on religious screens, East 80 quaires de saint Démétrios et le martirium du saint à Salonique, DOP and West, ed. Sh. E. J. Gerstel, Washington 2006, 107–132. Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

Fig. 2. Dodorka chapel of St Demetrios, the sanctuary scenes of this typically Byzantine cycle were rendered ac- opposite, piercing the saint, behind whom his servant, St cording to traditional Byzantine iconographic models. Lupus, is visible (fig. 20).9 The Dodorka scene features However strange it may seem, some of the scenes contain naked St Demetrios with a loincloth. He is shown severed, iconographic elements that could be found neither in the facing two executioners armed with a spear and a dag- Greek texts on the passion of the saint nor in the images ger. Parts of the saint’s dismembered body are depicted in illustrating such texts. the lower section of the scene, in the forefront. The right In this light, of particular note is the Martyrdom of hand extending from heaven gives blessing to the Great St Demetrios, which differs from all the other works fea- Martyr (figs. 16, 17). turing this scene to such extent that it would be difficult The theme of equating the passion of St Demetri- to identify it if not its belonging to the cycle. Its icono- os with that of Christ that is highlighted in numerous graphic scheme is similar neither to earlier Byzantine encomia to St Demetrios (including those by Theodore works offering a short redaction, in which St Demetrios Metochites, Nikephoros Gregoras, Gregory Palamas, stands on his feet facing one or two executioners bearing Nicholas Kabasilas, Symeon of Thessalonike),10 and is spears [Menologion of Basil II, late tenth century, Ms. Vat. gr. 1613 (fig. 18); Vatopedi reliquary, second half of the 9 Α. Ξυγγόπουλος, Η τοιχογραφία του μαρτυρίου του Αγίου twelfth century (fig. 19)], nor to standardized scenes of- Δημητρίου εις τους Αγίους Αποστόλους Θεσσαλονίκης, ΔΧΑΕ 8 (1975– fering extensive iconographic redactions known from the 1976) 1–18; Ε. Ν. Kyriakoudis, The scene of the martyrdom of Saint De- Palaiologan times. The latter commonly present an angel metrios in post-Byzantine art, Zograf 31 (2006–2007) 203–213; Konto- giannis, Germanidou, The iconographic program, 55–87. placing a crown on the head of the enthroned saint with 10 E. Russell, St Demetrius of Thessalonica. Cult and devotion his right hand raised and a group of executioners, on the in the Middle Ages, Bern 2010, 29–64, 83–110. 81 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Fig. 3. The Virgin Platytera, the sanctuary

represented in Byzantine works, by a raised hand of the At Dodorka, St Demetrios is depicted in the moment of saint and his side ready for being pierced, finds a more dropping a belt (fig. 10). In the Scorpion Miracle scene, dramatic representation at Dodorka. The latter features St Euthymios offers a more vivid and emphatic descrip- a naked figure of St Demetrios with a shroud around his tion of the unbearable heat of the Roman thermae, where loins inviting direct association with Crucified Christ. the saint was kept prison, and of the unnaturally large size 14 Peculiar interpretation of the Passion scene at Do- of the scorpion, than the authors of the Greek originals. dorka, which differs markedly from the one offered in the The prison in which the saint is detained is rendered in Byzantine originals, can be explained not only by the ad- red to indicate the raging fire, while the scorpion is rep- herence to different visual models, but also by a different resented as an enormous creature also caught in fire (fig. redaction of the saint’s vita. Close comparison of the im- 13). Unlike the Martyrdom scene, the new iconographic ages and the texts led us to believe that it was the Geor- details included in these episodes do not change the tradi- gian redaction that was followed. tional iconographic scheme. The earliest known, i.e. the eleventh century Geor- Present in the Georgian redaction of the Martyrdom gian redaction of the Martyrdom of St Demetrios belongs of St Demetrios, these details provide sufficient evidence to St Euthymios of Athos and represents a translation of to believe that the redaction of the now lost vita or the an interim redaction – the so-called Passio Altera. The oral narratives that St Euthymius the Athonite followed were available in the eleventh century, i.e. at the time text contains several important elements absent in the 15 Greek originals,11 including an unusual version of the when the translation was made. Yet the fact that they are martyrdom of the saint according to which St Demetrios present only in the Georgian painted cycles indicates that is killed not only with spears, but also with a dagger. He is by the time of the creation of the cycles of the saint’s live first dismembered and then pierced by spears.12 All these in Byzantium, these sources had either been neglected or innovations are accurately illustrated in the Dodorka were regarded unreliable. paintings. 14 Ibid., 347. Furthermore, the use of several uncommon icono- 15 The presence of such sources dating from before the sev- graphic details in the scenes depicting the conversation enth century is attested by John Archbishop of Thessaloniki (seventh between St Demetrios and Emperor Maximian and the century), an editor of the earliest redaction of the saint’s miracles. The Scorpion Miracle can be explained by the adherence to existence of similar sources is further evidenced by two Greek icons of the sixteenth century from the Karakalou Monastery and the Church St Euthymios’ redaction. According to the text, the saint of St. Helena in Mykonos, both of which feature St. Demetrios praying drops an honorary regalia at the feet of the Emperor as in front of the icons of the Virgin and Christ. Of note is also a miracle a gesture of his rejection of earthly honours. That the performed after the death of St. Demetrios, which was often represent- regalia is a belt is indicated only in the Georgian text.13 ed in Russian painted icons. The miracle was about two maidens from Thessaloniki, holding an icon embroidered by themselves, who were freed from captivity by the saint and transferred to the basilica dedicat- 11 M. Matchavariani, Cminda Dimitris c‘ikli (cameba, sas- ed to him. Despite an obvious Thessalonian origin of the miracle of the caulebi, šesxma) k‘art‘ul mcerlobaši, Tbilisi 2006 (doctoral dissertation, embroidered icon, these stories do not appear in Greek texts available Korneli Kekelidze Institute of Manuscripts). today. The presence of such scenes in Byzantine and Russian icons has 12 Camebay cmidisa didebulisa mocamisa Dimitrisi, in: Ok- been explained by the adherence to written sources or oral narratives tombris metap‘rasebi. Żveli k‘art‘uli t‘argmanebi, ed. N. Goguadze, N. that have not survived to our day. Ė. S . Smirnova, Ikonografiia͡ žitiia͡ sv. Shalamberidze, N. Natradze, Tbilisi 2014, 349–350. Dimitriia͡ Solunskogo: eë obnovlenie v russkoĭ ikonopisi kontsa͡ XVII – 82 13 Ibid., 346–347. nachala XVIII veka, ZRVI 44/2 (2007) 613–625. Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

Fig. 4. The Annunciation (detail), the east wall Fig. 5. The Annunciation (detail), the east wall

Both the chronology and the geographical distribu- tion of the life cycles of St Demetrios have been firmly established. The earliest of the preserved cycles, dated to the second half of the twelfth century, is featured on the Vato- pedi silver reliquary designed to contain the blood and myrrh of St Demetrios (fig. 19).16 Judging by the dates of all the other painted works, it is believed that these cycles did not spread wide until the Palaiologan times.17 They

16 Ξυγγόπουλος, Βυζαντινόν κιβωτίδιον, 101–136; Grabar, Quelques reliquaires, 3–28; idem, Un nouveau reliquaire, 305–313; Wal- ter, The warrior saints, 67–93. 17 Few surviving works include the miniatures of a menologion made for Demetrios Palaiologos, Despot of Thessaloniki (Bodleian Li- brary, Oxford, MS. Gr. th. f. 1, fol. 54v–55r; 1322–1340), late thirteenth century murals of the Church of St. Demetrios (Metropolis) at Mistra, paintings in Bogorodica Ljeviška at Prizren dating from 1310–1313, St. Demetrios’ at Peć (1322–1324), Markov monastery (1376–77), the Church of Prophet Elijah in Thalames at Mani (late thirteenth–early fourteenth century), Tarnovo icon of St. Demetrios (mid-fourteenth century) and the most extensive Dečani cycle containing twelve scenes (around 1345). Cf. Hutter, Der despotes Demetrios Palaiologos, 183– 214; Chatzidakis, Mistra, 38–42; Tomić Ðurić, Idejne osnove tematskog programa, 672–678; Kontogiannis, Germa nidou, The iconographic program, 55–87; Walter, The warrior saints, 67–93; Radovanović, Heiliger Fig. 6. The sanctuary (drawing) Demetrios, 75–88; G. Gerov, Une oeuvre inconnue du XIV siècle: icône de saint Demetrios avec son cycle hagiographique, Scripta & e-Scripta 2 (2004) 143–155, etc. 83 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Fig. 7. The Ascension of the Cross, the vault

became especially popular in Byzantium proper as well as Judging by the iconographic and artistic peculiari- in its Slavic neighbourhood.18 ties, the Dodorka paintings must be dating from the late In this light, the early iconographic redactions of twelfth-early thirteenth century.20 If this were the case, the Dodorka scenes and their similarity with the Vatopedi Dodorka is the earliest painted cycle, indicating that such reliquary scenes of the second half of the twelfth century cycles were created even before the Palaiologan period,21 are highly remarkable. and that they spread farther to include the eastern regions That the paintings date from before the Palaiolo- of the Orthodox oikoumene. gan period is also suggested by their artistic peculiarities. po istorii gruzinskoĭ srednevekovoĭ monumentalʹnoĭ zhivopisi, Tbilisi Extending on a single plane, its placid, balanced com- 1980, 51–88; T. B. Virsaladze, Osnovnye ėtapy razvitiia͡ gruzinskoĭ positions feature elegant figures with almost classic pro- srednovekovoĭ monumentalʹnoĭ zhivopisi, in: Gruzinskia͡ srednevekovaia͡ portions, in standing positions, either static or in slight monumentalʹnaia͡ zhivopisʹ: izbrannye trudy, ed. V. Beridze, Tbilisi motion, dominating against plain backgrounds in which 2007, 10–24; M. Didebulidze, Wall paint ings, in: Georgian Christian settings are only conventionally marked; the figures are art, ed. D. Tumanishvili et al., Tbilisi 2008, 45–49, etc. 20 The proposed date is suggested by separate iconographic drawn with thin, placid lines marking the forms hid- elements and painting techniques, e.g. the Ascension of the Holy den behind the freely falling drapery. On the other hand, Cross, a scene traditionally represented in the domes of Georgian the overall structure of the paintings is characterized by churches, which first appears in the vaults of the Gareji rock-hewn certain latitude and dynamism, which is achieved by ex- churches from exactly the same period (The Motsameta chapel and the diaconicon of the main church of Udabno monastery, main tending separate scenes along walls (St Demetrios before church of Bertubani monastery). Cf. E. Privalova, Garejis mravalmt‘is Emperor Maximian in the south-west corner – fig. 10; St ‘Udabnos’ monastris ‘Mocamet‘as’ eklesiis šesaxeb, Sak‘art‘velos siżve- Demetrios Blessing St Nestor in the north corner – fig. 13, leni 3 (Tbilisi 2003) 196–204; T. B. Virsaladze, Gruzinskie kupolʹnye 15); rhythmic transitions from one scene to another unite skhemy zrelogo srednevekovʹi͡a, in: Gruzinski͡a srednevekovai͡a the entire wall decoration into one whole adding an ele- monumentalʹnai͡a zhivopisʹ: izbrannye trudy, ed. V. Beridze, Tbilisi 19 2007, 225–261; A. Volskaia, Bert‘ubnis monastris moxatulobani, ment of narration lacked by the scenes (fig. 17). Sak‘art‘velos siżveleni 13 (Tbilisi 2009) 53–63. Slightly raised gilded gesso halos adorning the most significant representations at Dodorka 18 F. Dvornik, Byzantine missions among the Slavs. SS. Constan- are distant reminders of the gesso pattern on the halos present on the tine-Cyril and Methodius, New Jersey 1970, 1–49, 230–258; D. Obolen- Sinai and Cypriot icons from the period of Latin domination, etc. K. sky, The cult of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki in the history of Byzantine- Weitzmann, Icon p ainting in the Crusader kingdom, DOP 20 (1966) Slav relations, BSt 15/1 (1974) 3–20; idem, Byzantium and the Slavs, 49–83; idem, Thirteenth century crusader icons on Mount Sinai, ArtB Crestwood – New York 1994, 280–300. 45/3 (1963) 179–203; M. S. Frinta, Raised gilded adornment of the Cy- 19 The free structure of the Dodorka murals reflects the priot icons, and the occurrence of the technique in the West, Gesta 20/2 trend toward dynamism that can be traced in Georgian wall paint- (1981) 333–347; D. Kotoula, ‘Maniera Cypria’ and thirteenth century ings from the late twelfth and early thirteenth c entury (i.e. Vard- icon production on the island of Cyprus: a critical approach, BMGS 28 zia, Betania and Timotesubani). In this light, the more conserva- (2004) 89–100, etc. tive character of the scenes can be explained by the earlier date of 21 Α. Ξυγγόπουλος, Ό εικονογραφικός κύκλος της ζωής του 84 the model. Cf. Е. L. Privalova, Rospisʹ Timotesubani. Issledovanie Αγίου Δημητρίου, Θεσσαλονίκη 1970, 49–52. Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

Fig. 8. St George and St Theodore; St Demetrios before Emperor Maximian, the south wall

The content of the Dodorka paintings reflects vested with the power of miraculous protection and be- the increased interest in Warrior Saints in the eleventh- lieved to bring victory.24 twelfth century Byzantium and the tendency of replace- However, bearing in mind that St Demetrios (unlike ment of the early Christian ideal of holy martyrs by mili- the Virgin, St George and St Nino) was not an object of 22 tary saints. particular veneration in Georgia, it can be assumed that As is well known, being a protector and patron of Thessaloniki, St Demetrios was also recognized as an in- 24 The protective and military functions of the Blachernai icons tercessor and patron of warriors during battles. Remarka- of the Virgin and the maphorion have been noted many times. How- bly, it was the Virgin Platytera, one of the Blachernai icons ever, an exact iconographic type of the icons often referred to as Blach- ernitissa has not been always established. In this regard, of note is an representing both the protective power associated with episode from the history of Russia, namely the 1169 battle of Novgoro- the Virgin Orans and military prowess of the Nikopois, dians against the army led by the Prince of Suzdal, during which the rarely used in Georgia at the time, that was selected for former displayed on the city walls the icon of the Virgin Platytera, decorating the apse.23 Together with the maphorion of the known as Bogomater’ Znamenie in Russian tradition, as a protection from the enemy and a sign of their hope for victory. Cf. Ė. S. Smirnova, Virgin, also housed in the Monastery of Blachernai, it was Novgorodskaia͡ ikona ‘Bogomater’ Znamenie: nekotorye voprosy Bogoro- dichnoĭ ikonografii XII veka, in: Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo. Balkany. Rusʹ, 22 A. P. Kazhdan, A. Wharton Epstein, Change in Byzantine ed. A. I. Komech et al., Sankt Peterburg 1995, 288–310; A. Weyl Carr, culture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Berkeley – Los Angeles – Treads of authority: the Virgin Mary’s veil in the Middle Ages, in: Robes London 1985, 110–119; Walter, The warrior saints, 67–93; M. White, and honor. The medieval world of investiture, ed. S. Gordon, New York Military saints in Byzantium and Rus, 900–1200, Cambridge 2013, 32– 2001, 59–93; J. Wortley, The Marian relics at Constantinople, GRBS 45 33, 64–94; P. Ł Grotowski, Arms and armour of the warrior saints. Tra- (2005) 171–187; B. V. Pentcheva, Icons and power. The Mother of God dition and innovation in Byzantine iconography (843–1261), Leiden– in Byzantium, Pennsylvania 2006, 61–108; S. J. Shoemaker, The cult of Boston 2010, 104–117, etc. fashion: the earliest life of the Virgin and Constantinople’s Marian rel- 23 Widely used in Byzantine art, this iconographic type ics, DOP 62 (2008) 53–74; H. Maguire, Body, clothing, metaphor: the first appeared in Georgia on a tenth century relief of the Korogho Virgin in early Byzantine art, in: The cult of the Mother of God in Byzan- church, while in wall painting, the earliest works date no earlier tium. Texts and images, ed. L. Brubaker, M. B. Cunningham, London – than the fourteenth century. Cf. N. Chichinadze, Konstantinopo- New York 2011, 39–52; Ch. Angelidi, T. Papamastorakis, Picturing the lis sascaulmok‘medi xatebi da XI–XIV saukuneebis k‘art‘uli p‘erceruli spiritual protector: from Blachernitissa to Hodegetria, in: Images of the xatebi, Sak‘art‘velos siżveleni 6 (Tbilisi 2004) 73–89; U. Khuskivadze, Mother of God. Perceptions of th e Theotokos in Byzantium, ed. M. Vas- Doret‘kari – cminda Barbares eklesiis moxatuloba, Sak‘art‘velos siż- silaki, Aldershot–Burlington 2005, 209–224; A. Kaldellis, The military veleni 13 (Tbilisi 2009) 104–122; T. Dadiani et al., Medieval Geor- use of the icon of the Theotokos and its moral logic in the historians of gian sculpture, Tbilisi 2017, 115, fig. 262; M. Qenia, Qovladcminda the ninth-twelfth centuries, Estudios bizantinos 1 (Madrid 2013) 56–75; ġmrt‘ismšobeli da svanet‘is šua saukuneebis mxatvroba, Sak‘art‘velos B. Miljković, Čudotvorna ikona u Vizantiji, Beograd 2017, 129–146, siżveleni 22 (Tbilisi 2019) 176–205. 239–240, etc. 85 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

to the one observed on the reliquary,26 which features an image of the saint on its surface pointing to the contents of the repository. Dodorka only combines the two sides within a single plane. Such an unparalleled r epresentation of the relic of St Demetrios, as well as the dedication of the entire painting programme to the saint’s life,27 appears to suggest that this small chapel served as a so-called ‘monumental reliquary’ and was created specifically for the relic of the saint translated to the royal monastery. Along with an unusual representation of a chlamys, my assumption that the holy relic was kept at Dodorka is supported by a strange architectural layout of the chapel apse and its artistic solution, which finds parallel neither in Gareji, nor in Georgian or Byzantine architecture, in general. The sanctuary of this chapel, which actually represents a small niche terminating in a conch, is cut in rock. The surrounding walls are built, as is a recess with semi- circular summit, coloured in red, which extends along the entire width (2.50 m.) of the church and is about ten cen- timeter deep. It dominates the east section of the chapel forming a strong, vivid and architectural accent in the simple rock-hewn space articulated by few small niches. The artistic decoration of the niche is designed so that the arch, which actually represents a triumphal arch of the sanctuary (the surface bears the text of Psalm 93.5 - Thy testimonies are very sure: holiness becometh thine house, O Lord, for ever), appears to ‘rest’ upon the pillars of the structures which are part of the Annunciation scene. Their spherical roofs of tile project into an inscription area from both sides. Close visual observation, as well as a technical study of the paint layer revealed that the niche had never been covered with paintings, but it was coloured in red, by applying a layer of ochre beneath and cinnabar on top (figs. 2, 23).28 The fact of designing such a structure specifically for the chapel and painting its surface with precious cin- Fig. 9. St Demetrios, the north wall nabar, and above all, the representations of Warrior Saints, near the sanctuary, as guardians, clearly indicates that it was to serve a special function by being home to a pre- the creation of a typically Byzantine cycle in a royal mon- cious object, possibly a part of the saint’s chlamys. astery was guided by a more specific reason. The chlamys of St Demetrios belongs to a circle of In this light, of note again is the scene of the saint’s the so-called ‘contact relics’ the translation of which from martyrdom, which includes an iconographic detail not Thessaloniki, unlike the bodily relics, was ‘approved’ by St found in any of the other scenes from his vita. This is Demetrios himself.29 St Demetrios’ miracle-working emerald-green chlamys, which, as if deliberately, recurs as a vivid, colourful accent 26 A. Weyl Carr, Icons and the object of pilgrimage in Middle on the saint’s attire, including on his military dress, and Byzantine Constantinople, DOP 56 (2002) 75–92; J. Elsner, Art and pil- is inserted in the foreground as an important relic, rather grimage, in: The Oxford handbook of Byzantine studies, ed. R. Cormack than a mere illustration, unlike the dismembered parts of et al., Oxford 2008, 741–749; H. A. Klein, Materiality and the sacred: 25 Byzantine reliquaries and the rhetoric of enshrinement, in: Saints and the body. Instead of spreading out as a piece of fabric, it sacred matter, 231–252. is placed obliquely and is knotted at the neck as if worn by 27 The painted cycles of St Demetrios are usually included in a man (fig. 21). extensive iconographic programmes. The relation between the hagiographic cycle and the 28 A technical study of the paintings has been conducted by representation of a holy relic in this scene is very similar Prof. Nana Kuprashvili. 29 As is known, the Thessaloniki clergy refused to disclose the location of the bodily relics of the saint and rejected the emperors 25 That the chlamys is deliberately included into the scene is, Justinian (527–565) and Maurice (582–602) who made numerous at- along with artistic accents, suggested by the fact that it is absent in the tempts to obtain the relics and translate them to Constantinople. The martyrdom episode of any of the vita redactions. This is even more refusal would be justified by the will of the saint and the emperors remarkable if we take into account the fact the painter of Dodorka would get only contact relics. Contact relics of St. Demetrios included 86 closely follows the Georgian redaction of the Passio text. an orarion, a ring, fragrant earth from his tomb and later, myrrh that Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

Fig. 10. St Demetrios before Emperor Maximian, the south-west corner

Fig. 11. St George and St Theodore; St Demetrios before Emperor Maximian (detail), the south wall (drawing)

The texts of the vita first refer to the chlamys in which he had built himself. Later, the chlamys was to be relation to the story of Leontius, Praetorian Prefect of Il- found in Constantinople and according to the Latin ver- lyricum, who was miraculously healed at the tomb on St sion of the Greek description of the metropolitan relics, Demetrios. As willed by Demetrios Leontius, transferred it was stored in Constantinople in the eleventh century.30 the chlamys and a part of an orarion, instead of the de- As long as the bodily relics of St Demetrios could not be sired bodily relics, from Thessaloniki to the city of Sirmi- traced, the chlamys, the miracle-working powers of which um and placed them in the church dedicated to the saint, were affirmed by the saint’s vita,31 was regarded so precious that instead of being placed in any of the churches exuded from his tomb according to the sources dating from 904, a year when the Muslims invaded Thessaloniki, but became widely known 30 K. N. Ciggaar, Une description de Constantinople traduite par from the twelfth century. Cf. J. C. Skedros, Saint Demetrios of Thessa- un pèlerin anglais, REB 34 (1976) 211–263 (in Latin); Opisanie svia-͡ loniki. Civic patron and divine protector: 4th–7th centuries CE, Harrisburg tynʹ Konstantinopoia͡ v latinskoĭ rukopisi XII veka, trans. L. K. Masielia͡ PA 1999, 85–88; Ch. Walter, Saint Demetrius: the Myroblytos of Thes- Sanchesa, in: Chudotvornаia͡ ikona v Vizantii i drevneĭ Rusi, ed. A. M. salonika, EChR 5 (1973) 157–178; Ch. Bakirtzis, Byzantine ampullae Lidov, Moskva 1996, 436–463. from Thessaloniki, in: The blessing of pilgrimage, ed. R. Ousterhout, Ur- 31 The vita tells the story of how the prefect Leontius and per- bana–Chicago 1990, 140–149. sons accompanying him were rescued from the overflowing Danube 87 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Fig. 12. The west section of the chapel

Fig. 13. The Scorpion Miracle; St Demetrios Blesses St Nestor (detail), the west wall 88 Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

Fig. 14. St Demetrios before Emperor Maximian (detail); The Scorpion Miracle; St Demetrios Blesses St Nestor (detail), (drawing) or monasteries dedicated to St Demetrios,32 it was located There is no written evidence to prove that the chla- in the Imperial Pharos chapel,33 where the Holy Man- mys of St Demetrios was kept in Thessaloniki. However, dylion, the Crown of Thorns, Holy Nails and other im- there is a seal of the late twelfth-early thirteenth centu- portant relics were kept.34 ry commissioned by Constantine Mesopotamites, Met- ropolitan of Thessaloniki, which features St Demetrios on their way to Sirmium thanks to the chlamys of St Demetrios; it also placing his own chlamys, as a sign of protection, over the accounts numerous miracles and healings performed in Sirmium. head of the commissioner, who is shown in the pose of 32 There are sources that indicate the presence of several churches of this type, e.g., according to Konstantin Porfirogenet’s Vita proskynesis. The inscription imprinted on the seal refers Basilii, among thirty one churches restored by Emperor Basil I, was a to the chlamys as a guardian and protector of the arch- church of St. Demetrios in the district of Deuteron, which confirms the bishop (fig. 22).35 presence of such churches before the ninth century. It is also known that the Grand Heteriarch George Palaiologos, who had made a highly The scene on the seal cannot certainly serve as con- successful career at the court of Manuel Komnenos, dedicated a mon- clusive evidence for proving the presence of this relic in astery to St. Demetrios, a celestial protector of the Palaiologan dynasty, Thessaloniki, yet it clearly indicates that at the turn of the in Constantinople. Cf. R. Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l’empire byzantin. Première partie. Le siège de Constantinople et le Patriarcat oe- thirteenth century, the cult of chlamys did exist and that it cuménique III. Les églises et les monastères, Paris 1953, 92–95; M. An- was firmly believed to have protective powers.36 Therefore, gold, Church and society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081–1261, the Thessalonian origin of the relic shall not be ruled out. Cambridge 1995, 299; R. G. Ousterhout, Reconstructing ninth-century Constantinople, in: Byzantium in the ninth century: dead or alive?, ed. It then appears that a part of the chlamys, supposed- L. Brubaker, Aldershot 1998, 115–130; Byzantine monastic foundation ly kept in Dodorka, may have originated either from Con- documents: a complete translation of the surviving founders’ typika and stantinople or from Thessaloniki. At present, it is not pos- testaments V, ed. J. Thomas, A. Constantinides Hero, Washington 2000, sible to establish with certainty how this relic could reach 1237–1253; V. D. Likhacheva, IA.͡ N. Liubarskiĭ,͡ Pamiatniki͡ iskusstva v “zhizneopisanii Vasiliia”͡ Konstantina Bagrianarodnogo͡ , VV 42 (1981) Georgia. It may have been given as a gift by a Byzantine 171–183. Emperor or high-ranking authorities of the Thessaloniki 33 This was most probably the chapel that Leo VI the Wise (866–912) added to the Pharos chapel after his liberation with the in- 35 V. Laurent, Le corpus des sceaux de 1’empire Byzantin V/1. tercession of St Demetrios as a sign of gratitude. The chapel was de- L’eglise de Constantinople, Paris 1963, 338–339; Ė. S. Smirnova, Khra- signed to allude to the saint’s ciborion in the Thessaloniki basilica. Cf. movaia͡ ikona Dmitrievskogo sobora: sviatost͡ ʹ solunskoĭ baziliki vo vla- P. Magdalino, Saint Demetrios and Leo VI, BS 51/2 (1990) 198–201. dimirskom khrame, in: Dmitrievskiĭ sobor vo Vladimire. K 800-letiiu͡ 34 R. de Clari, Zavoevanie Konstantinopolia,͡ Moskva 1986, sozdaniia,͡ ed. eadem, Moskva 1997, 220–254; V. P. Stepanenko, K iko- 59–60; N. Mesarites, Dekalog o relikviiakh͡ Strasteĭ, khraniashchikhsi͡ a͡ nografii kompozitsii͡ pechati Konstantina Mesopotamita (obrazy adoran- v tserkvi͡ Bogomateri Farosskoĭ, in: Relikvii v iskusstve i kulʹture vostoch- tov v vizantiĭskoĭ sfragistike), Antichnaia͡ drevno stʹ i srednie veka 46 nokhristianskogo mira, ed. A. M. Lidov, Moskva 2000, 127–131; H. A. (Ekaterinburg 2018) 120–126. Klein, Sacred relics and imperial ceremonies at the Great palace of Con- 36 Mesopotamites’ seal was made in Constantinople. Bear- stantinople, in: BYZAS V. Visualisierungen von herrschaft. Fruhmittelal- ing in mind, centuries-old competition for possessing holy relics of St terliche Residenzen – Gestalt und Zeremoniell, ed. F. A. Bauer, Istanbul Demetrios between emperors and the Thessalonian clergy, it might be 2006, 79–99; A. Lidov, A Byzantine Jerusalem. The imperial Pharos cha- possible to believe that the Metropolitan had the main Constantino- pel as the Holy Sepulcher, in: Jerusalem as narrative space, ed. A. Hoff- politan relic of St Demetrios represented on his seal to emphasize its mann, G. Wolf, Leiden–Boston 2012, 63–104, etc. Thessalonian origin and the legitimacy of his possession of the relic. 89 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Fig. 15. St Demetrios Blesses St Nestor (detail) and St Nestor Triumphs over Lyaios, the north wall

Church, or have been purchased either from them or, af- icons began to be disseminated from Thessaloniki, includ- ter 1204 – from the Latins.37 What is without doubt, judging those that represented the saint depicted on the lid of ing by the earlier (the Pharos chapel) and later (the Davit- the sarcophagus placed in the ciborion.39 It has been as- gareji royal monasteries) locations of the relic, is the high social status of its owner. By all indications, it belonged to 39 The first among them was a myrrh-exuding grave ‘covering’ a royal family. – προκαλυμμα, which Manuel Komnenos requisitioned from the Thes- saloniki cathedral in 1149 and deposited it in his family monastery of It is possible that the part of chlamys was placed in the Pantokrator in Constantinople. It is difficult to ascertain whether the reliquary, but it appears more plausible to believe that the icon was a piece of embroidered shroud or a relief plate. What is it was located in the reliquary icon of St Demetrios, which known though is that its translation was regarded so important that was the main, proskynesis icon of the church.38 This as- the incident is reported in the liturgical calendar of Constantinople. R. J. Macrides, Subversion and loyalty in the cult of Saint Demetrios, sumption seems to be further supported by historical BS 51/2 (1990) 189–197; P. Magdalino, The empire of Manuel I Kom- records, according to which, in the middle of or at the nenos: 1142–1180, Cambridge – New York 1993, 149–151, 178–179. end of the twelfth century, i.e. by around the time when It may well be that the Vsevolod the Big Nest, who translated such a Dodorka was decorated with paintings, apart from relics, myrrh-exuding icon to Vladimir together with a part of a holy shirt to place it in a reliquary church of St. Demetrios built for it in 1197, was inspired by Manuel. In Russian sources the icon is also referred to as 37 These were accepted ways of acquiring relics, while pre- a ‘grave slab’ (доска гробная). V. Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopiseĭ I. senting the latter as gifts to the rulers of foreign countries was a consti- Lavrentʹevskaia͡ letopisʹ, ed. A. Koshelev, Moskva 1997, 414, 436–437; tutive part of imperial diplomatic practice. Cf. P. V. Geary, Sacred com- Smirnova, Khramovaia͡ ikona, 220–254; M. White, The “grave cover- modities: the circulation of medieval relics, in: The social life of things. ing” of St. Demetrios between Byzantium and Rus, Književna istorija Commodities in social perspective, ed. A. Appadurai, Cambridge 1986, 152 (Beograd 2014) 9–28; eadem, Military saints, 32–33, 64–94. In 169–191; H. A. Klein, Eastern objects and western desires: relics and 1185, the Thessaloniki icon of St. Demetrios and probably, his relics reliquaries between Byzantium and the West, DOP 58 (2004) 283–314. were translated to the new capital of Bulgaria – Tarnovo and placed in 38 Kalopissi-Verti, The proskynetaria of the templon and nar- a church dedicated to the saint by the leaders of the uprising, Peter and 90 thex, 107–132. Asen, who claimed that St. Demetrios had left his native city Thessa- Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

Fig. 16. The Martyrdom of St Demetrios, the north wall sumed by some that a number of such icons, e.g. the well- It may well be that in the chapel, which lacked a known fourteenth-century mosaic icon of St Demetrios, chancel barrier and in which points of attachment of altar served as a reliquary.40 veil have not been discovered so far, the icon was placed in the above the sanctuary niche41 in imitation of Byzan- loniki for Tarnovo to become their celestial patron. A. Dobyčina, A “di- tine templons, the architraves of which were traditionally vine sanction” on the revolt: the cult of St Demetrius of Thessalonica and decorated with stationary icons and crosses.42 The back- the uprising of Peter and Asen (1185–1186), Studia Ceranea 2 (Lodz 2012) 113–126; eadem, Tyrnovo, kak “Novaia͡ Fessalonika”: sviatost͡ ʹ solunskoĭ ba ziliki v “Molitvennom dome” velikomuchenika Dimitriia͡ its frame, in: New research on late Byzantine goldsmiths’ works (13th–15th Solunskogo, Palaeobulgarica 35/4 (Sofia 2011) 24–40. Remarkably, centuries), ed. A. Bosselmann-Ruickbie, Mainz 2019, 43–54. another myrrh-giving icon was kept in the chapel of St Demetrios at 41 It may well be that the reliquary icon was placed deep in the Pharos, where the miracle-working chlamys was located (De Clari, Za- niche of the chapel of St Demetrios, rather than hung, as was the case voevanie, 60). This may have been the miracle-working icon that vic- in some of the rock-hewn chapels at Gareji, whose niches were defi- torious Isaac II Angel took away from Bulgarians and transferred to nitely used to hold icons. Constantinople with great pomp. 42 K. Weitzmann, I. Ševčenko, The Moses cross at Sinai, DOP 40 A. A. Vasiliev, The historical significance of the mosaic of 17 (1963) 385–398; J. A. Cotsonis, Byzantine figural processional cross- Saint Demetrius at Sassoferrato, DOP 5 (1950) 29–39; M. Dennert, Dis- es, Washington 1994, 26–29, 32–38; 106; Holy image hallowed ground. playing an icon: the mosaic icon of Saint Demetrios at Sassoferrato and Icons from Sinai, ed. R. S. Nelson, K. M. Collins, Los Angeles 2006, 91 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Fig. 17. St Demetrios Blesses St Nestor (detail) and St Nestor Triumphs over Lyaios; The Martyrdom of St Demetrios; St Demetrios, the north wall (drawing)

ground of the niche, the red colour of which symbolizes the royal power and martyrdom,43 can be a reference to a veil or fine silk cloth. It is well known that precious cloth was important attribute both in court and ecclesiastical ceremonies44 and was widely used for covering icons, altar tables and liturgical vessels,45 as well as for wrapping relics.46

212–213, cat. no. 35; V. Ma rinis, Architecture and ritual in the Churches of Constantinople: ninth to fifteenth centuries, Cambridge 2014, 29–30, 41–48; Kalopissi-Verti, The proskynetaria of the templon and narthex, 107–132. 43 L. James, Colour and the Byzantine rainbow, BMGS 15 (1991) 66–94; eadem, Color and meaning in Byzantium, JECS 11/2 (2003) 223–233. 44 A. M. Muthesius, Silk, power and diplomacy in Byzantium, in: Textiles in daily life, ed. B. Gordon, S. Baizerman, St. Paul MN 1993, 99–110; M. G. Parani, Mediating presence: curtains in Middle and Late Byzantine imperial ceremonial and portraiture, BMGS 42/1 (2018) Fig. 18. The Martyrdom of St Demetrios, Menologion of 1–25. Basil II (Ms. Vat.gr. 1613), late tenth century 45 V. Grumel, Le “miracle habituel” de Notre-Dame des (photo: Digital Vatican Library) Blechernes à Constantinople, EO 30 (1931) 129–146; W. Seibt, Die Dar- stellung der Theotokos auf byzantinischen Bleisiegel, besonders im 11. Jahrhundert, Studies in Byzantine Sigillography 1 (Washington 1987) The placement of relics in the east niche does not 35–56; А. Weyl Carr, Court culture and cult icons in Middle Byzan- seem to contradict the tradition of the time, bearing in mind tine Constantinople, in: Byzantine court culture from 829 to 1204, ed. 47 Н. Maguire, Washington 1997, 83; M. Evangelatou, Textile mediation the versatility of the locations used for keeping relics. in Late Byzantine visual culture: unveiling layers of meaning through A portico-like architectural element with its tympa- the fabrics of the Chora monastery, in: Catalogue of the textiles in the num supported by two pillars, the design of which looks Dumbarton Oaks Byzantine collection, ed. G. Bühl, E. Dospěl Williams, very similar to the Dodorka apse, often recurs on early Washington 2019; eadem, The purple thread of the flesh: the theological Christian, i.e. fourth-seventh century ivory, marble and connotations of a narrative iconographic element in Byzantine images of the Annunciation, in: Icon and word. The power of images in Byzantium, silver objects. It conventionally marks a background struc- ed. A. Eastmond, L. James, Aldershot 2003, 261–279; N. P. Constas, ture before which is represented either a saint or a certain Symeon of Thessalonike and the theology of the icon screen, in: Thresh- scene.48 A similar structure forms a background of the im- olds of the sacred. Architectural, art historical, liturgical, and theological perspectives on religious screens, East and West, ed. Sh. E. J. Gerstel, 47 A. M. Yasin, Sacred installations. The material conditions of Washington 2006, 163–183; idem, Weaving the body of God: Proclus relic collections in Late Antique churches, in: Saints and sacred matter, of Constantinople, the Theotokos, and the loom of the flesh, JECS 3/2 133–152; Y. Tsafrir, The loca sancta and the invention of relics in Pales- (1995) 169–194. tine from the fourth to seventh centuries: their impact on the ecclesiasti- 46 B. V. Pentcheva, The Performance of relics: concealment and cal architecture of the Holy Land, in: Eastern Christian relics, 56–64; M. desire in the Byzantine staging of leipsana, in: ΣΎΜΜΕΙΚΤΑ. Collection Bacci, Relics of the Pharos chapel: a view from the Latin West, in: East- of papers dedicated to the 40th anniversary of the Institute for art history, ern Christian relics, 234–246; N. Teteriatnikov, Relics in walls, pillars, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade, ed. I. Stevović, Belgrade and columns of Byzantine Church, in: Eastern Christian relics, 77–92; 2012, 55–72; M. Bagnoli, Dressing the relics: some thoughts on the cus- J. Smith, Care of relics in early medieval Rome, in: Rome and religion in tom of relic wrapping in medieval Christianity, in: Matter of faith: an in- the medieval world, ed. V. L. Garver, O. M. Phelan, Farnham–Burling- terdisciplinary study of relics and relic veneration in the medieval period, ton 2014, 179–205, etc. ed. J. Robinson et al., London 2014, 100–109; M. M. Fulghum, Under 48 V. Age of spirituality. Late Antique and early Christian art, wraps: Byzantine textiles as major and minor arts, Studies in the Deco- third to seventh century, ed. K. Weitzmann, New York 1979, cat. no. 92 rative Arts 9/1 (Chicago 2001–2002) 13–33. 474, 481, 486, 502, 517, 547. Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

Fig. 19. Reliquary of St Demetrios, Vatopedi monastery, second half of the twelfth century (after: Hostetler, The function of text: Byzantine reliquaries with epigrams) age of St Demetrios in the fifth-sixth century mosaic decoration adorning the little north colonnade in the Thessa- loniki basilica dedicated to the saint.49 The structure has been identified by scholars as the saint’s ciborion (fig. 24). Set halfway down the nave of the basilica of St Dem- etrios, on the north side, the ciborion – a hexagonal silver structure with a cone-shaped roof supported by six columns – sheltered a silver bed or couch upon which was en- graved a bust or effigy of the saint,50 which was believed to be the tomb of the saint and the site of his true presence. Due to the lack of bodily relics, it was a main object of veneration related to St Demetrios. Of note is that the saint’s relics (i.e. blood and myrrh) were disseminated both within and outside the Empire through reliquaries, the majority of which were associated with a ciborion.51 Some of them (the Kremlin reliquary, 1059–67; fig. 25) 52 were exact replicas of the ciborion, while others were designed to imitate the architectural features of its interior (reliquaries of St Deme- trios from the British Museum (fig. 26) and Dumbarton Oaks, both from the twelfth-thirteenth century; a group of

49 Xyngopoulos, The mosaics, 30–31, fig. 29, 32; C ormack, Writ- ing in gold, 50–94; idem, The mosaic decoration of S. Demetrios, Thessa- loniki: a re-examination in the light of the drawings of W. S. George, ABSA 64 (1969) 17–52; Skedros, Saint Demetrios of Thessaloniki, 70–81. 50 P. Lemerle, Les plus anciens recueils des miracles de saint De- metrius I. Le texte, Paris 1979, 66, 114–115; C. Mango, The art of the Byzantine empire: 312–1453. Sources and documents, Toronto–Buffa- lo–London 1986, 129–130, 206; D. I. Pallas, Le ciborium hexagonal de Saint-Démétrios de Thessalonique, Zograf 10 (1979) 44–58; Cormack, Writing in gold, 63–64; Ch. Bakirtzis, Pilgrimage to Thessalonike: the tomb of St. Demetrios, DOP 56 (2002) 175–192; Skedros, Saint Deme- Fig. 20. The Martyrdom of St Demetrios, Sinai Monastery trios of Thessaloniki, 88–94; J. Bogdanović, The performativity of shrines of St Catherine, late sixteenth century icon (courtesy in a Byzantine Church: the shrines of St. Demetrios, in: Spatial icons. of the Michigan-Princeton-Alexandria expeditions to the Monastery Performativity in Byzantium and medieval Russia, ed. A. Lidov, Mos- of St Catherine on Mount Sinai) cow 2011, 275–316. 51 Grabar, Quelques reliquaires, 3–28; idem, Un nouveau reliquaire, 307–313. three reliquaries from the treasury of the cathedral at Hal- 52 I. A. Sterligova, Vizantiĭskiĭ moshchevik Dimitriia͡ Solunsko- berstadt, tenth, twelfth century, etc).53 go iz Moskovskogo Kremlia͡ i ego sudʹba v drevneĭ Rusi, in: Dmitrievskiĭ sobor vo Vladimire. K 800-letiiu͡ sozdaniia͡ , ed. eadem, Moskva 1997, 255–273; L. Veneskey, Truth and mimesis in Byzantium: a speaking reli- 53 J. Elsner, Relic, icon, and architecture: the material articula- quary of Saint Demetrios of Thessaloniki, AH 42/1 (2019) 16–39. tion of the holy in East Christian art, in: Saints and sacred matter, 13– 93 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Fig. 21. The Martyrdom of St. Demetrios (detail), the chlamys of the saint, the north wall

It is well known that in the Middle Ages, replica- tion of the holy sites and sacred spaces did not necessarily involve precise imitation of their topography and architectural forms; just the opposite – craftsmen show certain ‘indifference’ towards precise imitation of the original. To indicate spiritual connection or identity with the proto- type, repetition of certain elements, measurement units or even a name was believed sufficient. The reference to the archetype was even stronger if it was materially represented and if the newly created space sheltered icons and more importantly, relics associated with it.55 Relics Fig. 22. Seal of Constantine Mesopotamites, Metropolitan formed a material and spiritual axis of the sacred space of Thessaloniki, late twelfth-early thirteenth century they created around themselves, space in which believers (after: Laurent, Le corpus des sceaux de 1’Empire byzantin) could experience a sense of spiritual connection with or true presence in the famous locus sanctus. It might be possible to assume that the unusual de- It is remarkable that two other reliquary churches sign of the apse of the ‘monumental reliquary’ at Dodor- of St Demetrios, namely that of Vladimir (1197) and Tar- ka symbolized a ciborion, conventionally replicating the novo (1185), both created to allude to the sacred site of open tympana supported by columns, elements that can the basilica of St Demetrios, date from around the same be best adapted to the shape of the apse. period as Dodorka. Tarnovo was even declared by its founders a new abode of St Demetrios, i.e. a substute of This is just an assumption, yet, irrespective of what Thessaloniki.56 this specific architectural element might be suggesting, the content of the paintings and the representation of a Similar chronologies of the creation of reliquary relic provide sufficient evidence to conclude that this churches of St Demetrios in such distant areas of the Or- small chapel at Dodorka was conceived in memoria of the and functional element of this church of unusual design is a bay which Thessaloniki basilica of St Demetrios, ‘the most sacred has a niche hewn in its east wall to hold the precious relic. The scenes church of all-glorious martyr’.54 from the Passion of Christ, presented in the painting programme, were arranged by St. Neophytos himself so as to highlight the relic. Cf. C. Mango, E. J. W. Hawkins, The hermitage of St. Neophytos and its wall 40; B. A. Hostetler, The function of text: Byzantine reliquaries with epi- paintings, DOP 20 (1966) 119–206; Cormack, Writing in gold, 215–251; grams, 843–1204, Florida 2016, 52–58 (doctoral dissertation, Florida N. Teteriatnikov, The relic of the Tr ue Cross and Jerusalem loca sancta: State University). the case of the making of sacred spaces in the St. Neophytos’ Encleistra, 54 Among numerous examples of replicating the sacred sites, Paphos, in: Hierotopy. Creation of sacred spaces in Byzantium and medi- the main church of the Encleistra monastery near Paphos (Cyprus) eval Russia, ed. A. Lidov, Moscow 2006, 409–433. is especially noteworthy for its typological similarity with Dodorka. 55 R . K r a u t h e i m e r , Introduction to an “iconography of mediae- Founded by St. Neophytos in memoria of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusa- val architecture”, JWCI 5 (1942) 1–33. 94 lem, it was built for storing a part of the True Cross. Main architectural 56 V. n. 39. Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

Fig. 23. Niche above the sanctuary of the chapel

Fig. 24. The lost mosaic of the north colonnade, fifth-sixth century, Church of St Demetrios, Thessaloniki, W.S. George’s drawing (after: Cormack, The mosaic decoration of S. Demetrios) thodox world cannot be coincidental and must be indica- Fig. 25. Reliquary of St Demetrios, 1059–1067, Kremlin tive of a trend associated with the spread of the saint’s cult Armoury Chamber (photo: The Armoury Chamber, and, Georgia’s being part of this process. collections online) That Georgians were fully familiar with the cult of St Demetrios and acknowledged the sacral value of his holy saint Ilarion Kartveli (Hilarion the Iberian) made pilgrim- relics is without doubt. Although very little is known of age.57 While St Ilarion’s journey to Thessaloniki might be the exchange between Georgia and the ‘second city’ of the viewed as a reflection of the learned monk’s personal pi- Byzantine Empire, as well as of the spread of the cult of St Demetrios in the early period, it is apparent. That already 57 in the ninth century Demetrios was regarded a Great It is noteworthy that St. Ilarion continued his career as monk in Thessaloniki, which would definitely contribute to the Martyr and his tomb was believed so sacred that it was deepening of ecclesiastical and secular relations between Georgia and one of the sites, along with the first-rate relics in Palestine, Thessaoloniki . V. C‘xorebay da mok‘alakobay Ilarion k‘art‘velisay, in: Rome and Constantinople, to which the great Georgian Żveli k‘art‘uli agiografiuli literaturis żeglebi II, ed. I. Abuladze et al., Tbilisi 1967, 9–37. 95 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Relics of St Demetrios were among highly desired sacred objects. The strong determination to retain the holy relics of the saint and enjoy his undivided protection encouraged separatist movements in Thessaloniki, which, by the thirteenth century, generated the city’s ambition to seek ecclesiastical and political independence from Constantinople.60 By claiming the saint’s patronage, Bulgarian and Russian rulers strived to demonstrate their status, political legitimacy and power;61 while the Holy See sought to use the cult of St Demetrios as an instrument in its competition with Byzantium, and also, as a political and diplomatic message for internal allies both when in 867 Anastasius Bibliothecarius (Anastasius the Librarian) translated the saint’s passion and miracles for the Frankish emperor Charles the Bald into Latin and later, in 1098, when the Crusaders attempted to ‘obtain’ his protection.62 Having centuries-old uninterrupted dynastic mo- narchical tradition, Georgia would have no need to prove the legitimacy of the Bagrationi house or to seek the strengthening of its royal power. But that the Georgian crown would have a desire to become a regional player and cherish an ambition to emulate Constantinople at the Fig. 26. Reliquary of St Demetrios, twelfth- thirteenth end of the twelfth and beginning of the thirteenth century century, The British Museum (©Trustees of the British is natural, and also supported by evidence. For the Bagra- Museum) tioni royal house, then at the zenith of its military power and glory, it was a matter of prestige to gain the protection and benediction of the saint which, by that time, had ety, according to Timarion, an anonymous Byzantine sa- become a symbol of the military victory of the Empire, tirical dialogue, in the twelfth century large numbers of and the possession of his holy relics and the creation of Georgian pilgrims visited the saint’s tomb in Thessaloniki sacred space for them in memoria of the Thessaloniki and participated in a great feast dedicated to him.58 It is loca sancta had become a trend. therefore possible to assume that a model of ciborion or a holy relic of St Demetrios was brought to Georgia from The possible import of the most treasured relic of Thessaloniki. St Demetrios to Georgia, as well as the creation of a reliquary chapel decorated with the scenes from the saint’s As is well known, apart from its religious and ide- life for keeping the relic should be viewed as part of the ological importance, the possession of holy relics in the political and cultural processes that unfolded in the Or- Middle Ages had a political bearing. Sacred objects, and thodox world in the twelfth and thirteenth century. especially primary relics, highlighted the legitimacy of the rule of their owners and granted a state posessing them a privileged status among other Christian countries. There- fore, both Orthodox Christian and Latin rulers spared no effort to acquire holy relics.59

58 Timarion, trans. B. Baldwin, Detroit 1984, 44; B. MacDou- gall, The festival of Saint Demetrios, the Timarion, and the Aithiopika, BMGS 40/1 (2016) 136–150. 59 P. J. Ge a r y, Furta sacra. Thefts of relics in the central Mid- dle Ages, Princeton NJ 1978, 88–94; T. Deĭl, Stolp-relikvariĭ sv. Mar- loyalty, 189–197; J. W. Barker, Late Byzantine Thessalonike: a second ka. Politika chudes i ikonograficheskie programmy v srednevekovoĭ city’s challenges and responses, DOP 57 (2003) 5–33. 60 Venet͡sii, in: Chudotvornаi͡a ikona v Vizantii i drevneĭ Rusi, ed. A. Macrides, Subversion and loyalty, 189–197; Barker, Late M. Lidov, Moskva 1996, 96–116; E. Bakalova, Relikvii u istokov kul- Byzantine Thessalonike, 5–33. ta svi͡atykh, in: Eastern Christian relics, 19–44; H. A. Klein, Sacred 61 Smirnova, Khramovaia͡ ikona, 220–254; M. White, Relics things and holy bodies: collecting relics from Late Antiquity to the early and the princely clan in Rus, in: Byzantium and the Viking world, ed. F. Renaissance, in: Treasures of Heaven. Saints, relics, and devotion in Androshchuk et al., Uppsala 2016, 391–408; Dobyčina, A “divine sanc- medieval Europe, ed. M. Bagnoli et al., New Haven – London 2010, tion”, 113–126. 55–67; A. V. Maiorov, Vostochnokhristianskie relikvii i idei͡a “perenosa 62 B. Neil, Seventh-century popes and martyrs: the political imperii”: Vizantii͡a, Balkany, Drevni͡ai͡a Rusʹ, Religiovedenie 1 (Ekat- hagiography of Anastasius Bibliothecarius, Turnhout 2006, 58, 90–91; erinburg 2011) 17–24; D. Popović, Relics and politics in the Midd- E. Lapina, Demetrius of Thessaloniki: patron saint of crusaders, Viator le Ages: the Serbian approach, in: Eastern Christian relics, 161–180; 40/2 (Turnhout 2009) 93–112; R. Forrai, Byzantine saints for Frankish eadem, “God dwelt even in their bodies in spiritual wise’ – relics and warriors. Anastasius Bibliothecarius’ latin version of the Passion of Saint reliquaries in medieval Serbia, in: Byzantine heritage and Serbian art Demetrius of Thessaloniki, in: L’héritage byzantine en Italie (VIIIe–XIIe II. Sacral art of the Serbian lands in the Middle Ages, ed. D. Vojvo- siècle) III. Décor monumental, objets, tradition textuelle, ed. S. Brodbeck 96 dić, D. Popović, Belgrade 2016, 133–147; Macrides, Subversion and et al., Rome 2015, 185–202. Bulia M.: Reliquary-chapel of Saint Demetrios at the Davitgareji Desert

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Реликвијарна капела Светог Димитрија у пустињи Давид Гареџа

Maрина Булија Национални центар за проучавање историје грузијске уметности и заштиту споменика Г. Чубинашвили, Тбилиси, Грузија

Рад је посвећен капели усеченој у стену, недав- нографских образаца, историјатом реликвија светог но откривеној у манастиру Додорка у пустињи Давид Димитрија, наменом њему посвећене капеле и уопште Гареџа. Капела је украшена живописом из позног XII узајамним утицајима грузијских и византијских умет- или раног XIII века. Његовим тематским програмом ничких и културних традиција. доминира циклус Житија светог Димитрија, којем у Сликани програм у Додорки изузетно је сажет, Грузији нису пронађене паралеле. Вредан пажње из са снажно потцртаним идејним нагласцима. У олтар- више разлога, циклус покреће важна питања у вези ском простору налази се попрсна представа Бого- с хронологијом и географском распрострањеношћу родице Знамења – симболичка слика Христовог ова- таквих циклуса, у вези с пореклом непознатих ико- плоћења; са обе стране олтарске нише приказане су 99 ЗОГРАФ 44 (2020) [79–100]

Благовести, историјска представа Отеловљења и ње- Претпоставку да је та реликвија чувана у До- гова наративна потврда. На своду је велика тријум- дорки додатно поткрепљују необичан архитектонски фална сцена Вазнесења Часног крста. На бочним облик олтарског дела капеле и његово уметничко ре- странама олтарског простора насликани су свети рат- шење, којима нема аналогија ни у Гареџи, ни у гру- ници: свети Ђорђе и свети Теодор на јужној страни, зијској, нити византијској уметности уопште. Изнад а свети Димитрије, патрон храма, на северној. У пре- апсиде се у читавој ширини цркве простире велика осталом делу капеле, то јест на западном крају јужног ниша, дубока десетак сантиметара. Обликована као зида, на западном зиду и већем делу северног пред- тимпанон и обојена црвеним цинобером, изгледа да стављено је шест епизода из живота светог Димитрија је била намењена за смештање драгоценог предмета, у виду четири сцене смештене у доњу зону живописа. највероватније дела хламиде, једне од „контактних ре- Колико год то необично изгледало, циклус који ликвија“ светог Димитрија, која је због непостојања је углавном заснован на византијским иконографским светитељевих телесних реликвија сматрана посебно моделима садржи иконографске елементе какви се вредном. нису могли пронаћи ни у грчким текстовима житија Захваљујући особеним архитектонским и умет- светог, нити на сликама насталим на основу тих тексто- ничким својствима, источни део капеле, попут већине ва. Поређење одговарајућих представа и текстова пока- реликвијара намењених реликвијама светог заштит- зало је да се необичности у интерпретацији појединих ника Солуна (крви и миру), повезан је с киворијумом сцена (Мучење светог Димитрија, Свети Димитрије – жижом култа светог Димитрија – који је поштован пред царем Максимијаном и Чудо са шкорпијом) могу као његова гробница. Уз тематику сликарства и пред- објаснити приврженошћу сликара грузијској редакцији ставу поменуте реликвије у том живопису, особено житија из XI века, чији је аутор Јевтимије Атонски, а обликовано светилиште јасно указује на то да је ова која садржи низ важних елемената што се не налазе ни мала реликвијарна капела посвећена светом Дими- у једном од грчких изворника. трију била замишљена као memoria базилике Светог Утврђивање времена настанка циклуса из До- Димитрија у Солуну. дорке чини се нарочито значајним будући да је ре- Вредно је пажње то што су реплике светог про- ликвијар из Ватопеда, онај с најстаријим сачуваним стора солунске базилике Светог Димитрија у време циклусом Светог Димитрија, датован у другу полови- настанка Додорке постојале и у Бугарској (1185) и Ру- ну XII столећа, док се сви други сликани циклуси при- сији (1197), где су реликвијарне цркве, изгледа, биле писују добу Палеолога или каснијем времену. Пошто намењене чувању реликвија и икона донетих из Со- се одликује иконографским и уметничким особено- луна. Околност да реликвијарне цркве везане за култ стима карактеристичним за остварења раног периода, светог Димитрија настају готово истовремено у тако живопис Додорке мора се датовати у касни XII или удаљеним областима православног света не може рани XIII век. Стога разматрани циклус, најранији бити плод случајности и несумњиво указује на ши- познати сликани циклус Житија светог Димитрија, рење свечевог култа као на процес у којем је учество- пружа довољно основа за уверење да су сликарском вала и Грузија. техником изведена дела са овом тематиком настаја- Задобијање заштите и благослова светог ратни- ла и пре доба Палеолога, те да су се раширила далеко ка – до тог времена већ увелико симбола војне победе изван Византије и њеног словенског суседства, досе- царства – било би питање престижа за краљевски дом жући до источних области православног света. Багратиона, којем је, по свему судећи, припадао део На намену разматране капеле, украшене фре- хламиде светог и који је врхунац војне моћи и славе скама с типично византијским циклусом, указује ико- досегао управо на прелазу између XII и XIII столећа. нографска појединост којој нису пронађене паралеле Поседовање реликвија светог Димитрија и уобли- у циклусима Житија светог Димитрија. Биће да је чу- дотворна смарагднозелена хламида приказана у пр- чавање светог простора према моделу из солунског вом плану сцене свечевог мучеништва да би се тиме светилишта представљали су својеврстан израз та- истакла значајна реликвија, а не зарад пуке илустра- дашњих култних токова и пракси. Претпостављено тивности. Тако необичан приказ те реликвије светог допремање најцењеније реликвије светог Димитрија Димитрија и чињеница да сцене из његовог житија у Грузију и подизање реликвијарне капеле украшене доминирају програмом живописа мале капеле указују сценама из његовог житија за чување те реликвије на то да је она била такозвани монументални рели- треба сагледавати као део политичких и културних квијар, посебно намењен за чување поменуте свети- процеса који су се одвијали у православном свету у тељеве реликвије пренете у краљевски манастир. XII и XIII веку.

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