The German Question of Reunification
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The Superpowers: a Soviet Perspective
Commentary Karen Brutents Europe Between the Superpowers: A Soviet Perspective Robert Hutchings writes that the end of the cold war resulted from ‘‘the interaction between super- power relations and developments in Europe’’ and ‘‘was not some- thing bestowed on Europe by U.S. and Soviet leaders, but neither was it something that Europe could have achieved on its own.’’ Nevertheless, he suggests that the accurate term for these events is ‘‘self-liberation.’’ Indeed, the emergence of the popular and opposition move- ments ultimately served as the major factor in the liberation of Eastern Europe. The materials at our disposal show that the effect of perestroika in the Soviet Union, along with Mikhail Gorba- chev’s policy line and practical steps, played a decisive role in trans- forming latent discontent into a mass movement in the majority of Eastern European nations. Even in Poland and Hungary, where democratic demonstrations were more active, the Communist re- gimes still maintained a foothold. That foothold was particularly firm in Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia. As for the German Demo- cratic Republic (GDR), a key country in the Warsaw Treaty Orga- nization, its citizens began to rise up only when it became clear that Gorbachev not only sympathized with them but would never allow the use of force against them. Before that, most of them re- mained silent, apparently out of guilt rooted in World War II and a related fear that disturbances in the GDR might cause the Russians and their troops stationed in Germany to seek revenge. It is also ................. 16548$ COM5 11-06-07 10:07:58 PS PAGE 218 Europe Between the Superpowers: A Soviet Perspective 219 possible that some of the intelligentsia were restrained by a sense of responsibility and an understanding that the use of force in the GDR could lead to a global military confrontation. -
The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914
The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914 Emily Murray Professor Goldberg History Honors Thesis April 11, 2016 1 Historian Niall Ferguson introduced his seminal work on the twentieth century by posing the question “Megalomaniacs may order men to invade Russia, but why do the men obey?”1 He then sought to answer this question over the course of the text. Unfortunately, his analysis focused on too late a period. In reality, the cultural and political conditions that fostered unparalleled levels of bloodshed in the twentieth century began before 1900. The 1870 Franco- Prussian War and the years that surrounded it were the more pertinent catalyst. This event initiated the environment and experiences that catapulted Europe into the previously unimaginable events of the twentieth century. Individuals obey orders, despite the dictates of reason or personal well-being, because personal experiences unite them into a group of unconscious or emotionally motivated actors. The Franco-Prussian War is an example of how places, events, and sentiments can create a unique sense of collective identity that drives seemingly irrational behavior. It happened in both France and Germany. These identities would become the cultural and political foundations that changed the world in the tumultuous twentieth century. The political and cultural development of Europe is complex and highly interconnected, making helpful insights into specific events difficult. It is hard to distinguish where one era of history begins or ends. It is a challenge to separate the inherently complicated systems of national and ethnic identities defined by blood, borders, and collective experience. -
China's Fear of Contagion
China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S. -
France and the German Question, 1945–1955
CreswellFrance and and the Trachtenberg German Question France and the German Question, 1945–1955 ✣ What role did France play in the Cold War, and how is French policy in that conºict to be understood? For many years the prevailing as- sumption among scholars was that French policy was not very important. France, as the historian John Young points out, was “usually mentioned in Cold War histories only as an aside.” When the country was discussed at all, he notes, it was “often treated as a weak and vacillating power, obsessed with outdated ideas of a German ‘menace.’”1 And indeed scholars often explicitly argued (to quote one typical passage) that during the early Cold War period “the major obsession of French policy was defense against the German threat.” “French awareness of the Russian threat,” on the other hand, was sup- posedly “belated and reluctant.”2 The French government, it was said, was not eager in the immediate postwar period to see a Western bloc come into being to balance Soviet power in Europe; the hope instead was that France could serve as a kind of bridge between East and West.3 The basic French aim, according to this interpretation, was to keep Germany down by preserving the wartime alliance intact. Germany itself would no longer be a centralized state; the territory on the left bank of the Rhine would not even be part of Germany; the Ruhr basin, Germany’s industrial heartland, would be subject to allied control. Those goals, it was commonly assumed, were taken seriously, not just by General Charles de Gaulle, who headed the French provisional government until Jan- uary 1946, but by Georges Bidault, who served as foreign minister almost without in- terruption from 1944 through mid-1948 and was the most important ªgure in French foreign policy in the immediate post–de Gaulle period. -
English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War Andrew Mcginnis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University Bridgewater State University Virtual Commons - Bridgewater State University Honors Program Theses and Projects Undergraduate Honors Program 12-17-2015 A Snapshot in Time: English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War Andrew McGinnis Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/honors_proj Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation McGinnis, Andrew. (2015). A Snapshot in Time: English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War. In BSU Honors Program Theses and Projects. Item 125. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/honors_proj/125 Copyright © 2015 Andrew McGinnis This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. A Snapshot in Time: English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War Andrew McGinnis Submitted in Partial Completion of the Requirements for Commonwealth Honors in History Bridgewater State University December 17, 2015 Dr. Leonid Heretz, Thesis Director Dr. Thomas Nester, Committee Member Dr. Sarah Wiggins, Committee Member A Snapshot in Time: English Reactions to the Franco-Prussian War Andrew McGinnis 13 December 2015 2 The decade culminating in 1871 was filled with turmoil and forceful politics that united Germany under Prussian control. The major event that completed this process was the Franco- Prussian War of 1870-1871. This war led to a change in the status quo. It both weakened France’s power and strengthened the legitimacy of a unified Germany under Prussia. In the 19th Century, Great Britain was the dominant country in European power politics. -
November 10, 1989 Letter, General Secretary of the SED Egon Krenz to General Secretary of the CC CPSU Mikhail Gorbachev
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified November 10, 1989 Letter, General Secretary of the SED Egon Krenz to General Secretary of the CC CPSU Mikhail Gorbachev Citation: “Letter, General Secretary of the SED Egon Krenz to General Secretary of the CC CPSU Mikhail Gorbachev,” November 10, 1989, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, CWIHP Archives. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/118701 Summary: General Secretary Krentz reports to Gorbachev that East Germany has allowed GDR citizens to cross the border to West Berlin following mass protests at the Berlin Wall and its checkpoints. Of the 60,000 citizens who took advantage of the open border, reportedly 45,000 returned to East Germany after visiting the west. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation General Secretary CC CPSU comrade Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev Moscow Dear comrade Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev! In connection with the developments of the situation in GDR, tonight it became necessary to make a decision to permit the exit of citizens of the German Democratic Republic to West Berlin as well. A large gathering of people at the KPP [Kontrollpassierpunkt - checkpoint] to West Berlin demanded a quick decision from us. Denying passage to West Berlin could have led to serious consequences whose scale would become unforeseeable. The articles of the Quadripartite agreement on West Berlin does not bear on this decision, since permissions for exit into West Berlin to visit relatives have been given out up until now as well. Last night, about 60 thousand citizens of the GDR crossed the KPP into West Berlin. -
November 20, 1989 Information Note from the Romanian Embassy in Berlin to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified November 20, 1989 Information Note from the Romanian Embassy in Berlin to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Citation: “Information Note from the Romanian Embassy in Berlin to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,” November 20, 1989, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, AMAE, Berlin/1989, vol. 3, pp. 64-66. Translated for CWIHP by Mircea Munteanu http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/111549 Summary: Note from the Romanian Embassy in Berlin to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding the state of the internal political situation in the GDR, the uncertainty of the future of the GDR, protests by citizens of the GDR in front of the Romanian embassy and the need for change in Romanian apporaches to relations with the GDR Original Language: Romanian Contents: English Translation 20 November 1989, 10:30 pm Cde. Ioan Stoian, [Minister of Foreign Affairs], We would like to inform you of our impressions of the evolution of the political situation developing in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), its future, and [to send] our proposals regarding the evolution of bilateral relations. 1. The internal political situation in the GDR is still at a critical state. The SED—the party of the Communists—has lost, de facto, its leadership role. Shortly, this will be confirmed de jure by removing Article 1 of the GDR Constitution, which refers to the role of the SED in [East-German] society. The non-Communist parties, which, at this time, have declared their complete independence [of action], as well as the other, recently formed organizations, are exercising a great deal of pressure on the SED and are beginning to have considerable influence on all political decisions regarding the country's future. -
German’ Communities from Eastern Europe at the End of the Second World War
EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND CIVILIZATION EUI Working Paper HEC No. 2004/1 The Expulsion of the ‘German’ Communities from Eastern Europe at the End of the Second World War Edited by STEFFEN PRAUSER and ARFON REES BADIA FIESOLANA, SAN DOMENICO (FI) All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author(s). © 2004 Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees and individual authors Published in Italy December 2004 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico (FI) Italy www.iue.it Contents Introduction: Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees 1 Chapter 1: Piotr Pykel: The Expulsion of the Germans from Czechoslovakia 11 Chapter 2: Tomasz Kamusella: The Expulsion of the Population Categorized as ‘Germans' from the Post-1945 Poland 21 Chapter 3: Balázs Apor: The Expulsion of the German Speaking Population from Hungary 33 Chapter 4: Stanislav Sretenovic and Steffen Prauser: The “Expulsion” of the German Speaking Minority from Yugoslavia 47 Chapter 5: Markus Wien: The Germans in Romania – the Ambiguous Fate of a Minority 59 Chapter 6: Tillmann Tegeler: The Expulsion of the German Speakers from the Baltic Countries 71 Chapter 7: Luigi Cajani: School History Textbooks and Forced Population Displacements in Europe after the Second World War 81 Bibliography 91 EUI WP HEC 2004/1 Notes on the Contributors BALÁZS APOR, STEFFEN PRAUSER, PIOTR PYKEL, STANISLAV SRETENOVIC and MARKUS WIEN are researchers in the Department of History and Civilization, European University Institute, Florence. TILLMANN TEGELER is a postgraduate at Osteuropa-Institut Munich, Germany. Dr TOMASZ KAMUSELLA, is a lecturer in modern European history at Opole University, Opole, Poland. -
Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany
Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Roland Bleiker Monograph Series Number 6 The Albert Einstein Institution Copyright 01993 by Roland Bleiker Printed in the United States of America. Printed on Recycled Paper. The Albert Einstein Institution 1430 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 ISSN 1052-1054 ISBN 1-880813-07-6 CONTENTS Acknowledgments ................... .... ... .. .... ........... .. .. .................. .. .. ... vii Introduction ..............................................................................................1 Chapter 1 A BRIEF HISTORY OF DOMINATION, OPPOSITION, AND REVOLUTION IN EAST GERMANY .............................................. 5 Repression and Dissent before the 1980s...................................... 6 Mass Protests and the Revolution of 1989 .................................... 7 Chapter 2 THE POWER-DEVOLVING POTENTIAL OF NONVIOLENT S"I'RUGGLE................................................................ 10 Draining the System's Energy: The Role of "Exit" ...................... 10 Displaying the Will for Change: The Role of "Voice" ................ 13 Voluntary Servitude and the Power of Agency: Some Theoretical Reflections ..................................................15 Chapter 3 THE MEDIATION OF NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE: COMPLEX POWER RELATIONSHIPS AND THE ENGINEERING OF HEGEMONIC CONSENT ................................21 The Multiple Faces of the SED Power Base ..................................21 Defending Civil -
Der Deutsche Bund: 1815-1866' and Hewitson, 'Nationalism in Germany, 1848-1866: Revolutionary Nation'
Habsburg Austensen on Gruner, 'Der Deutsche Bund: 1815-1866' and Hewitson, 'Nationalism in Germany, 1848-1866: Revolutionary Nation' Review published on Tuesday, October 9, 2012 Wolf D. Gruner. Der Deutsche Bund: 1815-1866. Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 2010. 128 pp. EUR 8.95 (paper), ISBN 978-3-406-58795-5.Mark Hewitson. Nationalism in Germany, 1848-1866: Revolutionary Nation. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. xiii + 462 pp. $90.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-4039-1329-6; $34.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-4039-1330-2. Reviewed by Roy A. Austensen (Valparaiso University) Published on HABSBURG (October, 2012) Commissioned by Jonathan Kwan A European Germany or a German Europe? As we approach the bicentennial of the Congress of Vienna (1814-15), historians are still very much concerned with the political settlements regarding central Europe that resulted in the creation of the German Confederation (the Deutsche Bund), a loose confederation of thirty-five states and four free cities that included the German territories of two great powers, Austria and Prussia. Under the presidency of Austria, the Bund provided a modest degree of unity for the German states while maintaining the sovereignty of its members. From its very beginning, the Bund was a disappointment to those who argued for the creation of some sort of united Germany; and dissatisfaction with the Bund only grew over the years, given its cumbersome political machinery, its inability to produce needed reforms, and its frequent functioning as a vehicle for the repressive policies of Austria and Prussia. The two volumes under consideration here examine the nature of the “Germanquestion” during the era of the Deutsche Bund, but from very different perspectives. -
The Ussr in the Policy of the Government and President Wojciech Jaruzelski in 1989–1990
Daria Nałęcz* THE USSR IN THE POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT AND PRESIDENT WOJCIECH JARUZELSKI IN 1989–1990 DOI: 10.26399/meip.3(66).2019.31/d.nalecz intRoduction The outcome of the parliamentary elections of 4 June 1989 and the subsequent decision of the United People’s Party and the Democratic Party to abandon allegiance to the Polish United Workers’ Party and to form a coalition with the Citizen’s Parliamentary Club, opened many new perspectives and questions. Among them were the most important ones about the direction, scope and scale of political changes and foreign policy goals. The victory of the Solidarity camp did not mean an easy way to changes. For several months, Poland was the only country in the Eastern bloc in which the communists lost their monopoly on the exercise of power. The geopolitical environment was not prepared for it, which was exemplified by Nicolae Ceausescu’s proposal, repeated on various occasions, to intervene in Poland on the basis of Brezhnev’s doctrine. In the USSR struggling with a crisis, Gorbachev, however, was not inclined to accept this motion. He had another idea for getting out of trouble, he developed a wide range of his own reforms, he tried to communicate with the West, especially the USA. He was rather winding up the fronts of confrontation than was ready to open new ones. When Ceausescu wanted intervention, Gorbachev declared the right of nations to self-determination and the twilight of spheres of influence. The * Daria Nałęcz – Ph.D., Professor of Lazarski University in Warsaw, e-mail: d.nalecz@ lazarski.pl; ORCID 0000-0002-8276-2492 The USSR in the Policy of the Government and President Wojciech Jaruzelski in 1989–1990 117 rigid bipolar division of the world was losing is sharpness. -
The New German Question by Timothy Garton Ash | T
The New German Question by Timothy Garton Ash | T... http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2013/aug/15... Font Size: A A A The New German Question AUGUST 15, 2013 Timothy Garton Ash There is a new German question. It is this: Can Europe’s most powerful country lead the way in building both a sustainable, internationally competitive eurozone and a strong, internationally credible European Union? Germany’s difficulties in responding convincingly to this challenge are partly the result of earlier German questions and the solutions found to them. Yesterday’s answers have sown the seeds of today’s question. Before I explore those historical connections, however, let us reflect on everything that this new German question is not. Twenty-three years after unification, the enlarged Federal Republic of Germany is about as solid a bourgeois liberal democracy as you can find on earth. It has not only absorbed the huge costs of unification but also, since 2003, made impressive economic reforms, Angela Merkel; drawing by James Ferguson lowering labor costs by consensus and hence restoring its global competitiveness. This land is civilized, free, prosperous, law-abiding, moderate, and cautious. Its many virtues might be summarized as “the banality of the good.” Asked by the tabloid BILD-Zeitung what feelings Germany awakes in her, Angela Merkel once famously replied, “I think of well-sealed windows! No other country can make such well-sealed and nice windows [dichte und schöne Fenster].” 1 Yet the place is not altogether so banal. Opening the well-sealed windows of my hotel room in Berlin, I look across Unter den Linden to the illuminated, translucent dome of the Reichstag building, at the heart of what is now, after London, Europe’s most exciting city.