37 the Sustainability Debate: Déjà Vu All Over Again? Ronnie D
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Economic Valuation of Ecosystem Services
Economic Valuation of Ecosystem Services Katherine Hawkins University of Minnesota October 2003 INTRODUCTION According to Mooney and Ehrlich (1997), the idea that humans depend on natural systems dates back as far as Plato, but the first modern publication that addresses this issue is Man and Nature by George Perkins Marsh in 1864. He realized that the world’s resources were not infinite, and was aware of the importance of natural systems to soil, water, climate, waste disposal, and pest control. In the 1940's, books such as Aldo Leopold’s A Sand County Almanac (1949), Fairfield Osborn’s Our Plundered Planet (1948) and William Vogt’s Road to Survival (1948) brought new attention to the issues addressed by Marsh. The first publication that addressed ecosystems providing “services” to human society is Man’s Impact on the Global Environment by the Study of Critical Environmental Problems in 1970. They provided a list of “environmental services”, which was expanded by Holdren and Ehrlich in 1974. In subsequent publications, these services were referred to as “public services of the global ecosystem” and “nature’s services”, and were finally coined as “ecosystem services” by Ehrlich and Ehrlich in 1981. One of the first documents discussing economic valuation of ecosystem services was Proposed Practices for Economic Analysis of River Basin Projects by the Committee on Water Resources in 1958 (Bingham et al. 1995). Valuation of ecosystem continued throughout the next decades (de Groot et al. 2002), but research and attention has expanded greatly since two publications helped the subject gain popularity. The first was a book, edited by Gretchen Daily, called Nature’s Services: Societal Dependence on Natural Ecosystems (1997). -
World Bank Document
LibrarY\ Public Disclosure Authorized SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT: THE GLOBAL IMPERATIVE MV The Fairfield Osborn Memorial Lecture Public Disclosure Authorized by A. W. Clausen, President Public Disclosure Authorized The World Bank Washington, D.C. November 12, 1981 Public Disclosure Authorized __ J Good evening, ladies and gentlemen. And thank you, Mr. Reilly. I am honored to deliver this year's Fairfield Osborn Memorial Lecture in Environmental Science. I believe I'm the first banker ever to be selected for this honor, wh-ch has traditionally been accorded to distinguished conservationists. Fairfield Osborn himself, however, was a businessman -- an investment broker, who was concerned both about short-term economic development and also about its long-term sustainability. As founder and then president of the Conservation Foundation, a cosponsor of this memorial lecture, Osborn worked until his death in 1969 to arouse the concern of people everywhere to the "...accumulated velocity with which (man) is destroying his own life sources." In his book, Our Plundered Planet, which appeared in 1948, Osborn wrote: "We are rushing forward unthinkingly through days of incredible accomplishment...and we have forgotten the earth, forgotten it in the sense that we are failing to regard it as the source of our life." -2- Fairfield Osborn insisted that the only kind of development that makes sense is development .that can be sustained. Beginning, then, from this basic premise, I'll make three main points tonight: - first, that if our goal is sustainable development, our perspective must be global; - second, that human development must allow for continued economic growth, especially in the Third World, if it is to be sustainable; and - third, that sustainable development requires vigorous attention to resource management and the environment. -
Some Historical Notes on Ecological Sensibilities in Modern Western Culture
Some Historical Notes on Ecological Sensibilities in Modern Western Culture A revised version of a lecture given in the School of Economics of the University of Hyderabad in 2014 by Mark Lindley In Western culture since ca.1800, ecological sensibilities, though hardly dominant, have cropped up now and then in one way and another. This essay will include succinct descriptions of some examples illus- trating various points of concern (highlighted in bold-face font). • In 1798, Thomas Malthus, a top English economist of the generation after Adam Smith, had said that “The power [i.e. rate] of [human] population [increase] is so superior to the power of the earth to produce subsistence for man, that premature death must in some shape or other visit the human race.” He said it would happen by means of “war, pestilence, [and] famine”. (The number of humans at that time was about one thousand million.) • In 1804, William Blake published a powerful poem (though only 16 lines long) contrasting (a) the working conditions in the English cotton mills and the air pollution which their coal-burning steam engines were causing, with (b) a utopian concept of a green “new Jerusalem” in England where, he imagined, Jesus had supposedly once visited. Some lines from the poem are: “And did the Countenance Divine / Shine forth upon our clouded hills? / And was Jerusalem buildèd here / Among these dark Satanic mills?”. (A musical setting of this poem is beloved today in England. Many Brits want it to be the national anthem.) • In 1797, a French hydraulic engineer, Jean Antoine Fabre, published a book explaining (among other things) how streams flowing fast on micro-watersheds become torrents ravaging fertile valley floors. -
Remote Sensing
remote sensing Review A Review of the Sustainability Concept and the State of SDG Monitoring Using Remote Sensing Ronald C. Estoque National Institute for Environmental Studies, Tsukuba, Ibaraki 305-8506, Japan; [email protected] or [email protected] Received: 4 April 2020; Accepted: 11 May 2020; Published: 31 May 2020 Abstract: The formulation of the 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs) was a major leap forward in humankind’s quest for a sustainable future, which likely began in the 17th century, when declining forest resources in Europe led to proposals for the re-establishment and conservation of forests, a strategy that embodies the great idea that the current generation bears responsibility for future generations. Global progress toward SDG fulfillment is monitored by 231 unique social-ecological indicators spread across 169 targets, and remote sensing (RS) provides Earth observation data, directly or indirectly, for 30 (18%) of these indicators. Unfortunately, the UN Global Sustainable Development Report 2019—The Future is Now: Science for Achieving Sustainable Development concluded that, despite initial efforts, the world is not yet on track for achieving most of the SDG targets. Meanwhile, through the EO4SDG initiative by the Group on Earth Observations, the full potential of RS for SDG monitoring is now being explored at a global scale. As of April 2020, preliminary statistical data were available for 21 (70%) of the 30 RS-based SDG indicators, according to the Global SDG Indicators Database. Ten (33%) of the RS-based SDG indicators have also been included in the SDG Index and Dashboards found in the Sustainable Development Report 2019—Transformations to Achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. -
Sustainable Development of What? Contesting Global Development Concepts and Measures
23 August 2011 Words 6,987/ References 1,537 (total 8,524) Sustainable development of what? Contesting global development concepts and measures Su-ming Khoo School of Political Science & Sociology, National University of Ireland, Galway Introduction Whether we are trying to find out if a particular development situation is sustainable, assess a development trend for sustainability, or compare development performance of different countries or regions, we have inevitably to ask the question: sustainable development of what? This chapter explores efforts to define, measure and compare aspects of development at the global level. The starting point is the proposition that the meanings and definitions of sustainable development are neither static, nor given. Sustainable development has been called a contestable concept, containing competing interpretations and ideas (Jacobs 1991). ‘Sustainability’ is a boundary term, signifying complex interactions between science, politics, policymaking and development (Scoones 2010, 153-4). ‘Development’ is similarly emergent and contested, with different understandings emerging over time and space. This fluidity has allowed different actors to redefine and manipulate the term ‘sustainable development’ to suit their own agendas (Krueger & Gibb 2007, 8). Sustainable development must gain intellectual clarity and rigour and give up politically expedient fuzziness, if it is to have an impact (Lélé 1991, 607). The conceptual and empirical challenges converge in concerns with measurement - ‘if sustainability is to mean anything, it must be measurable’ (Hamilton & Atkinson 2006, xi). Debates about the meaning and measurement of sustainable development are usually situated within efforts to ‘green’ national accounting. These debates appear somewhat technical, but questions concerning what measures to choose and how to integrate different measures reflect profound, even radical efforts to redefine how societies think about, and value, social progress and wealth. -
On the Economics of Ecosystem Services
On the Economics of Ecosystem Services Draft 2 Huib Silvis en Martijn van der Heide Commissioned by the Netherlands WOT Natuur en Milieu 1. Introduction 1.1 Objectives 1.2 Context 1.3 Structure of this report 2. Classification of ecosystem services 2.1 Introduction 2.2 Typology of ecosystem services 2.3 Ecosystem services and ecosystem dis-services 3. From pre-classical economics to modern economics 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Pre-classical economics 3.3 Classical economics 3.4 Neo-classical economics 3.5 Modern economics 4. Insights from environmental and ecological economics 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Reasoning of environmental economics 4.3 Market failures 4.4 Criticisms from ecological economics 5. Valuation of ecosystem services 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Categories of values and the concept of total economic value 5.3 Monetary valuation ecosystem services 6. Policy analysis and design 6.1 Tools 6.2 Cost-Effectiveness Analysis (CEA) 6.3 Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) 6.4 Multi Criteria Analysis (MCA) 6.5 Safe minimum standards approach and the precautionary principle 6.6 Design References Annex: Methods for valuing ecosystem services 1 1. Introduction 1.1 Objectives In economic terms ecosystems must be regarded as a special form of capital assets. Like reproducible capital assets (roads, buildings, and machinery), ecosystems depreciate if they are misused or are overused. But ecosystems differ from reproducible capital assets in several ways. Depreciation of natural capital may be irreversible, or the systems take a long time to recover. Generally speaking, it isn’t possible to replace a depleted or degraded ecosystem by a new one. -
View, Nuclear Power Plants Provide a Hope Which Coal Plants Cannot
ENERGY SUSTAINABILITY: THE CASE OF PHOTOVOLTAICS Submitted to fulfill the requirements for candidacy as an Honors student in the Environmental Studies Program by Abram Walden Kaplan April, 1985 Oberlin College Please do not quote or distribute without the express permission of the author ----and the Environmental--· . --- Studies -- Program,----- Oberlin--- College.--- - Acknowledgements This proJect has been tremendously challenging and satisfying. It has given me the opportunity to link together my studies in many-- different disciplines, and to show their relevance to one another certainly a crucial facet of Environmental Studies. Four people in particular have invested considerable effort in seeing me through the research and writing process, and I cannot express enough my appreciation for their advice: Gil Heilaender and Larry Buell, my Honors advisors, have given me carefully prescribed doses of constructive feedback and thoughtful criticism. Thia proJect never ran into anything one might call a crisis, and my advisors can take much of the credit for preventing that. The two other maJor influences have been my parents, who have been incredibly patient and encouraging in seeing through the development of some of the themes in this thesis. Harlan Wilson, one of my Honors advisors for the first half of the proJect (until he left for a semester in London) was also very helpful in narrowing my focus and forcing me to think about what it was that I was attempting to do. Michael Kraft, Lucy Jarosz, Bob Tufts, Bob Hilborn, David Orr, Jay HacDaniel, George Lankford, and George Foy read all or part of my thesis in various stages, and offered excellent advice in clarifying and refining my writing. -
Empower Women, Save the Planet? Science, Strategy, and Population-Environment Advocacy
Empower Women, Save the Planet? Science, Strategy, and Population-Environment Advocacy By Jade Sasser A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Environmental Science, Policy & Management in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Nancy Lee Peluso, Chair Professor Louise Fortmann Professor Carolyn Finney Professor Lawrence Cohen Spring 2012 Empower Women, Save the Planet? Science, Strategy, and Population-Environment Advocacy © 2012 by Jade Sasser Abstract Empower Women, Save the Planet? Science, Strategy, and Population-Environment Advocacy by Jade Sasser Doctor of Philosophy in Environmental Science, Policy, and Management University of California, Berkeley Professor Nancy Peluso, Chair This dissertation is about the problems of global population and women’s fertility as constructed, circulated and contested among a network of American environmental actors. The first decade of the new millennium witnessed an upsurge in environmentalist attention to population trends, particularly in the context of widespread attention to climate change. Using ethnographic research conducted among a network of U.S. foreign aid donors, environmental, population and family planning NGO managers, and college youth activists, this dissertation asks the questions: What- and who- is driving the renewed focus on population growth as a driver of ecological crisis? What strategies are being used to drive a linked population-environment development agenda forward, and what effects do these strategies have on population science, policy, and political debates? I argue that, rather than reprise familiar neo-Malthusian arguments, these actors draw on scientific knowledge and social justice frameworks, to position population- environment advocacy in the realm of progressive politics. -
The Environmentalists' Retreat from Advocating Stabilization
ROY BECK AND LEON KOLANKIEWICZ The Environmental Movement’s Retreat from Advocating U.S. Population Stabilization (1970–1998): A First Draft of History The years surrounding 1970 marked the coming of age of the modern environmental movement. As that movement enters its fourth decade, perhaps the most striking change is the virtual abandonment by national environmental groups of U.S. population stabilization as an actively pursued goal. How did the American environmental movement change so radically? Answering that question will be a challenging assignment for historians. The authors are not historians. We have spent most of our lives as a journalist and an environmental scientist, respectively. But to the historians who eventually take up the task, we have many suggestions of where to look. To begin to understand why that retreat has occurred and the significance of the retreat, it will be important to review the 1970-era movement and its population roots. Population Issues and the 1970-Era Environmental Movement Around 1970, U.S. population and environmental issues were widely and publicly linked. In environmental “teach-ins” across America, college students of the time heard repetitious proclamations on the necessity of stopping U.S. population growth in order to reach environmental goals; and the most public of reasons for engaging population issues was to save the environment. The nation’s best-known population group, Zero Population Growth (ZPG)—founded by biologists concerned about the catastrophic impacts of ever more human beings on the biosphere—was outspokenly also an environmental group. And many of the nation’s largest environmental groups had or were considering “population control” as major planks of their environmental prescriptions for America. -
Toxic Discourse
Toxic Discourse The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Buell, Lawrence. 1998. Toxic Discourse. Critical Inquiry 24(3): 639-665. Published Version http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/448889 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:2637816 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Toxic Discourse Lawrence Buell The fear of a poisoned world is being increasingly pressed, debated, de- bunked, and reiterated from many disciplinary vantage points: medicine, political science, history, sociology, economics, and ethics among others. Seldom however is toxicity discussed as a discourse. This essay aims to define the forms, origins, uses, and critical implications of toxic rhetoric, conceiving it as an interlocked set of topoi whose force derives partly from the exigencies of an anxiously industrializing culture, partly from deeper- rooted Western attitudes. In order to make this analysis pointed and manageable, and not to outrun the limits of my knowledge, I shall focus on the United States, although many of my points apply to Anglophone settler cultures worldwide, if not also to other regions (and few remain untouched) influenced by Western environmental institutions. As we shall see, toxic discourse challenges traditional understandings of what counts as an environmentalist movement or ethos. It calls for a new history of U.S. environmentalism that would place the wilderness preservationist John Muir and the urban social reformer Jane Addams in the same narrative. -
Anthropocene
ANTHROPOCENE Perrin Selcer – University of Michigan Suggested Citation: Selcer, Perrin, “Anthropocene,” Encyclopedia of the History of Science (March 2021) doi: 10.34758/be6m-gs41 From the perspective of the history of science, the origin of the Anthropocene appears to be established with unusual precision. In 2000, Nobel laureate geochemist Paul Crutzen proposed that the planet had entered the Anthropocene, a new geologic epoch in which humans had become the primary driver of global environmental change. This definition should be easy to grasp for a generation that came of age during a period when anthropogenic global warming dominated environmental politics. The Anthropocene extends the primacy of anthropogenic change from the climate system to nearly every other planetary process: the cycling of life-sustaining nutrients; the adaptation, distribution, and extinction of species; the chemistry of the oceans; the erosion of mountains; the flow of freshwater; and so on. The human footprint covers the whole Earth. Like a giant balancing on the globe, each step accelerates the rate of change, pushing the planet out of the stable conditions of the Holocene Epoch that characterized the 11,700 years since the last glacial period and into a turbulent unknown with “no analog” in the planet’s 4.5 billion-year history. It is an open question how much longer humanity can keep up. For its advocates, the Anthropocene signifies more than a catastrophic regime shift in planetary history. It also represents a paradigm shift in how we know global change from environmental science to Earth System science. Explaining the rise the Anthropocene, therefore, requires grappling with claims of both ontological and epistemological rupture; that is, we must explore the entangled histories of the Earth and its observers. -
Brass-Tacks Ecology
Trumpeter (1997) ISSN: 0832-6193 Brass-Tacks Ecology Moti Nissani Wayne State University Brass-Tacks Ecology 2 MOTI NISSANI is with the Interdisciplinary Studies Program at Wayne State University in Detroit Michigan. He has published two books and numerous articles. It is not merely a question of water supply and drains now, you know. No - it is the whole of our social life that we have got to purify and disinfect. Henrik Ibsen1 When solutions to the problems of human ecology are considered, all roads seem to lead to the political arena. Paul Ehrlich et al.2 [Environmentalists] should lobby as hard for campaign reform as they do for environmental issues. Since the movement will never be able to match industry's war chests, the only way to level the playing field is . through campaign finance reform. Randy Hayes3 Between 1970 and 1990, the United States passed laws, created agencies, and spent one trillion dollars in an ostensible effort to improve environmental quality. Yet, despite some notable gains (e.g., less lead in children's brains), and despite the strenuous efforts of grass-roots and national organizations, "the massive national effort to restore the quality of the environment has failed."4 Among the many reasons for this failure, two need to be touched upon here. First, the great majority of environmental thinkers ignore concrete political re- alities. Instead, they are caught up in debates about the significance of one or another proximate cause of the environmental crisis (choice of production technologies and materials, overpopulation, and affluence), or of one or another alleged ultimate cause (philosophical beliefs and practices; biological heritage; our tendency to dominate and exploit the poor, racial minorities, and wom- en).