The Gulf 'S Escalating Sectarianism
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The Syrian National Council: a Victorious Opposition?
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? JARED MARKLAND KRITTIKA LALWANEY MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? Jared Markland & Krittika Lalwaney Introduction The Syrian National Council (SNC) emerged as an opposition movement representing the democratic uprisings in Syria calling for regime change. The Assad regime’s forceful measures against Syrians have delegitimized the government and empowered the revolution. The success of the revolution, in overthrowing the regime hinges on the Syrian opposition’s ability to overcome its deficiencies. This paper analyzes the performance of the SNC by determining SNC success or failure to launch a successful opposition movement against the regime. The SNC’s probability of success in the overthrow of the regime is contingent on its ability to unify internally, obtain financial capacity, establish international recognition, and build internal popular support. Methodology The methods used to examine the prospects for success of the SNC as a viable opposition movement consist of comparative case studies and qualitative field research. We examined four case studies, including Nicaragua, Libya, El Salvador and Guatemala. These cases establish a set of core factors necessary for an opposition movement to succeed. The utilization of these factors allows us to create a comparative assessment of the overall performance of the SNC. Our qualitative fieldwork entailed a total of 32 interviews with current SNC members, Syrian activists, refugees, Free Syrian Army members, academic experts, and government officials. -
"New Political Sectarianism in Times of Economic Hardship in Saudi Arabia" by Verena WALTHER
"New political Sectarianism in Times of Economic hardship in Saudi Arabia" By Verena WALTHER Course “The Political Economy of the Middle East and North Africa” Taught by Eckart Woertz at Sciences Po Fall 2016 This paper has received the KSP Student Paper Award of the Kuwait Program at Sciences Po © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Verena Walther International Public Management ________________________________________________________________________________ New Political Sectarianism in Times of Economic Hardship in Saudi Arabia ________________________________________________________________________________ L’INSTITUT D’ÉTUDES POLITIQUES DE PARIS - FALL SEMESTER 2016 16604 POLITICAL© ECONOMY OF THE MIDDLE EAST - ECKART WOERTZ © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, © published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Verena Walther New Political Sectarianism in Times of Economic Hardship in Saudi Arabia Agenda: I. Introduction II. Sectarianism in the Persian Gulf III. Sectarianism in Saudi Arabia IV. Post-Arab Spring: New political sectarianism in Saudi Arabia as a rentier-state V. Conclusion I. Introduction On 2 January 2016, Saudi Arabia unanticipatedly executed the Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr an-Nimr, a prominent critic of Saudi authorities and vocal leader of the anti-government protests against the marginalisation of Shia that had erupted in the kingdom’s Eastern Province in 2011. -
Sectarianism in Syria
SECTARIANISM IN SYRIA SURVEYSURVEY STUDYSURVEY STUDY STUDY FEBRUARYFEBRUARY 2016 FEBRUARY 2016 2016 Sectarianism in Syria: Survey Study Copyright © 2016 The Day After. All Rights Reserved. The Day After (TDA) is an independent, Syrian-led civil society organization working to support democratic transition in Syria. In August 2012, TDA completed work on a comprehensive approach to managing the challenges of a post-Assad transition in Syria. The initial Day After Project brought together a group of Syrians representing a large spectrum of the Syrian opposition — including senior representatives of the Syrian National Council (SNC), members of the Local Coordination Committees in Syria (LCC), and unaffiliated opposition figures from inside Syria and the diaspora representing all major political trends and components of Syrian society — to participate in an independent transition planning process. The Day After (TDA) Istanbul, Turkey Address : Cihangir, Palaska Sk NO: 1/2 D:3 Beyoğlu-İstanbul, Turkey Tel : +90 (212) 252 3812 Email : [email protected] Skype: TDA-SY www.tda-sy.org 2 AN INDISPENSABLE INTRODUCTION 5 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND SAMPLE 8 CHAPTER I: RECOGNIZING AND ASSESSING THE SECTARIAN SITUATION IN SYRIA 13 Opinions on the existence of numerous religious sects 13 Sectarianism: in what sense? 14 Sectarianism as a problem 15 The causes of the sectarian problem 19 CHAPTER II: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE SECT 21 Disclosing affiliation to a particular sect 21 The importance of the sect and its presence 22 About the Syrian -
Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements April 2017 Contents
POMEPS STUDIES 26 islam in a changing middle east Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements April 2017 Contents Understanding repression-adaptation nexus in Islamist movements . 4 Khalil al-Anani, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar Why Exclusion and Repression of Moderate Islamists Will Be Counterproductive . 8 Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College, CUNY Islamists After the “Arab Spring”: What’s the Right Research Question and Comparison Group, and Why Does It Matter? . 12 Elizabeth R. Nugent, Princeton University The Islamist voter base during the Arab Spring: More ideology than protest? . .. 16 Eva Wegner, University College Dublin When Islamist Parties (and Women) Govern: Strategy, Authenticity and Women’s Representation . 21 Lindsay J. Benstead, Portland State University Exit, Voice, and Loyalty Under the Islamic State . 26 Mara Revkin, Yale University and Ariel I. Ahram, Virginia Tech The Muslim Brotherhood Between Party and Movement . 31 Steven Brooke, The University of Louisville A Government of the Opposition: How Moroccan Islamists’ Dual Role Contributes to their Electoral Success . 34 Quinn Mecham, Brigham Young University The Cost of Inclusion: Ennahda and Tunisia’s Political Transition . 39 Monica Marks, University of Oxford Regime Islam, State Islam, and Political Islam: The Past and Future Contest . 43 Nathan J. Brown, George Washington University Middle East regimes are using ‘moderate’ Islam to stay in power . 47 Annelle Sheline, George Washington University Reckoning with a Fractured Islamist Landscape in Yemen . 49 Stacey Philbrick Yadav, Hobart and William Smith Colleges The Lumpers and the Splitters: Two very different policy approaches on dealing with Islamism . 54 Marc Lynch, George Washington University The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network that aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community . -
The Arab Spring: an Empirical Investigation
Protests and the Arab Spring: An Empirical Investigation Tansa George Massoud, Bucknell University John A. Doces, Bucknell University Christopher Magee, Bucknell University Keywords: Arab Spring, protests, events data, political grievances, diffusion Acknowledgements: We would like to thank Polity’s editor-in-chief and anonymous reviewers for their comments. We also thank Emily Brandes for her valuable assistance. All errors remain our own. 1 Abstract This article discusses a variety of major explanations for the intensity of recent protests in Arab states and investigates whether there is empirical support for them. We survey various political, economic, and social factors and develop a comprehensive empirical model to estimate the structural determinants of protests in 19 Arab League states between 1990 and 2011, measured using events data. The results show that protests were stronger in countries with higher inflation, higher levels of corruption, lower levels of freedom, and more use of the internet and cell phones. Protests were also more frequent in countries with partial democracies and factional politics. We find no evidence for the common argument that the surge in protests in 2011 was linked to a bulge in the youth population. Overall, we conclude that these economic, political, and social variables help to explain which countries had stronger protest movements, but that they cannot explain the timing of those revolts. We suggest that a contagion model can help explain the quick spread of protests across the region in 2011, and we conduct a preliminary test of that possibility. 2 I. Introduction The Arab revolts started in Tunisia in December 2010 and spread across the Middle East and North Africa with great speed in early 2011.1 In Tunisia and Egypt, loosely organized groups using mostly nonviolent techniques managed to topple regimes that had been in power for decades. -
Sectarianism After the Arab Spring an Exaggerated Spectre
ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 1st Quarter 2014 Sectarianism after the Arab Spring An Exaggerated Spectre BARAH MIKAÏL, PHD* ectarianism has experienced a boost in the aftermath of popular upris- ings in the Arab world. Recent sectarian strife following the fall of Arab authoritarian leaders has been provoked by ideological rifts be- tween Islamists and secularists and between conservatives and liberals, as well as by religious divisions between Sunnis and Shias, Muslims and SChristians. However, the rise of sectarian strife in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings has also been stoked by geopolitical strategies as power vacuums create opportunities for political ambitions and agendas. While sectarianism is real and bears important risks, it is not the main driver of divisions in the re- gion. The West must not lose sight of the fact that many regimes are stirring up sectarianism while neglecting other cleavages, such as regional agendas, a lack of respect for human rights, corruption, and poor economic conditions. Yet, however manipulated it may be, the rise of sectarianism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region risks undermining the prospects for building peaceful and stable democratic societies in the Arab world. This raises *The author is a senior researcher at the Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y El Dialogo Exterior (FRIDE), a Madrid-based think tank for global action that analyzes key debates in international relations. A specialist in geopolitical issues regarding water, he is part of a project dedicated to the study of politics and religion and their interactions in contemporary conflicts. Prior to joining FRIDE, he was senior researcher on the Middle East and North Africa and on water issues at the Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques (IRIS) in Paris (2002–10), where he directed the master’s degree program in international relations and all seminars on the Middle East, North Africa, and geopolitical issues concerning water. -
2015 13 3.Pdf
The American Political Science Association APSA Volume 13, No. 3 Comparative Democratization October 2015 In This Issue CD INFORMATION, DISCLOSURE AND REGIME STABILITY James R. Hollyer, University of Minnesota “Authoritarian Media Control” overnments, whether autocratic or democratic, depend on at least a minimal level of consent from their populace to survive in office. Should large masses of citizens turn out in protest or revolt against their 1 Editorial Board Notes Staffan I. Lindberg, Dan Pemstein, leaders, regimes of any type will rapidly find the polity ungovernable. Yet such and Brigitte Zimmerman G demonstrations are collective acts—to be successful they require the participation of large 1 Information, Disclosure and numbers of citizens. In circumstances where citizens lack common knowledge of others’ Regime Stability James R. Hollyer intent to protest, how can such coordination take place? What is the effect of the broader 1 Online Censorship and informational environment on such coordination? How then does the informational Responsiveness in China Jennifer Pan environment affect the survival of autocratic and democratic regimes? Given these 2 The Logic of Contagious implications, when and why do governments tolerate an open informational environment? Contention in Autocracies In several recent articles and working papers, and in an on-going book project, I—along Navid Hassanpour with Peter Rosendorff and Jim Vreeland—examine precisely these questions.1 2 The Arab Media After the Uprisings 1. These published and working papers consist of: James R. Hollyer, B. Peter Rosendorff, and James R. Vreeland, Marc Lynch “Democracy and Transparency,” Journal of Politics 73 (October 2011): 1–15; James R. -
Sectarianism in the MENA Region
DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT WORKSHOP Sectarianism in the Middle East ABSTRACT Sectarian conflict and polarisation has become a key feature of Middle East politics in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings of 2011. This workshop looked at some of the key drivers of this, such as the troubled legacy of foreign intervention, state failure, regional rivalries between Saudi Arabia, Iran and others, ruling strategies of authoritarian regimes as well as the spread of identity and sect-based political movements. With in-depth analysis of the two key arenas of sectarian conflict in the contemporary Middle East, Syria and Iraq, and a paper on the consequences of state collapse, this paper also makes recommendations on how the EU could help reduce sectarian tensions. EP/EXPO/B/AFET/2016/01 EN July 2017 - PE 603.843 © European Union, 2017 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. English-language manuscript was completed on 14/07/2017. Printed in Belgium. Authors: Dr Toby MATTHIESEN, Senior Research Fellow in the International Relations of the Middle East, St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford, UK Dr Simon MABON, Lecturer in International Relations, Director of the Richardson Institute, University of Lancaster, UK. Dr Raphaël LEFÈVRE, Rank-Manning Research Fellow in Social Sciences, University of Oxford, UK. Dr Renad MANSOUR, Academy Fellow, Chatham House, London, UK. Official Responsible: Kirsten JONGBERG Editorial Assistant: Györgyi MÁCSAI Feedback of all kind is welcome. Please write to: [email protected]. To obtain copies, please send a request to: [email protected] This paper will be published on the European Parliament's online database, 'Think tank'. -
The Arab Uprisings and International Relations Theory
........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ POLITICS SYMPOSIUM ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ The Arab Uprisings and International Relations Theory ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ create better-informed IR theory (e.g., Barnett 1998; Brand 1994; Introduction Fawcett 2013; Gause 2003/4, 2010; Halliday 2005; Hinnebusch 2003; Lynch 1999; Rubin 2014; Ryan 2009; Telhami 1992; Marc Lynch, George Washington University Valbjørn and Lawson 2015; Walt 1987). However, with a Curtis R. Ryan, Appalachian State University few notable exceptions, the academic literature on the Arab ............................................................................................................................................... uprisings is dominated by comparative analysis and country -
Political Sectarianism in Lebanon Loulwa Murtada
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2018 Aversive Visions of Unanimity: Political Sectarianism in Lebanon Loulwa Murtada Recommended Citation Murtada, Loulwa, "Aversive Visions of Unanimity: Political Sectarianism in Lebanon" (2018). CMC Senior Theses. 1941. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1941 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont McKenna College Aversive Visions of Unanimity: Political Sectarianism in Lebanon Submitted to Professor Roderic Camp By Loulwa Murtada For Senior Thesis Fall 2017/ Spring 2018 23 April 2018 Abstract Sectarianism has shaped Lebanese culture since the establishment of the National Pact in 1943, and continues to be a pervasive roadblock to Lebanon’s path to development. This thesis explores the role of religion, politics, and Lebanon’s illegitimate government institutions in accentuating identity-based divisions, and fostering an environment for sectarianism to emerge. In order to do this, I begin by providing an analysis of Lebanon’s history and the rise and fall of major religious confessions as a means to explore the relationship between power-sharing arrangements and sectarianism, and to portray that sectarian identities are subject to change based on shifting power dynamics and political reforms. Next, I present different contexts in which sectarianism has amplified the country’s underdevelopment and fostered an environment for political instability, foreign and domestic intervention, lack of government accountability, and clientelism, among other factors, to occur. A case study into Iraq is then utilized to showcase the implications of implementing a Lebanese-style power-sharing arrangement elsewhere, and further evaluate its impact in constructing sectarian identities. -
Syria in the Arab Spring: the Integration © the Author(S) 2014 DOI: 10.1177/2053168014549091 of Syria’S Conflict with the Arab Uprisings, Rap.Sagepub.Com 2011–2013
RAP0010.1177/2053168014549091Research & PoliticsLynch et al. 549091research-article2014 Research Article Research and Politics October-December 2014: 1 –7 Syria in the Arab Spring: The integration © The Author(s) 2014 DOI: 10.1177/2053168014549091 of Syria’s conflict with the Arab uprisings, rap.sagepub.com 2011–2013 Marc Lynch1, Deen Freelon2 and Sean Aday1 Abstract How did Syria’s conflict interact with the broader wave of regional protest known as the Arab Spring? This article uses a unique, complete Twitter dataset of tweets including the word “Syria” in English or Arabic to empirically test how Syria’s conflict was discussed online. The analysis shows a high level of interaction between Syria and other Arab countries through 2011. Other Arab countries experiencing popular protests (“Arab Spring countries”) were referenced far more often in 2011 than were Syria’s immediate neighbors, while keyword analysis shows the framing of the conflict in terms of Syria’s “regime” aligned the conflict with other Arab uprisings. In 2012–2013 this changed sharply, with significantly fewer mentions of other Arab countries, particularly Arab Spring countries, more fundraising and political appeals across the Gulf, and growing Islamization. These findings offer one of the first empirical demonstrations of the integration and disintegration of a unified Arab discourse from 2011 to 2013, with significant implications for theories of the diffusion of protest and ideas. Keywords Arab uprising, diffusion, social media, Syria “The Syrian flag has two stars, one expresses Syria Libya’s. Many likely expected Bashar al-Asad’s regime to and the other Egypt” – Tweet by Egyptian activist, Wael succumb to a similar fate as those of Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak Ghoneim, 25 March 2011. -
The Politics of Islam in Europe and North America Marc Lynch, Nadia Marzouki
The Politics of Islam in Europe and North America Marc Lynch, Nadia Marzouki To cite this version: Marc Lynch, Nadia Marzouki. The Politics of Islam in Europe and North America. Marc Lynch; Nadia Marzouki. pp.88, 2018. hal-03024046 HAL Id: hal-03024046 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03024046 Submitted on 25 Nov 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. POMEPS STUDIES 32 Te Politics of Islam in Europe and North America December 2018 Contents Introduction ...................................................................................3 French Muslim authorities as social troubleshooters ...............................................6 Margot Dazey, University of Cambridge / Yale University What makes “Muslim representatives” representative? Public policy attempts to build Muslim representation in France ....................................10 Fatima Khemilat, Sciences Po Aix Te Hajj from a French perspective: Te effects of the pilgrimage on collective identities ..............14 Leila Seurat, European University Institute