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New Zealand Hansard Precedent Manual
IND 1 NEW ZEALAND HANSARD PRECEDENT MANUAL Precedent Manual: Index 16 July 2004 IND 2 ABOUT THIS MANUAL The Precedent Manual shows how procedural events in the House appear in the Hansard report. It does not include events in Committee of the whole House on bills; they are covered by the Committee Manual. This manual is concerned with structure and layout rather than text - see the Style File for information on that. NB: The ways in which the House chooses to deal with procedural matters are many and varied. The Precedent Manual might not contain an exact illustration of what you are looking for; you might have to scan several examples and take parts from each of them. The wording within examples may not always apply. The contents of each section and, if applicable, its subsections, are included in CONTENTS at the front of the manual. At the front of each section the CONTENTS lists the examples in that section. Most sections also include box(es) containing background information; these boxes are situated at the front of the section and/or at the front of subsections. The examples appear in a column format. The left-hand column is an illustration of how the event should appear in Hansard; the right-hand column contains a description of it, and further explanation if necessary. At the end is an index. Precedent Manual: Index 16 July 2004 IND 3 INDEX Absence of Minister see Minister not present Amendment/s to motion Abstention/s ..........................................................VOT3-4 Address in reply ....................................................OP12 Acting Minister answers question......................... -
Waikato-Tainui and Ngāi Tahu's Treaty Settlement Negotiations With
Balancing rangatiratanga and kawanatanga: Waikato-Tainui and Ngāi Tahu’s Treaty settlement negotiations with the Crown Martin Fisher A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Victoria University of Wellington 2015 i ii Abstract Waikato-Tainui and Ngāi Tahu’s negotiations with the Crown produced the first two major iwi-based agreements of the modern era of Treaty settlements in New Zealand/Aotearoa. While the existing historiography has previously addressed the general parameters of each agreement, and some key players have briefly written about their involvement in the process, an analysis of both negotiations through the lens of the iwi (tribe) pursuit of rangatiratanga (or self-determination) and the Crown’s defence of its sovereignty and kawanatanga (or governance) increases our understanding of these precedent-setting Treaty settlements. Māori rangatiratanga and Crown sovereignty and governance were not the only factors that drove all parties in their negotiations, but they represented the dominant motivating force in terms of reaching agreements on very difficult issues. Through an investigation of Ngāi Tahu, Waikato-Tainui, Crown and public sources, this thesis identifies the balancing of iwi rangatiratanga and the Crown’s sovereignty and kawanatanga in four major areas of the process: the development of iwi governance systems post-settlement, the negotiation of the financial aspects of the settlement, the parameters surrounding the return of land, and the formulation of the historical accounts and Crown apologies. The political structures set by the Crown to govern the process influenced all aspects of the negotiation. -
Parliamentarians, Defamation, and Bills of Rights
Sharing the Privilege: Parliamentarians, Defamation, and Bills of Rights Matthew Harris* I: INTRODUCTION On March 22, 1994, Mr Winston Peters, Member of Parliament for Tauranga, stood in the House of Representatives and began a speech he had been threatening 1 to deliver for some time. In the past week we have witnessed the most telling example of political and big business corruption ever to rear its vile head in this country. I am talking about the activities of the European Pacific group and people in positions of power to aid and abet international money-laundering criminals in a massive cover-up of crimes. Mr Peters went on to implicate more than twenty individuals and the most sensational excerpts of his speech were broadcast to the nation. Such episodes were a dominant feature of New Zealand politics in the early 1990s. Mr Peters appeared frequently on prime-time television news, denouncing the activities of public officials and leading businessmen from his Parliamentary seat. Those in his firing line he accused variously of criminal conspiracy, large-scale tax fraud and other improprieties. Crucial to Mr Peters' crusade was the protection of parliamentary privilege. In the House of Representatives an MP may accuse * I would like to thank Professor Bruce Harris and Grant Huscroft, for their helpful comments and suggestions. 1 539 NZPD 567 (22 March 1994). Auckland University Law Review whomsoever he or she pleases, secure from the threat of defamation actions. In 1994, litigation instigated by another former Minister of the Crown, Mr Richard Prebble, established that the protection of parliamentary privilege reaches further still. -
In Search of a New Zealand Populism
In Search of a New Zealand Populism Heresthetics, Character and Populist Political Leadership By Ben Thomas McLachlan A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Victoria University of Wellington 2013 Contents Abstract – Page 3 Abbreviations – Page 4 List of Figures and Tables – Page 5 Chapter One – Introduction – Page 6 Chapter Two - Literature Review and Theoretical Frameworks – Page 15 Chapter Three - Case Study: John A. Lee – Page 37 Chapter Four - Case Study: Winston Peters – Page 61 Chapter Five - Case Study: Richard Seddon, ‘King Dick’ – Page 93 Chapter Six - Renshon and Character – Page 118 Chapter Seven – Conclusion – Page 124 Bibliography – Page 132 2 Abstract Populism, an academically contested political theory, has been subject to few thorough studies in the New Zealand context. With a history of strong, successful leaders, and fervent political rebels, New Zealand provides a useful political context in which the theoretical platform for what constitutes populism can be explored. While the current pre-eminent model of New Zealand-centric populist leadership is Barry Gustafson’s six point framework, this thesis will posit that adopting a multi-methodological approach is able to explain the nuances of New Zealand populism more effectively. Traditional international approaches to populist theory, such as those of Panizza and Laclau, are introduced to provide context on the wider literature on populism. In a challenge to Gustafson’s model, which closely matches the definitions of Panizza and Laclau, the social choice theorems of Riker’s heresthetics are introduced to provide a counter- explanation for populist leadership. -
The Politics and Processes of New Zealand Defence Acquisition Decision Making
TIMING IS EVERYTHING The Politics and Processes of New Zealand Defence Acquisition Decision Making TIMING IS EVERYTHING The Politics and Processes of New Zealand Defence Acquisition Decision Making PETER GREENER Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/timing_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Greener, Peter. Title: Timing is everything : the politics and processes of New Zealand defence acquisition decision making / Peter Greener. ISBN: 9781921536649 (pbk.) 9781921536656 (pdf.) Notes: Includes index. Bibliography. Subjects: New Zealand. Ministry of Defence--Procurement. New Zealand. Defence Force--Procurement. Defense contracts--New Zealand. Military supplies. Government purchasing--New Zealand. New Zealand--Armed Forces--Procurement. Dewey Number: 355.62120993 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. The Canberra Papers on Strategy and Defence series is a collection of publications arising principally from research undertaken at the SDSC. Canberra Papers have been peer reviewed since 2006. All Canberra Papers are available for sale: visit the SDSC website at <http://rspas. anu.edu.au/sdsc/canberra_papers.php> for abstracts and prices. Electronic copies (in pdf format) of most SDSC Working Papers published since 2002 may be downloaded for free from the SDSC website at <http://rspas.anu.edu.au/sdsc/working_papers.php>. The entire Working Papers series is also available on a ‘print on demand’ basis. -
Timing Is Everything
TIMING IS EVERYTHING The Politics and Processes of New Zealand Defence Acquisition Decision Making TIMING IS EVERYTHING The Politics and Processes of New Zealand Defence Acquisition Decision Making PETER GREENER Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/timing_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Greener, Peter. Title: Timing is everything : the politics and processes of New Zealand defence acquisition decision making / Peter Greener. ISBN: 9781921536649 (pbk.) 9781921536656 (pdf.) Notes: Includes index. Bibliography. Subjects: New Zealand. Ministry of Defence--Procurement. New Zealand. Defence Force--Procurement. Defense contracts--New Zealand. Military supplies. Government purchasing--New Zealand. New Zealand--Armed Forces--Procurement. Dewey Number: 355.62120993 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. The Canberra Papers on Strategy and Defence series is a collection of publications arising principally from research undertaken at the SDSC. Canberra Papers have been peer reviewed since 2006. All Canberra Papers are available for sale: visit the SDSC website at <http://rspas. anu.edu.au/sdsc/canberra_papers.php> for abstracts and prices. Electronic copies (in pdf format) of most SDSC Working Papers published since 2002 may be downloaded for free from the SDSC website at <http://rspas.anu.edu.au/sdsc/working_papers.php>. The entire Working Papers series is also available on a ‘print on demand’ basis. -
The Employment Court, "Judicial Activism," and the Coalition Agre
Hughes: The Employment Court, "Judicial Activism," and the Coalition Agre THE EMPLOYMENT COURT, "JUDICIAL ACTIVISM," AND THE COALITION AGREEMENT JOHN HUGHES* I. THE BACKGROUND TO THE COALITION AGREEMENT Introduction By the time of the 1996 general election in New Zealand, the Employ- ment Contracts Act 1991 ("the ECA") had been in force for just over five years. The election result on October 12, 1996, made it clear that the next government would comprise a coalition between the New Zealand First Party and either the ruling National Party or the Labour Party (the main op- position party prior to the election).' On December 11, 1996, New Zealand's first government under the mixed member proportional representation sys- tem was established by the Coalition Agreement between the New Zealand National Party and New Zealand First. To most political commentators, the partnership was unexpected. Founded and led by Winston Peters, a former minister in the National Gov- ernment of 1990 who had left the National Party after a series of bitter in- ternal disputes, New Zealand First had claimed the "center" as its political constituency and had reserved its strongest criticism during the election campaign for the National Government and its neo-liberal economic stance. * Senior lecturer in law, School of Law, University of Canterbury. 1. Other parties represented in Parliament were the Alliance (13 seats), ACT New Zea- land (8 seats), and the United Party (one seat). To ensure a majority in the House of Repre- sentatives for either of the two large parties, National (44 seats) and Labour (37 seats), a coa- lition with New Zealand First (17 seats) was required. -
Balancing Rangatiratanga and Kawanatanga: Waikato-Tainui and Ngāi Tahu's Treaty Settlement Negotiations with the Crown
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by ResearchArchive at Victoria University of Wellington Balancing rangatiratanga and kawanatanga: Waikato-Tainui and Ngāi Tahu’s Treaty settlement negotiations with the Crown Martin Fisher A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Victoria University of Wellington 2015 i ii Abstract Waikato-Tainui and Ngāi Tahu’s negotiations with the Crown produced the first two major iwi-based agreements of the modern era of Treaty settlements in New Zealand/Aotearoa. While the existing historiography has previously addressed the general parameters of each agreement, and some key players have briefly written about their involvement in the process, an analysis of both negotiations through the lens of the iwi (tribe) pursuit of rangatiratanga (or self-determination) and the Crown’s defence of its sovereignty and kawanatanga (or governance) increases our understanding of these precedent-setting Treaty settlements. Māori rangatiratanga and Crown sovereignty and governance were not the only factors that drove all parties in their negotiations, but they represented the dominant motivating force in terms of reaching agreements on very difficult issues. Through an investigation of Ngāi Tahu, Waikato-Tainui, Crown and public sources, this thesis identifies the balancing of iwi rangatiratanga and the Crown’s sovereignty and kawanatanga in four major areas of the process: the development of iwi governance systems post-settlement, the negotiation of the financial aspects of the settlement, the parameters surrounding the return of land, and the formulation of the historical accounts and Crown apologies. -
The ANZAC Frigates, Part II
Chapter 4 ‘No, Minister….’—The ANZAC Frigates, Part II The Second Frigate Decision In 1989 the decision on whether to buy the third and fourth ANZAC frigates seemed a long way off; indeed as previously indicated, Geoffrey Palmer had said the decision would not need to be taken for almost a decade. Before the next decision was due to be made, major changes to New Zealand's electoral system were to take place, with the introduction of Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) representation in 1996, and the need for the formation of a coalition government. It was the need for retaining coalition support that was to have a decisive influence on the National-led Government's decision not to proceed with the option to purchase the third and fourth ANZAC frigates. As early as 1992, the Minister of Defence, Warren Cooper, suggested that New Zealand might not take up the option to buy the third and fourth ANZAC frigates. He was to reinforce his opinion, if not that of his leader, in an interview with the Australian Defence Magazine in 1994: `We've got two Leander-class frigates that will remain good for a few years. My guess is that we wouldn't be able to sign up confidently for another two ANZAC frigates, but that door is left open.'1 In January 1995, whilst New Zealand's first ANZAC frigate was taking shape on both sides of the Tasman, Cooper fired a further broadside in the discussions on whether to purchase the third and fourth ANZAC frigates: `Two frigates enough for NZ: Cooper', read the headline in the New Zealand Herald.