DOCSLIB.ORG

The Russian Revolution Unfinished SK

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Russian Revolution Unfinished SK The Russian Revolution Unfinished SK Note:Enough is Enough is not organizing any of these events, we are publishing them for people across the US and Europe to be able to see what is going on and for documentation only. Enough is Enough! https://enoughisenough14.org “Whether one chooses to examine the opening phases of the French Revolution of 1789, the revolutions of 1848, the Paris Commune, the 1905 revolution in Russia, the overthrow of the Tsar in 1917, the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, the French general strike of 1968, the opening stages are generally the same: a period of ferment that explodes spontaneously into a mass upsurge.” —Murray Bookchin, “Myth of the Party: Bolshevik Mystification and Counter-Revolution,” Fifth Estate #272, May 1976 and in our anti-Marx issue, #393, Spring 2015. 2017 marks the hundredth anniversary of the Russian Revolution. This world-shaking upheaval occurred at the end of World War I, a time of self-emancipating uprisings in several countries that challenged the rule of capitalism and the state. Peasants and workers in Russia first went into the streets to demand bread and an end to involvement in the War, but the demonstrations and strikes quickly transformed from riot to rebellion and from there to a full scale revolution that very many hoped would lead to freedom and equality, challenging centuries of hierarchies of domination and economic exploitation. Although anarchists were in the minority in Russia, they nevertheless played a very influential and respected role alongside non-Bolshevik socialists in the discussions and actions that were taking place. In the present century, we are once again witnessing widespread riots, rebellions, and near revolutions in many countries, most notably in the East Mediterranean region, and to some extent in Eastern Europe. Once again anarchists are actively involved. Today’s Russia suffers from extremes of social and economic inequality, accompanied by brutal repression of individual and group freedoms of expression and association. One contemporary Russian anarchist group, Autonomous Action, describes the country as a strongly hierarchical and authoritarian society “tightly interlaced with a repressive state apparatus, industrial capitalist economic structure and authoritarian and hierarchic relations between people.” As in the 20th century, anarchists in Russia have been participating, through words and direct actions, in the struggles and have been suffering the consequences. In June 2016, the Anarchist Black Cross of Moscow issued an international call for support for activists, especially anarchist, antifa comrades and those fighting for human rights and social justice. Some were imprisoned on the basis of confessions obtained under torture. Many are now in high security prisons or isolated in forced labor camps. What is currently going on in Russia and around the world can’t really be understood or adequately challenged without being aware of what happened during the past century. Part of the struggle also crucially involves the unearthing of the suppressed libertarian history of revolution, challenging the myths and lies that have been used to obscure the authentic popular insurgencies, and honoring those rebels who were active in them. The present-day Russian government is clearly threatened by the memories of self-emancipation that the centenary might awaken in the Russian population. It therefore intends to work at blocking such memories out with messages that emphasize the negative consequences of resorting to revolution to solve social and political problems. The 1917 Russian Revolution needs to be remembered, honored and questioned in this context. To begin with, it is important to remember that there was a lot more to this revolution than the October Bolshevik Party takeover of the state apparatus. The process began in February 1917, when thousands went into the streets for massive protests and strikes. The Tsarist regime, the government at the time, ordered troops to fire on the crowds in an attempt to frighten them into submission. But soon many soldiers and sailors refused to follow orders, and several regiments joined the demonstrators en masse. Military discipline was also disintegrating among troops still on the battlefield, and Tsar Nicholas II was forced to abdicate the throne. A bourgeois democratic Provisional Government took control of what was left of the state apparatus in March, but it was not able to satisfy the increasingly revolutionary demands of the insurgent population. At the same time, outside officially recognized government control, workers and peasants were taking factories and the land into their own hands, and beginning what they hoped would be the basic groundwork for egalitarian self-governance. Throughout 1917, workers formed factory committees in enterprises in several parts of the country. At first these committees primarily made demands on employers for better pay and working conditions. But gradually they took control of workplaces that were then run directly by the people who worked there utilizing newly-learned defiance of authority. In the countryside, peasants were seizing land and also often creating self-governance bodies to help coordinate farming and sharing economies locally. Soldiers who didn’t desert outright began rejecting authoritarian military discipline and electing officers rather than accepting appointments from above. Soviets (soldiers’, peasants’, and workers’ councils) were created throughout Russia to coordinate the local self-governance that was emerging in various aspects of life. Initially, anarchists and anti-authoritarian socialists in other parts of the world were enthusiastic about what was happening in Russia. They were excited to know that people were beginning to take control of the conditions that directly affected them. Ever since 1903, they had expressed strong concerns about the authoritarian and elitist character of the Bolshevik party. But, the wave of enthusiasm about the revolutionary possibilities caused very many anarchists to temporarily set aside these apprehensions, even after the Bolshevik takeover of the government in October. Then, gradually, information about the repression of anarchists and non-Bolshevik socialists, and of the population in general started to leak out. Respected Russian anarchists began to report brutal and murderous crackdowns on all non-Bolshevik groups, individuals, and ideas. First private correspondence, then articles and books by authors such as Alexander Berkman, Emma Goldman, Piotr Arshinov, Ida Mett, Voline (born Vsevolod Mikhailovich Eichenbaum) and others began to make it clear that things were going terribly wrong in several ways. In October 1917, the Bolsheviks, led by V.I. Lenin and Leon Trotsky, seized power from the Provisional Government and consolidated their control of the governmental machinery and economy. They quickly erected a brutal state capitalist dictatorship, all the while calling it communist. Within a short time the new Soviet state commenced the suppression of anarchist and other non- Bolshevik publications, formed and deployed the Cheka (political police) to imprison and kill critics, repressed strikes and protests, undermined the factory committees, gerrymandered and disbanded soviets when they couldn’t control them—all in the name of protecting the revolution. The justifications for these moves against the new self-governance practices were not then and are not now convincing, except to the ideologically committed. In 1921, the Bolshevik government ruthlessly put down strikes in Petrograd which were demanding greater equality of income between ordinary working people and Communist Party bureaucrats and managers, as well as more direct democracy. The newly trained and disciplined military was also used to crush a revolt in Kronstadt, where soldiers, sailors and other city residents were daring to question Bolshevik rule and elite status. The Kronstadt rebels declared that they wanted the state to be replaced by a genuine form of working class democracy based on the councils. As anticipated by anarchists and other critics, the Bolsheviks in power hijacked popular revolutionary activity; the people in their multitude became a single entity, the masses, whose power disappeared to be replaced by a struggle between individual party members for control of the state. By the end of the 1920s, the already authoritarian repressive regime metastasized to something even more grotesque, the reign of Stalin. Thus, the Russian communist system enforced authoritarian centralized power and the indefinite postponement of freedom for individuals and groups who did not agree with the government’s goals and methods. The Russian state and Bolshevik party apparatus consolidated power as the central unit of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR/Soviet Union) and persisted in that role from 1922 until 1991. The vast majority of Russian people and others in the Eastern Bloc were relieved by the collapse of the Soviet Union at the beginning of the 1990s, but as memories of its reality fade and living standards for the population are eroded by the new neo-liberal regime, some have become nostalgic for the good old days, mythologizing life under the Soviet dictatorship. From the point of view of anarchists—striving for the elimination of hierarchy, domination and exploitation of all sorts—this nostalgia and mythologization need to be challenged. The 1917 Russian Revolution deserves to be remembered and respected because
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Symbols of Resistance
    Symbols of Resistance: A Study of Anarchist Space and Identity in Philadelphia By Ariel Henderson A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in anthropology Bryn Mawr College May, 2003 1 Acknowledgements First and foremost I would like to thank the activists who were generous enough to give me their time and advice. I would also like to thank Professor Kilbride for his tireless tutelage and Professor Hart for her willing input, as well as Professors Takenaka, Pashigian, and Woodhouse-Beyer for their help during the preliminary stages of preparation. Also, thank you to the ladies of my senior seminar class. Finally allow me to thank everyone who has supported me throughout this process: Lloyd 91 and all my friends with cars (late night Wawa runs), My sister Naomi, Josh, Minka, and Carlo. 2 Table of Contents Introduction 1 Methodology Relevant Literature Chapter 1: Histories of People and Places 11 Anarchism in Philadelphia A Philadelphia Anarchist Anarchist Places: The Wooden Shoe Anarchist Places: The A-Space The Future of Anarchism in Philadelphia Chapter 2: Anarchist Identity Localized in Place 21 Beginning Fieldwork Place and Identity Theoretical Reflection Autonomy and Separateness Turning Anarchist Values into Public Knowledge Conclusion Chapter 3: The Individual and the Collective 31 Autonomy, Affinity Groups and Anonymity Consensus and Communal Space Leadership Conclusion Chapter 4: The Cultural Roots of Anarchism 40 An American Ideal: Individualism Individuality in Modern Social Movements Theoretical Discussion Current Social Movement Theory: Two Camps Interpretation: Symbolic Action Utopia: Personal Observations Conclusion Conclusion 51 3 Abstract During the period from January 20th to May 3rd I conducted participant observation research at two different locations in Philadelphia – the Wooden Shoe bookstore and the A-Space.
    [Show full text]
  • Autonomism and Anarchy
    Toward Anarchist and Autonomist Marxist Geographies Nathan Clough1 University of Minnesota, Duluth [email protected] Renata Blumberg University of Minnesota, Twin Cities [email protected] Introduction In recent months, the Occupy movement has reinvigorated the imagination of the Left in the United States and elsewhere, by moving radical politics in new directions and creating spaces based upon participatory and non-hierarchical modes of organizing. Anarchist, autonomist Marxist and libertarian socialist ideas have played critical roles in imagining and enacting Occupy spaces, achieving renewed influence in the process. Writing about this turning point in politics for The Nation, Nathan Schneider states: “The anarchists’ way of operating was changing our very idea of what politics could be in the first place. This was exhilarating” (2011 unpaginated online source). This volume brings together geographic scholarship on anarchism and autonomist Marxism for the first time. Even before Occupy Wall Street, anarchism and autonomist Marxism as political ideologies and radical methodologies have been on the rise in the West at least since the 1999 World Trade Organization 1 Published under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Towards Anarchist and Autonomous Marxist Geographies 336 protests in Seattle, when anarchistic protesters exploded onto the international media landscape due to their successful application of direct action tactics to stop the trade ministerial meeting (De Armond, 2001; Sheppard, 2002; Graeber, 2004; Levi, 2006). That anarchism and autonomist Marxism have been deeply implicated in the alter-globalization movement of the past decade cannot be denied. For example, radical movements such as Ya Basta!, the edu-factory movement, European movements of students and precarious workers, and the contemporary Industrial Workers of the World union in the United States have integrated autonomist Marxist theory into their broadly anti-authoritarian and anarcho- syndicalist perspectives.
    [Show full text]
  • Final Diss 2
    Rupture and Representation: Migrant Workers, Unions and the State in China By Eli David Friedman A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Professor Peter Evans, Chair Professor Kim Voss Professor Ching Kwan Lee Professor Kevin O’Brien Fall 2011 Abstract Rupture and Representation: Migrant Workers, Unions and the State in China By Eli David Friedman Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology University of California, Berkeley Professor Peter Evans, Chair This project begins with a simple observation: during the first decade of the 21st century, worker resistance in China continued to increase rapidly despite the fact that certain segments of the state began moving in a pro-labor direction. This poses a problem for the Polanyian theory of the countermovement, which conflates social resistance to the market with actual decommodification and incorporation of labor. I then pose the question, why is labor strong enough to win major legislative and policy concessions from the state, but not strong enough to significantly benefit from these policies? The “partial” nature of the countermovement can be explained with reference to the dynamics of labor politics in China, and specifically the relationship between migrant workers, unions, and the state, or what I refer to as “appropriated representation.” Because unions in China are an invention of the state, they have good access to policy makers but are highly illegitimate amongst their own membership, i.e. strong at the top, weak at the bottom. Labor’s impotence within enterprises means that pro-labor laws and collective agreements frequently go un-enforced.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Theory, Critical Pedagogy, and Radical Possibilities Abraham P
    The time for action is now! Anarchist theory, critical pedagogy, and radical possibilities Abraham P. DeLeon University of Connecticut, USA "When the rich assemble to concern themselves with the business of the poor it is called charity. When the poor assemble to concern themselves with the business of the rich it is called anarchy." Paul Richard Rudolf Rocker (1989), a 19th century anarchist, proclaimed that anarchist theory was separate from a state driven, hierarchical socialism in that, “…when a revolutionary situation arises they [the people] will be capable of taking the socio-economic organism into their own hands and remaking it according to Socialist principles” (p. 86). Arising from the idea that small cooperatives of people could form without the need of a coercive and hierarchical state, Rocker envisioned a society that was based on cooperation, community participation, and mutual aid. Rocker’s vision of society, and other anarchist-communist (or anarcho-syndicalist) theorists, is especially relevant in a time that has seen a “war on terror” that was not supported by the global community, the rollback of civil liberties with legislation such as The Patriot Act, and educational laws such as No Child Left Behind that are focusing on narrowly-defined “standards” for public schooling. Historically, anarchists have been marginalized in academic literature, but have still been involved in radical political struggles throughout the world (Bowen, 2005; Chomsky, 2005; Day, 2004; Goaman, 2005). Within radical circles, anarchist literature has begun to gain popularity over the past several years (Bowen & Purkis, 2005). An anarchist presence can be seen in the anti-globalization movement, the “Black Bloc” protests against the IMF and World Bank, and other smaller, localized resistance efforts such as Anti-Racist Action (ARA) and Food Not Bombs (Bowen, 2005; Goaman, 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • What Is an Insurrection? Destituent Power and Ontological Anarchy in Agamben and Stirner
    What is an Insurrection? Destituent power and ontological anarchy in Agamben and Stirner By Saul Newman Introduction The aim of this paper is to develop a theoretical understanding of the insurrection as a central concept in radical politics. If one looks at recent uprisings around the world – from Occupy Wall Street, to the Indignados in Spain, to ‘hacktivist’ networks like Anonymous - one observes a form of action and mobilisation reducible neither to simple acts of civil disobedience, nor to a revolutionary model of politics. Instead, these movements signify a kind of withdrawal from formal systems of power; their emphasis is more on the creation of autonomous political spaces and modes of interaction than on the construction of political agendas and the representation of demands to the state. By contrast the idea of revolution, as the seizure of political power by an organised vanguard party, seems less easy to appeal to today. Despite attempts recently by some political theorists to resuscitate and rethink the idea of the vanguard party as a mode of political organisation - particularly in the context of mass mobilisations like Occupy (see for instance Dean 2012) – others suggest that this has been entirely superseded by a new model of emancipatory politics, in which self-organisation and the desire for autonomy from state institutions are the defining features (Graeber 2009, 2014; Castells 2015). Whereas the revolution is an instrumental form of action which aims, through organised political force, to seize the reins of government and use state power to transform the totality of social relations – that is, to constitute a new society – insurrection works within the fabric of existing social relations, opening up spaces of resistance and autonomy that are in a sense immanent within it (see Caygill 2013, 199).
    [Show full text]
  • In the Tradition [Pdf]
    Contents ACF: the first ten years 3 From 1st International and up to Spanish Revolution 6 WW2 and after: Socialisme ou Barbarie, hungary 56, Noir et Rouge, leading up to May 68 11 France 68 and its aftermath 16 New Left, Platformism, Wildcat 21 Miners Strike, Class War, Social Ecology and Greens, COBAS 23 This pamphlet comprises articles in the series “In the Tradition” that first appeared in Organise, the magazine of the Anarchist Federation between 1999 and 2004. It also includes, as an introduction, “the ACF: the first ten years” which originally appeared in Organise 42 in 1996 when the AF was still known as the Anarchist Communist Federation. Anarchist Communist Editions ACE Pamphlet No. 19 Published by the Anarchist Federation, BM Anarfed, London WC1N 3XX Email: [email protected] Web: www.afed.org.uk June 2009 In the tradition Page 3 ACF: the first ten years THE SHIPWRECK OF anarchist communism in the late 70s meant that there was no anarchist communist organisation, not even a skeletal one, that could relate to the riots of 1981 and to the miners strike of 1984-5 as well as to mobilisations like the Stop the City actions of 1984. But in autumn 1984 two comrades, one a veteran of the ORA/AWA/LCG, had returned from France where they had been living and working and where they had been involved in the libertarian communist movement. A decision was made to set up the Libertarian Communist Discussion Group (LCDG) with the aim of creating a specific organisation. Copies of the Organisational Platform of the Libertarian Communists, left over from the AWA/LCG days, were distributed to bookshops, with a contact address for the Anarchist-Communist Discussion Group (ACDG).
    [Show full text]
  • On the Radical Edge of Left by Elena Agarkova
    EA-11 • RUSSIA • May 2009 ICWA Letters INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS On the Radical Edge of Left By Elena Agarkova AKE BAIKAL, IRKUTSK–Dressed in black, Baikal Wave. When the administrative judge in they march against construction of new nu- charge of the cases took four out of eighteen, in- Elena Agarkova is clearL plants, waste incineration, and high-rise cluding Igor’s, to test the strength of police evi- studying management developments, against police brutality, neo-Na- dence, I decided to attend the court hearings and of natural resources and the relationship between zism, political, religious and ethnic oppression. talk to the people involved. Siberia’s natural riches and Their fathers and grandfathers espoused com- its people. Previously, Elena munist beliefs. Their ideological grand-grand- The anarchists’ activism in environmental is- was a Legal Fellow at the fathers include Russian aristocrats like Count sues may seem puzzling at first glance, but upon University of Washington’s Leo Tolstoy, Mikhael Bakunin and Prince Peter closer examination it makes perfect sense. One of School of Law, at the Kropotkin, who advocated individual liberty the most obvious connections between modern Berman Environmental and dismantlement of the state. anarchism and environmentalism lies in tight Law Clinic. She has clerked state control over much of Russia’s economy. for Honorable Cynthia M. The anarchists have branches in several cit- Who makes decisions regarding development Rufe of the federal district court in Philadelphia, and ies across the country. In January of 2002 they of oil fields, construction of uranium-enrich- has practiced commercial formed a loose coalition named “Autonomous ment centers, hydroelectric dams, and pipelines? litigation at the New York Action.” Their website states that their overarch- The federal government, through its agencies, office of Milbank, Tweed, ing goal involves destruction of the State and all bureaucracy, state-owned monopolies, and oli- Hadley & McCloy LLP.
    [Show full text]
  • Rescuing the Individual from Neoliberalism: Education, Anarchism, and Subjectivity
    Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Educational Policy Studies Dissertations Department of Educational Policy Studies Spring 5-11-2018 Rescuing the Individual from Neoliberalism: Education, Anarchism, and Subjectivity Gabriel Keehn Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/eps_diss Recommended Citation Keehn, Gabriel, "Rescuing the Individual from Neoliberalism: Education, Anarchism, and Subjectivity." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2018. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/eps_diss/178 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Educational Policy Studies at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Educational Policy Studies Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ACCEPTANCE This dissertation, RESCUING THE INDIVIDUAL FROM NEOLIBERALISM: EDUCATION, ANARCHISM, AND SUBJECTIVITY, by GABRIEL T. KEEHN, was prepared under the direction of the candidate’s Dissertation Advisory Committee. It is accepted by the committee members in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree, Doctor of Philosophy, in the College of Education and Human Development, Georgia State University. The Dissertation Advisory Committee and the student’s Department Chairperson, as representatives of the faculty certify that this dissertation has met all standards of excellence and scholarship as determined by the faculty. __________________________ Deron Boyles, Ph.D. Committee Chair __________________________ __________________________ Kristen Buras, Ph.D. Chara Bohan, Ph.D. Committee Member Committee Member __________________________ __________________________ Judith Suissa, Ph.D. Michael Bruner, Ph.D. Committee Member Committee Member __________________________ Date __________________________ William Curlette, Ph.D. Chair, Department of Educational Policy Studies __________________________ Paul A.
    [Show full text]
  • Notes Towards Autonomous Geographies: Creation, Resistance and Self-Management As Survival Tactics Jenny Pickerill1* and Paul Chatterton2
    Progress in Human Geography 30, 6 (2006) pp. 1–17 Notes towards autonomous geographies: creation, resistance and self-management as survival tactics Jenny Pickerill1* and Paul Chatterton2 1Department of Geography, Leicester University, University Road, Leicester LE1 7RH, UK 2Department of Geography, Leeds University, University Road, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK Abstract: This paper’s focus is what we call ‘autonomous geographies’ – spaces where there is a desire to constitute non-capitalist, collective forms of politics, identity and citizenship. These are created through a combination of resistance and creation, and a questioning and challenging of dominant laws and social norms. The concept of autonomy permits a better understanding of activists’ aims, practices and achievements in alter-globalization movements. We explore how autonomous geographies are multiscalar strategies that weave together spaces and times, constituting in-between and overlapping spaces, blending resistance and creation, and combining theory and practice. We flesh out two examples of how autonomous geographies are made through collective decision-making and autonomous social centres. Autonomous geographies provide a useful toolkit for understanding how spectacular protest and everyday life are combined to brew workable alternatives to life beyond capitalism. Key words: activism, alternative spaces, autonomy, creation, everyday life, interstitial, localization, resistance. I Introduction increasingly employed by anti-capitalist This paper is about what we call activists such as the Wombles, Disobidientis ‘autonomous geographies’ – those spaces and Dissent! to structure and articulate their where people desire to constitute non- practices and aims. At the same time, a rein- capitalist, egalitarian and solidaristic forms of vigoration and reinterpretation of autonomist political, social, and economic organization Marxism has provided a pathway towards a through a combination of resistance and cre- more socially just society (Cleaver, 1979; ation.
    [Show full text]
  • Organising Anarchy Spatial Strategy Prefiguration and the Politics of Everyday Life Ince, Anthony James Elliot
    Organising anarchy spatial strategy prefiguration and the politics of everyday life Ince, Anthony James Elliot The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author For additional information about this publication click this link. https://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/jspui/handle/123456789/496 Information about this research object was correct at the time of download; we occasionally make corrections to records, please therefore check the published record when citing. For more information contact [email protected] ORGANISING ANARCHY SPATIAL STRATEGY , PREFIGURATION , AND THE POLITICS OF EVERYDAY LIFE ANTHONY JAMES ELLIOT INCE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY QUEEN MARY , UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2010 0 ABSTRACT This research is an analysis of efforts to develop a politics of everyday life through embedding anarchist and left-libertarian ideas and practices into community and workplace organisation. It investigates everyday life as a key terrain of political engagement, interrogating the everyday spatial strategies of two emerging forms of radical politics. The community dimension of the research focuses on two London-based social centre collectives, understood as community-based, anarchist-run political spaces. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), an international trade union that organises along radical left-libertarian principles, comprises the workplace element. The empirical research was conducted primarily through an activist-ethnographic methodology. Based in a politically-engaged framework, the research opens up debates surrounding the role of place-based class politics in a globalised world, and how such efforts can contribute to our understanding of social relations, place, networks, and political mobilisation and transformation.
    [Show full text]
  • Insurrectional Anarchism Emerges As a Perspective Within the Class Struggle
    Insurrectional anarchism emerges as a perspective within the class struggle. This perspective can be expressed in three key principles: (i) Permanent conflictuality: the struggle should never turn into mediation, bargaining or compromise; (ii) Autonomy and self-activity: the struggle should be carried out without representatives INSURRECTIONAL ANARCHISM and ‘specialists’; (iii) Organization as attack: the organization a reader should be used as a tool in the attack against state and capital, and not treated as a goal in and of itself. What this means, in its most essential and concrete way, is this: to seize and keep the initiative... ILL WILL EDITIONS ill-will-editions.tumblr.com In 2005, the Swedish review Dissident released its second issue, which was devoted to insurrectional anarchist- communist perspectives. Soon after, the journal disbanded and went out of print, relegating the collection to the obscure reaches of the internet. We hope this zine will allow these ideas to reach a wider audience, enriching our understanding of the internal critique and development of revolutionary methods in the late 20th century, and allowing them to assume a new life in our struggles Typeset in scala sans, Uni Neue & Meta Serif Pro today. -Ill Will Editions, ill-will-editions.tumblr.com Chicago, March 2019 [email protected] 112 of the railway worker and can come to be a part of real wages which are very much inferior[sic!] to the sum written on the pay slip. CONTENTS • The basic perspective in which a longterm struggle could be planned Foreword would be that of the base of the workers getting control of management, progressively removing it from the bosses and foremen THE BATKO GROUP | 3 who find themselves in secure positions with the unions’ approval.
    [Show full text]
  • Using and Coming to Own: a Left-Proprietarian Treatment of the Just Use and Approprition of Common Resources
    USING AND COMING TO OWN: A LEFT-PROPRIETARIAN TREATMENT OF THE JUST USE AND APPROPRITION OF COMMON RESOURCES _______________________________________ A Dissertation presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School at the University of Missouri-Columbia _______________________________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy _____________________________________________________ by ERIC ROARK Dr. Peter Vallentyne, Dissertation Supervisor MAY 2008 The undersigned, appointed by the dean of the Graduate School, have examined the dissertation entitled USING AND COMING TO OWN: A LEFT-PROPRIETARIAN ACCOUNT OF THE JUST USE AND APPROPRIATION OF COMMON RESOURCES presented by Eric Roark, a candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, and hereby certify that, in their opinion, it is worthy of acceptance. Professor Peter Vallentyne Professor Brian Kierland Professor Paul Weirich Professor Joseph Bien Professor Robert Johnson Professor John Howe ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to thank my academic advisor Peter Vallentyne for the help, guidance, and patience which he gratefully exhibited both before I began work on the dissertation and during the long and time-staking dissertation process itself. Special thanks go out to all members of my dissertation including Brian Kierland, Paul Weirich, Joseph Bien, Robert Johnson, John Howe, and Michael Otsuka. Each of my committee members contributed in ways which served to significantly increase the quality of my dissertation. I would also like to thank Professor Bina Gupta who without her guidance and caring early in my time in the program this dissertation would likely never have been written. I also owe a debt of gratitude to the many interesting stimulating conversations I had with my graduate student colleagues.
    [Show full text]