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Indus and Mesopotamian Trade Networks: New Insights from Shell and Carnelian Artifacts

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Indus and Mesopotamian Trade Networks: New Insights from Shell and Carnelian Artifacts INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS BETWEEN SOUTH AND SOUTHWEST ASIA. STUDIES IN COMMEMORATION OF E.C.L. DURING CASPERS (1934-1996) E. Olijdam & R.H. Spoor (eds) BAR International Series 1826 (2008): 19-28 Indus and Mesopotamian Trade Networks: New Insights from Shell and Carnelian Artifacts Jonathan Mark Kenoyer Ever since the discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization, the question of trade contacts with outside regions has been a topic of con- siderable discussion. Among various controversial issues is the question of whether Mesopotamian merchants or other individuals were ever present in the Indus Valley itself. One of the leading scholars to contribute to this discussion was Elisabeth During Caspers. Although there is still no convincing evidence for the presence of Mesopotamians in the Indus cities (Chakrabarti 1990), the interpre- tations proposed by During Caspers (1982; 1984; 1994) and others have led to the critical analysis of the types of evidence for trade contacts in both major regions (Ratnagar 2001; Possehl 1997). In this article I review some of the evidence for Indus internal and ex- ternal trade and present some new information based on my comparative analysis of shell artifacts and beads from the Indus Valley and the Royal Cemetery at Ur. Although my study of the carnelian beads has remained unfinished due to the current political situa- tion in Iraq, it is possible to make some suggestions for future research and the possible outcome of such studies. Indus Trade and Exchange can assume that these adjacent regions were in fact a part of the internal trade networks, supplying the Indus cities Since all of the major urban centers of the Indus valley with rocks, minerals and processed metals such as cop- are located in the vast alluvial plains of the Indus river per, bronze, lead and tin. and its tributaries, most essential raw materials for the The best indicators of this internal trade are the signifi- production of metal objects and luxury items would have cant quantities of materials from the resource areas that been traded from adjacent resource areas. Without the were being brought to the large urban centers. The most aid of written texts it is impossible to determine the na- commonly preserved materials include chert, various ture of territorial control exerted by individual cities or forms of grinding stones and pestles, various types of regional political powers. Consequently, scholars have agate, carnelian and jasper, and numerous other miner- assumed that the distribution of sites with Harappan als. Processed metal, such as copper, bronze, silver, gold seals, architecture, pottery and other diagnostic artifacts and lead were also being brought to the cities from these represents the extent of economic and political control adjacent regions. Both raw and semi-processed marine by Indus communities. shell, dried fish and other marine resources were also Based on current evidence, the internal trade or inter- being taken inland to sites in the Indus plain and even as action sphere of the Indus would include the major allu- far north as Shortugai. Internal trade and exchange is vial plains, the piedmont regions of Baluchistan to the further reflected in the widespread use of standardized west and the regions of Kutch, Saurashtra and much of weights and sealings that indicate aspects of economic modern Gujarat [Fig. 1]. Isolated Harappan sites have and political control. The analysis of raw materials, been found as far north as Shortugai in Afghanistan manufacturing techniques and the discovery of actual (Frankfort 1984), but this does not mean the entire region production areas makes it possible to trace specific arti- between Sarai Khola and the Oxus River was integrated facts to sites or regions. into the Indus interaction system. It is less clear what the Shell bangles made from various marine species have situation is to the south in Baluchistan, where Indus set- been particularly useful in determining the patterns of tlements and related Kulli culture sites (Dales 1976; internal trade networks, as well as the organization of Possehl 1986) have been found. The site of Sutkagen Dor production and trade (Kenoyer 1983; 1984). Both narrow (Dales 1962; Dales & Lipo 1992) was probably an import- and wide shell bangles were produced almost exclusively ant sea port and trading outpost, while the inland site of from the massive gastropod Turbinella pyrum, though Miri Kalat (Besenval 1994) probably dominated the up- occasionally thin and twisted bangles were made from land trade. Harappan sites are found all along the pied- the spiny Murex, Chicoreus ramosus [Fig. 2]. Another varia- mont zone of Kohistan and the Salt Range (Mughal 1974; tion in the manufacture of bangles is seen in the use of Dani 1970-71; Durrani 1988; Durrani, Ali & Erdosy 1991) the bivalve Tivela damaoides to produce ornaments that where passes lead through the hills to highland grazing look very similar to the more circular bangles produced areas. Based on the fact that the sites in Baluchistan are from gastropods. The production of bangles from various often within a few days journey of the Indus alluvium, we species in different regions has made it possible to recon- 19 Susa Ur Harappa Mohenjodaro N Dholavira Fig. 1: Map of the Indus Valley and Mesopotamia. 1 2 3 4 0 5 cm Fig. 2: Bangle types of the Indus Valley. 1) Wide, Turbinella pyrum; 2) Narrow, Turbinella pyrum; 3) Narrow, Chicoreus ramosus; 4) Narrow, Tivela damaoides. 20 Fig. 3: Shell species and derived artifacts. struct the actual internal trade networks and the types of interest in the context of this article are the long carnel- goods being traded. ian nodules used to produce equally long biconical car- For example, the manufacture of Tivela damaoides has nelian beads [Fig. 4]. So far, the actual production of such been documented at the site of Balakot (Dales & Kenoyer long beads can be documented only at the site of Chanhu- 1977) and other sites in this coastal region (Kenoyer daro (Mackay 1943), though there is possible evidence for 1983). Analysis of shell fragments at Lothal and more production at Mohenjodaro and Harappa. The exact recently at Harappa show that some of these bangles source of the large nodules is still unknown, but large were being worn or traded to distant sites within the carnelian nodules have been recovered from the Ratan- Indus region (Kenoyer 1997). Other shell objects, such as pur agate bearing gravels and they would have been partially finished bangles and ladles made from the Mu- available in many parts of Kutch, Saurashtra and Gujarat rex shell (Chicoreus ramosus) were being produced at the wherever this vast geological deposit is accessible site of Nageshwar (Bhan & Kenoyer 1980-81) and proba- (Kenoyer, Vidale & Bhan 1991). Current studies are being bly exported to Harappa and Mohenjodaro. Large colu- undertaken to see if PIXE analysis which has been suc- mella of Turbinella pyrum may have been shaped into cessful elsewhere (Theunissen, Grave & Bailey 2000) will cylinders and traded to Indus sites for use in the produc- work for the Indus carnelian characterization. While it is tion of beads or inlay, but they also may have been pre- possible to generally determine where the carnelian pared for external trade to Mesopotamia, where there is came from, the source of the unique material used to evidence for the use of shell cylinder seals made from produce stone drills for perforating these hard stones is Turbinella pyrum (Gensheimer 1984) [Fig. 3]. less clear. This material has been named “Ernestite” in While agate and carnelian beads were being produced honor of Ernest J. H. Mackay who first discovered the at most Indus sites using similar techniques, the raw drills at Chanhudaro (Kenoyer & Vidale 1992). Electron materials were found only in limited areas. Of specific microprobe x-ray analysis of the drill raw material 21 cylindrical” drills [Fig. 5]. This type of drill was only pro- duced during the Harappan period (2600-1900 B.C.) and appears to have been unique to the Indus Valley (but see discussion below). Furthermore, there appears to be a limited distribution of these beads within the Indus Val- ley itself, since they have only been conclusively docu- mented at the sites of Mohenjodaro, Harappa, Chanhu- daro and possibly at Dholavira. Other types of stone drills have been found at all other Indus sites, but the specific nature of the material used to make the drills is not well documented. The distribution of Ernestite drills corre- sponds roughly to the distribution of long carnelian bead production. This pattern could indicate that the produc- tion of these beads and the drills needed to perforate them was being controlled by certain merchants or elites. Since long carnelian beads were clearly among the most valuable ornaments of the Indus region, this type of con- trol is not surprising. However, as is discussed in more detail below, this evidence for control does have bearing on the fact that many of the finished beads were being traded to Mesopotamia and other adjacent regions. Models of Internal Trade Various models for trade and exchange systems have Fig. 4: Bead manufacturing process: from nodule to bead. been discussed for the prehistoric period (Lamberg- Karlovsky 1975; Clark 1968), but without the support of written documents in the Indus Valley, it is not possible to adequately test most of these models. Based on the limited archaeological evidence from Indus excavations, it is possible to determine that internal trade networks were highly stratified (Kenoyer 1989). Larger cities ap- pear to have been more directly connected with external regions and to each other by inter-regional networks. These cities were in turn linked to smaller towns and villages with intra-regional networks. At the local level, subsistence items and locally produced commodities would have been redistributed without recourse to the larger networks.
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