The Green Ears ofXanthicus:

Calendrical Interpretations of Exodus 12: 1-2 in J ewish and Sectarian Sources from the Biblical through Medieval Periods

by

Andrea Dawn Lobel

Faculty of Religious Studies McGill University, Montreal April, 2004

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts.

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The Green Ears of Xanthicus:

Calendrical Interpretations of Exodus 12:1-2 in Jewish and Sectarian Sources from the Biblical through Medieval Periods

This historical survey traces the interpretation of Exodus 12: 1-2, the Bible's first calendrical commandment, through Jewish and sectarian writings from the biblical verses themselves through the medieval era. It explores both the history ofthe interpretation of these verses and their application in developing a calendar traced along a historical arc spanning carefully chosen sources. These include the Septuagint and Pseudepigrapha, as weIl as numerous antique and early medieval Jewish sources - the Tannaim, Amoraim, and Jewish sectarian groups such as the Qumranites, Samaritans, and Karaites. The end point of this survey is the middle of the fifteenth century, prior to the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492, which led to a shift in Jewish migration and settlement patterns and the development of new literatures of religious expression. Résumé

Les épis verts d'Xanthicus :

Interprétation des versets bibliques faisant référence au calendrier selon le livre de l'Exode 12:1-2 d'après des sources juives et sectaires, depuis la période Biblique jusqu'au Moyen Âge

Cette étude historique, traitant du premier commandement faisant référence au calendrier, retrace l'interprétation de l'Exode 12: 1-2. Cette étude est basée sur des sources juives et sectaires depuis l'écriture même de la Bible jusqu'au Moyen Âge. La thèse explore autant l'histoire de l'interprétation de ces versets que leur application dans le développement d'un calendrier. L'étude puise à de nombreuses sources historiques - le Septuagint, le Pseudepigrapha, et les écrits des Tannaim, Amoraim, et juïfs sectaires tel que les Qurnranites, les Samaritains, et les Karaites. La thèse s'achève avec le milieu du XVe siècle, avant l'expulsion des juïfs d'Espagne en 1492. Cette expulsion engendrera de profonds changements de comportements dans l'immigration des juïfs Sépharades, ainsi que dans le développement de littératures d'expression religieuse.

11 Acknowledgments

ln its exploration of the many and varied interpretations of two Bible verses through the centuries, this thesis might be said to be a work oftime travel. So too are my acknowledgments, connected as they are to those who have been of great support throughout the years. First and foremost, 1 would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. B. Barry Levy, for deepening my awareness and enjoyment of the Bible and its interpretation. The endeavour of attempting to follow the threads of Exodus 12: 1-2 through interpretive history would have been impossible without his teachings and guidance. Many years ago, my maternaI grandmother, Stella, noted my early love of reading, and encouraged it whenever she could. Later, during my decade-long sabbatical from formaI studies, she continued to urge me to return to academic life. Eventually, 1 paid attention. My thanks to her cannot be properly expressed in any known language, constrained as it is by mere phonemes. My deepest thanks goes out to Gladys Yearwood ofblessed memory, who se daily Bible readings inspired my own explorations, and whose strong sense of ethics and compassion anchored the text in Earthly reality. 1 also owe a debt of gratitude to other special people in my life. Thanks to Joelle, Lianne, Stevie Stahl, Bob dM (for priming me with discussions ofmathematics, Plato, Derrida, and Levi-Strauss), Brigit-Alexandre Bussière, Bryna, Carla, Sherif, Pauline, Evelyn, my mother, Elinor, as well as to my mother-in-Iaw and Ima, Eva S. My sincere thanks to those professors and professional associates who have helped me reach this stage: Dr. Gerbern Oegema, Dr. Katherine Young, Dr. David Bakan, Dr. Shoshana Kurtz, Dr. Rachel Weinstock, Selma Sage, Ken Gould, and Dr. Mirela Saim, for encouragement and cookies. This work could, however, never have been written without the love and support of my husband, Mark, who has encouraged me through every step of the research and writing process. He has accompanied me on library trips, kept me in coffee, and reminded me to emerge from my office to eat from time to time. This the sis is, in part, an outgrowth of his devotion.

III Table of Contents

Abstract

Résumé 11

Acknowledgments III

Chapter 1: Introduction - The Calendar Commandment 1

Chapter 2: Exodus 12:1-2 - Intra-Biblical References 4

Chapter 3: The Hellenistic Rewrite (third century BCE-second century CE) 8

A. The Septuagint Version 8 B. OfContext and Calendrics: Greco-Roman Perceptions 8 C. Philo of Alexandria 12 D. Josephus 16 E. The Apocrypha on Xanthicus 21 F. The Pseudepigrapha and the Co smic Clock 21 G. The Dead Sea Scrolls Calendar 24

Chapter 4: Exod. 12:1-2 Interpretations of the Rabbinic Era (first-seventh centuries CE) 27

A. Aramaic Bible Translations: The Targumim on 12:1-2 27 i .. Targum of Onquelos 28 ii. N eophyti 1 28 iii. Fragment Targumim 29

B. Mishnah 30 C. The Tosefta 31 D. Halakhic Midrashim: The Mekhilta 32 E. Jerusalem Talmud, Tractate Rosh HaShanah 36 F. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Rosh HaShanah 38 G. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Sanhedrin 42 H. Interpretations of Exod. 12:1-2 in the Aggadic Midrashim 45 i. Exodus Rabbah 45 ii. Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 48 iii. A vot DeRabbi Nathan and the Appointed Times 50

IV 1. Art as Interpretation, or Drawing Conclusions: Synagogue Art on Nisan and the Beginning of Months 50

J. The View From Mount Gerizim: Exod. 12:1-2 Seen Through the Lens of The Samaritan Midrash 55

Middle Age[s] Spread - Exod. 12:1-2 in The Medieval Period 58

Chapter 5: The Babylonian Geonim and Saadia Gaon on Calendrics (sixth-eleventh centuries CE) 62

Chapter 6: Karaites (eighth-twelfth centuries CE) 65

Chapter 7: Ashkenazi Bible Interpretation (eleventh-fourteenth centuries CE) Or, Arum With a View: In Search of The Naked Text 68

A. Rashi (Rabbi Shlomo ben Yitzhaki) 68 B. Tosafists 70 C. Rashbam (Rabbi Samuel ben Meir) 70 D. Levi ben Gershon (GersonideslRalbag) 72

Chapter 8: The Bible's Reign in Spain (and North Africa) - Sephardic interpretations of Exod. 12: 1-2 (eleventh-fourteenth Centuries CE) 76

A. Abraham Ibn Ezra 76 B. Maimonides (Moshe ben Maimon) 78 C. Judah Halevi 79 D. Nachmanides 81 E. Moses de Leon 82 F. Yemenite Midrash 83 G. Isaac Arama 83

Chapter 9: Time Reset: Bible Interpretation In New Lands - The End of An Era 88

Chapter 10: Summary and Conclusion: Calendrics and the Biblical Prism 90 References

Endnotes

v "It is not your responsibility to complete the task, but neither are you permitted to avoid it."

Pirkei Avot 2:1

VI Chapter 1 Introduction: The Calendar Commandment

Calendar systems are perhaps the highest form of practical technology ever to emerge from humanity's observations of the heavens. Instituted for numerous reasons, each system carries with it not only its implications for community timekeeping, but the potential to inspire highly charged political debate. Indeed, the purpose of calendar is to structure time for a community, affecting the very fabric ofits daily life, and leading to its collective self-definition and group identification. Like Bible interpretation itself, time is relative. In their overlap within a biblical text, however, this effect is magnified, leading to varied perceptions of the material. Such are the challenge and accompanying exegetical opportunity posed by Exodus 12:1-2, which contains what many commentators from early antiquity onward consider to be not only the first commandment, but the first to specifically mandate the establishment of a calendar by the Israelites. The aim of this examination, then, is to trace the appearance and evolution of these key biblical verses. Being a superimposition ofhumanity's need for structure and order upon a sequence of events,1 time is a theoretical construet. However, the story of the interpretation of Exod. 12:1-2 is also the factual history of the evolution of the Jewish calendar, which has been modified over time, encompassing three major shifts: a move from the mandated new year of Exod. 12:1-2 in Nisan to the CUITent new year, which begins in the month of Tishrei; a change in the signalling mechanism announcing the molad, from signal-tires to relianee upon messengers; and finally, the transition from a system in which the new moon was announced based on observation to the cUITent, calculated Jewish ealendar established during the time of Hillel II in the fourth century of the common era.2 Far from being dry or innocuous, when viewed through the lenses of changing Jewish cultures, these verses fairly dance through interpretive history, touehing upon areas as far flung as philology, archeology and astronomy, and leading to manifold debates throughout antiquity, the Middle Ages and beyond. Throughout the following pages, selected sources will be presented, beginning with the Bible text itself and terminating - if the exegetical enterprise can ever be said to end - in the mid-1400s, prior to the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, at which point religious literary expression is changed dramatically by a complex interaction between migration patterns and the sweeping societal changes of the late medieval era and early Renaissance. Owing to the sheer nurnber of sources on these two verses, this examination is of necessity limited in its scope. The literary and cultural output concerning the verses in question, however, by no means ceases in the 1400s, such that any attempt to outline the history of the interpretation ofv. 1-2 serves only to capture a sampling ofselected commentaries within a given time span. So it is that this examination serves both as a vehicle for analytical commentary on the chosen texts and as a veritable compilation project which brings together a wide variety of historical interpretations. It is my hope that their collective presence in these pages serves to illuminate the calendar issue in sorne small way and presents a clear interpretive historical arc which may be followed by my readers. Why is this enterprise important? First, by tracing interpretations of Exod. 12: 1-2 through history, 1 hope to demonstrate the pivotaI importance ofthese verses to the development of the Jewish calendar, as weIl as to the thought of Jewish, Greek, Roman and sectarian commentators such as the Karaites, Yemenite thinkers and Qumranites. Second, we are able to follow the sequence ofhistorical and interpretive events that led away from an agricultural emphasis to a focus upon peoplehood in urban centres. This will be shown to be parallel to the aforementioned shift from the new year ofNisan to that of Tishrei, as weil as to the subsequent fixing ofthe Jewish calendar. Third, we can take note of sectarian agendas as the)" manifested themselves through history, and of the ways in which groups came to define themselves through calendrics. Fourth, we observe the ways in which strength and flexibility are enhanced within the Jewish community once its calendrical self-definition is solidly established. Finally, as we will see, by following an interpretive arc consisting of a large collection of Bible commentaries and opinions, a clear pattern unfolds, allowing us a glimpse into communities in evolution. AIl Bible quotes that appear in this thesis are excerpted from the Massoretic text, save for those embedded within secondary texts to which 1 refer. Of necessity, sorne proper names and terms, such as Saadya, are presented in alternate spelling, such as Saadia, as they appear within

2 secondary material. So too in the case of altemate British and American spellings of various terms, and differing transliterations, which 1 have endeavoured to keep intact in deference to the authors in question. 1 made use of a standard search procedure for each primary source. The search terms 1 sought in text indices and online resources included: Exodus 12: 1-2, Abib, spring, Nisan, Nissan, Xanthicus, Xanthicos, Xanthikus, Xanthikos, equinox, seasons, new year, Rosh Hashana/h, new moon, setfeasts, and appointedfeasts. When aH that appeared to be available in a text was ofa general nature that might shed light on the context in which 12:1-2 was situated, the search terms Egypt, intercalation, calendar, month,festivals, exodus and Passover were employed. As 1 explore various interpretations of Exod. 12:1-2,1 will make ample reference not merely to the commentaries in isolation, but to the allied areas of Abib and the Barley harvest, the tequfot, 3 the new moon (molad) discussions and relevant Passover commentaries in order to properly frame the discussion ofboth the calendar commandment and the new year. Despite the importance of intercalation to the establishment of a fixed calendar, 1 will not explore its accompanying mathematical calculations, conditions or goveming rules in any significant depth, nor will 1 detail the 19 year Metonic cycle and its historical evolution. Wherever possible, 1 have endeavoured to include not only direct commentaries on our key verses, but indirect references to astronomical and calendrical matters such as the molad and the fixing of festivals - issues which emerged from earlier commentaries and rulings on Exod. 12:1-2. Indeed, the interpretive literature to be surveyed in this examination did not emerge in a vacuum, and so, care has been taken te establish the cultural settings for each of the eras' interpreters. While it would be impossible to comment on aH relevant developments in a given historical period, sorne of the key events and changes have been mentioned or alluded to so as to provide sorne measure of context for the Bible commentaries themselves, as weil as the ideas which emerge from these commentaries.

3 Chapter 2 Exodus 12:1-2 - Intra-Biblical References

Beginning this examination, we first turn to the source text, Exod. 12:1-2, which reads as follows, in both Hebrew and English: :i~N' O"liYr.) yiN:l lii1N 'N1 i1W~ 'N i11i1"1 i~N"l1

2 0:)' N1i1 "W Ni 'C"lw,n WNi 'C:)' i1T i1 w,n i1 :i1J Wi1 "lw,n,

1 And the Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron in the land of Egypt, saying,

2 This month shaH be unto you the beginning of months: it shaH be the first month of the year to you.

This may be considered the first commandment given to ail Israel as a nation. Transmitted to Moses and Aaron while the Israelites were still in Egypt, and immediately upon their release from slavery, the timing of this commandment seems to delineate the difference between slavery, where one's time is controlled by others, and freedom, where the individual has control over his or her own time. At the very least, it marks a transition from time as it is overseen and set by Pharaoh and that which is established by God for the people of Israel. In essence, upon receipt of the commandment in Exod. 12: 1-2, the Israelites are on God' s time-c1ock, so to speak, and this, even prior to the giving of the commandments on Mount Sinai. Calendar is but one way of wrestling with control over time. Much the way in which Jacob wrestled with the angel in space, so too do entire communities grapple with calendars and other timekeeping devices as symbols oftheir identity and historical purpose, or destiny. As we will see throughout the literature, religious calendars are aIso a community's way of establishing a group's relationship with God by appointment - a distinctly human way to ensure continued and set contact with God's laws, distinguish between communities, and secure sorne measure of

4 group cohesion.4 Exod. 12:1-2 is not the first biblical reference to calendar, however, but simply the first direct commandment to maintain a calendar - that is, for humans to take control oftheir part of the temporal relationship with the Divine. One earlier reference appears in Gen. 1: 14, in which creation and the heavens are appointed to serve as signs to mark the seasons, days and years. Here, the Hebrew term for season is moced (plural, moCedim). The notion of appointed or set feasts cornes later, and marks the union ofhuman and the Divine in time. Later in this paper, we will examine the tequfot - a term most often used to refer to the equinoxes, but which is also used to refer to solstices. Within the Tanakh itself, there are numerous internaI references to the month ofNisan, as well as to the calendrical, astronomical, seasonal or festival-related issues which relate directly to our exploration ofv. 1-2. What follows is a brieflisting ofthese verses, with summaries:

Gen. 5:23 (Calendrical reference to Enoch living to age 365. Related to 2 Enoch 1:1) Gen. 8: 13 (On the tirst day of the tirst year, the waters dry up from the earth.) Exod. 13:4 (Exodus will take place in the month of Abib) Exod. 23: 15 (Passover appointed in the month of Abib.) Exod. 34: 18 (Exodus has taken place in the month of Abib.) Exod. 40:2, 17 (Tabernacle set up on the tirst day of the fÏrst month.) Num. 20: 1 (The Children of Israel enter the desert of Zin in the fÏrst month.)

Specific feast commandments may be found in the foIIowing Torah verses:

Lev. 23:4 (on feasts of the Lord and holy convocations, to be proclaimcd in thcir scasons) Num. 9: 1 (The Lord speaks unto Moses in the fÏrst month of the second ycar aftcr the exodus); 29:39 (rules for set feasts) Deut. 16: 1 ("Observe the month of Abib, and keep the passover. ..")

Here, God sets His feasts as mocedim (appointed times, or appointments in time). Among these, Lev. 23:4 is of special interest, as the Torah text maps the feasts onto the seasons - a linkage that has triggered much debate through our primary sources, including the Babylonian Talmud in tractate Rosh HaShanah 21b. 5 This verse, along with Deut. 16:1, has been

5 used as a rationale for intercalating the calendar to keep the festivals within their proper seasons. This is seen in the Babylonian Talmud, Rosh HaShanah 21a, where Rab Huna bar Abin tells Rava: "When you see that the cycle of Tevet continues until the sixteenth ofNisan, intercalate that year and don't scruple about doing so, as it is written [Dt. 16:1]: 'Observe the month

[hodesh] of Abib.' "6 References to Nisan and related calendrical issues continue in the Neviim and Ketuvim as well. Here, however, it appears that not even the Divine ordinance can please everybody, as we see in Isa. 1: 14, where it is written, "Your new moons and your appointed feasts my soul hateth: they are a trouble unto me; 1 am weary to bear them." Other references (and this is by no means an exhaustive list) include: Josh. 4: 19 (Israelites cross the Jordan River in the first month.)

Ezek. 29: 17 (Word of the Lord heard on the first day of the first month); 45: 18 (God's command to sacrifice a bullock on the first day of the first month)

Esth. 3:7 (On Nisan, the first month); 3:12 (Decree to kill the Jews in the first month.)

Ezra 3:5 (Burnt offering for new moons and consecration of set feasts); 7:9 (Ezra leaves Babylon for Jerusalem on the first day of the first month.); 10: 17 (reference to first day of the first month)

Neh. 2: 1 (Reference to the month of Nisan)

1 Chr. 12: 15, 27:2-3 (References to the first month)

2 Chr. 29:3 (Hezekiah performs home renovations - i.e., repairs the doors of the Temple - in the first year of his reign, on the first month.)

2 Chr. 29: 17 (The priests begin to sanctify the Temple on the first day of the first month.)

It's worth noting here that the Bible mentions the termAbib (or Aviv), the Hebrew term for the season of spring, eight times. It is used to refer to ears of barley in Exod. 9:31 and Lev. 2:14, and is then used to refer to the name of the first month in Exod. 13:4,23:15,34:18 and Deut. 16: 1. Indeed, the Tanakh refers to numerous calendrical terms related to agriculture, including the month of Abib. "This word means 'a fresh ear' of grain, as in Lev. 2: 14, and is used ofbarley when it is green, and 'in ear,' as in Exod. 9:31; hence used as a month name and with the article 'the Abib,' it refers to the period when the barley shoots into ear.'" Whereas Deut 16: 1 tells us that Abib is the month in which Passover takes place, Exod. 12:2 makes it clear that Passover is to be celebrated in the first month. Taken together, it is obvious that Abib is

6 another terrn for the first of months.8 At this early point in our examination of Exod. 12:1-2, it might be said that the importance of the verses are practical and its interpretation fairly literaI, serving to link the Israelites to Creation, agriculture (e.g., the Abib) and the land, as weIl as to correctly observe the festivals in their seasons. As we will see, the interpretive literature expands considerably from here, and develops more sophisticated associations and linkages alongside the move toward urbanization.

7 Chapter 3 The Hellenistic Rewrite (third century BCE-second century CE)

A. The Septuagint Version

It seems like1y that the Torah was translated into Greek by the third century BCE, followed by other books of the Bible by the first century BCE.9 As Paul E. Kahle writes, "the Jews in Egypt needed a Greek Tora perhaps more than their brethren needed an Aramaic Tora in Palestine, as Hebrew was less understood in Egypt than in Palestine."lo So it is that the Septuagint was requested by the Alexandrian Jewish community, who "wished to have a correct, standard, text.,,11 Given this desire for accuracy, the translation of Exod. 12:1-2 in the LXX is straightforward: 1 And the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron in the Land of Egypt, saying,

2 This month shall be to you the beginning of months: it is the first to you among the months of the year. 12

1 E Lve oe K'Up LOS vpos MW'USflV Ka 1. Aapwv ev Yfl

A LY'UVTO'U Àe y (Il 'V , 0 f.lflV O'UTOS

2 'Uf.lLV ap Xfl f.lflVWV VpWTOS eST LV 'Uf.lI,V ev TO I,S f.lflS l, TO'U ev La'UTO'U.

This text very closely follows that of the Torah, which provided the Greco-Roman authors who relied on the Septuagint verses with a clear, value-neutral, translation to interpret. 13

B. Of Context and Calendrics: Greco-Roman Perceptions

Any study of the interpretation of our verses during the Hellenistic era must first examine

8 the prevailing cultural sensibilities and perceptions bearing upon the matter. As we will see, the Hellenistic context provided opportunities for both Jewish and non-Jewish writers to present their perceptions of the Bible verses and of Jews to their audiences, in both calendrical and more general writings. In sorne cases, it is obvious that Exod. 12:1-2 is being referenced. However, in others, I would suggest that the very character of Moses the lawgiver may have been transmuted into that of a veritable magician-astrologer and keeper oftime and the seasons, due in part to his apparently magic al feats before Pharaoh in Egypt, and in sorne measure, owing to his connection to the Jewish calendar. In this light, it might be hypothesized that verses 1 and 2 served to link the figure of Moses with calendar. The further connection of Moses to a Greco-Roman conception - which we will examine shortly - of the Jews being Egyptian may weIl have cemented this in the public and literary imagination of the time. Among the works contained in the Pseudepigrapha and other Greco-Roman writings are several which contain relevant astronomical or calendrical references as weIl as the aforementioned magical-calendrical views of Moses which may have shaped future calendrical interpretations of Exod. 12:1-2. It to the se authors that we will now tum. The Aegyptiaca of Hecataeus of Abdera (circa 300 BCE),14 contemporary of Alexander the Great and a student of Pyrron the Skeptic, may contain the oldest reference to Jewish origins in the corpus of Greek literature. 15 Referring to Jews within the context of Egyptians migrating elsewhere,16 his writing is devoid of anti -Semitism and holds Moses in high esteem. 17 Hecataeus fashions Moses as conqueror of cities and as the founder of both Jerusalem and the temple. Of special interest, however, is the comment that Moses divided the colony into 12 tribes, "since this is regarded as the most perfect number and corresponds to the number of months that make up a year.,,18 Appearing as it does immediately after mention of Moses having "drawn up their laws,"19 this raises the question of whether this is sorne form of indirect commentary on Exod. 12:1-2 and the issue ofcalendar. However, this is speculative and beyond our scope. Orphica (second century BCE-first century CE) is a piece of Jewish writing that "Eusebius claimed to have found [... ] cited in the works of Aristobulus" and which is formulated as a series of "esoteric instructions given by Orpheus to his son and pupil, Musaeus."20 Among the extant versions are a longer and shorter version of the text. Particularly

9 relevant to our examination is the longer text, which refers to: ... a certain unique man, an offshoot from far back of the race Of Chaldeans. For he was knowledgeable about the path of the Star, [Footnote in the text refers to this either being Abraham or Moses, but Philo in Vila Moses 5 "thinks also of Moses as a Chaldean schooled in astronomy"] And how the movement of the Sphere goes around the Earth, Both in circular fashion, but each on its own axis. 21

The short version does not contain these astronomical and calendrical references, and neither version contains direct reference to the calendar commandment. It may weIl be, however, that Exod. 12:1-2 served as one source for this Mosaic mystery tradition, in which Moses is not only a master time-keeper, but a weUspring of esoteric knowledge. We next turn to The Exagoge ('Leading Out'), the work ofEzekiel the Tragedian (second Century BCE), and a dramatic play that reteUs the story of the Egyptian exodus, focusing on the narrative in Exodus 1_15. 22 Written in Greek and preserved in fragmentary form in the writings of Eusebius, Clement of Alexandria and Pseudo-Eustathius, The Exagoge refers specifically to Exod. 12:2, reading: This also say to ail the Hebrew race: "This month shall be the tirst month of your years, in which l'Il lead you to another land which to the Hebrew fathers 1 did swear."23

Here, the dramatist has not only incorporated the calendrical commandment, but, unlike the Torah text, which simply moves on to the Passover laws, The Exagoge version links said mitzvah with God's promise t() Abraham. This interpretation may have served a dual purpose for Ezekiel's viewing audience - both fostering a sense ofnationalism and community in the Jewish audience and educating those who were not of the Jewish faith. The available fragments of the writings of second-century philosopher Aristobulus offer us a glimpse into an attempt at synthesis - that is, the author appears "to be part of an extended attempt to relate Jewish tradition to hellenistic culture.,,24 It is upon Fragment 1 - preserved by Eusebius - that we will focus, due to its "astronomical characteristics of the date of Passover.,,25 Aristobulus writes that "When these writers [Philo, Josephus and Musaeus] explain questions concerning the Exodus, they say that it is necessary that aU alike sacrifice the Passover after the vernal equinox, in the middle of the first month; and this occurs when the sun

10 passes through the first sector of the solar, or as sorne ofthem called (it), the zodiacal circ1e."26 Most interesting is the additional comment that at the feast of Passover, "not only the sun will be passing through an equinoctial sector, but the moon also.'>21 This places them in diametrically opposed positions28 - an arrangement which, l would suggest, must have held sorne symbolic significance for a thinker who held hermeneutics in high esteem. Steeped in interpretive and allegorical methodology, Aristobulus was "the earliest known theologian in the Judeo-Christian tradition engaged in the hermeneutical task.',29 Moreover, he was concemed about developing "a hermeneutical method ... [his work being] of interest as an early and simple example of a theology which unites Jewish reflections on wisdom with hellenistic ideas about the Logos. ,,30

Preserved by Eusebius and Alexander Polyhistor, the quotations of the writer known as Pseudo-Eupolemus (before the first century BCE) exist in two fragments, the first ofwhich deals "with Abraham as spreader of astrologicallore."31 The text "states that Abraham was bom in a Babylonian city, that he excelled in astrology, and that he traveled to Phoenicia, where he taught this science.,,32 Retelling Gen. 14, the text also informs us that Abraham taught astrology in Egypt, but that he "praises Enoch33 as the inventor of astrological science.,,34 Finally, we move on to Artapanus (second-third century BCE), who recounts the adventures of Abraham, Joseph and Moses, in both his Judaica and Peri Ioudaion (About the Jews), recounting the life of Moses and crediting him with magical powers which allowed him to liberate the Jews from Egypt. 35 Preserved in Alexander Polyhistor's summary form36 by Eusebius and Clement, the text may have been written as early as 250 BCE, but more likely between 250 and 100 BCE. 37 As was the syncretistic fashion, as weIl as one way to integrate the supernatural powers of Moses into the thought of the larger culture, Artapanus writes that Moses - a teacher of astrology - "was called Hermes, on account of the interpretation of the sacred letters."38 Indeed, Artapanus also wrote that it was Abraham who taught Egyptian King Pharethotes [and the Phoenicians] the science of astrology."39 This is of special interest, as a footnote to the text relates that Hermes was the Greek analogue of the Egyptian god Thoth, who "was also a lawgiver"40 as well as a god of writing. The overriding message delivered by the writings of Artapanus, however, is summarized by Charlesworth, when he writes that he "transmitted the idea that Egyptian culture - inc1uding its

11 idolatry and polytheism - was shaped by Abraham, Joseph and Moses.,,41 No small accomplishment for a Jewish writer, or indeed, for a Jewish community preserving itselfwithin its ho st culture. Strabo of Amaseia (circa 64 BCE-20s CE) offered up an altemate interpretation of the Jewish Exodus. Mainly found in his Geographica, mention of the Jewish ethne appears.42 However, Strabo considers the Jews to have been descended from Egyptians, which set the stage for his view of Moses as a divinely inspired leader and lawgiver. Indeed, Strabo likens him to such prophets as Orpheus, Zalmoxis the Pythagore an, the diviner of Byrebistas, the Persian Magi as well as necromancers and the Roman Tyrrhenian nativity-casters.43 Vettius Valens (second century CE) saw Abraham as "an astrological authority."44 So too did the writer Apuleius (author of The Golden Ass, also of the second century CE) consider Moses to be among the "prominent sorcerers.,,45 Of no small importance to the matter of calendar and Exod. 12: 1-2 - we can clearly see the evidence of a pervasive Greco-Roman view of Moses, as well as Abraham, being magicians or masters of the zodiac in the above writings, which span several centuries. It is within this larger social and cultural context that both Philo of Alexandria and Josephus wrote. Among authors of antiquity who used the Septuagint text as their source,46 both interpreted the original text from a distinctly Greek frame ofreference. We might assume that any interpretation of the first calendrical commandment by Hellenized authors would have been steeped in their own culture and weltannschaung and, ofnecessity, take on a distinctly Greco-Roman hue. Indeed, the revision and rewriting of bibli.;al narrative to meld with prevailing Hellenistic sensibilities can be seen in the writings of Philo and Josephus, as the following excerpts and commentaries will reveal.

c. Philo of Alexandria

Born into two traditions, Jewish and Greco-Roman, Philo (c. first century CE) was aIl at once a philosopher as well as a Bible commentator who tended to view the text through an allegoricallens. While "scholars have long debated whether he can more aptly be described as a Hellenized Jew or Judaized Hellene,,,47 there is little doubt that Philo's writings are a synthesis of both worldviews.

12 In keeping with the prevailing Greco-Roman views of Moses, Philo saw him as "the supreme lawgiver, the ideal king, prophet, and priest, though whom the divine laws became incarnate. "48 Turning to the Divine calendricallaw given in Exod. 12:1-2, De Vila Mosis 2.41 (222), sees Philo refer to the first month as the beginning of the spring equinox, "which suggests, rather oddly, that the vernal equinox is a period rather than a point [or equinoctial sector] in time. "49

However, elsewhere, Philo implies that the equinox represents the middle of the month. "50 In fact, the "connection between the first month (in which Passover occurs) and the vernal equinox is frequently stated in the works of Philo, [though he] fails to define precisely how the first month and equinox are related."sl As Philo writes: Moses dates the first month of the year's revolution at the beginning of the spring equinox. And, in doing so, he is not like sorne giving the place of honour to the actual time but rather to the gifts of nature which she raises up for men. For at the equinox the cornS2 crops, our necessary food, become ripe, while on the trees, which are in full bloom, the fruit is just beginning to appear. This ranks second to the corn, and therefore is a later growth. For in nature what is less pressing always cornes after a really pressing necessity. 53

Philo comments directly upon Exod. 12 verses 1 and 2 proper in Questions and Answers on Exodus. Quoting the verse "This month (shall be) for you the beginning ofmonths; it is the first in the months of the year," he states that Scripture "thinks it proper to reckon the cycle of months from the vernal equinox,"S4 and likens the first month to the "head of a living creature"S5 which represents the beginning. Philo goes further, extending this metaphor to the zodiac, "For they call the Ram the head of the zodiac since in it the sun appears to produce the vernal equinox.,,56 Speaking of the cycles of death and rebirth in nature, Philo's tone is almost Christological, as he continues, describing that which might be considered nature' s cyclical alpha and omega: Accordingly, when the fruits of things that are sown become full grown on the trees, then they receive the beginning of bearing, in order that the gracious acts of God may be prolonged perpetually as they replace one another and as they join the ends to the beginnings and the beginnings to the ends. But in the first creation of ail things, in which He also made the world, He constituted ail things at the same time to be filled with their fruits of mated thoughts. [. ..] And this was especially for the sake of man, to whom He was about to entrust the beginning of customs, that he might immediately find ail things perfect and perfectly produced.'"

Here, Philo makes it clear that spring is indeed the season of the barley harvest, with its

13 "sheaves offirst-fruits,"58 and that the Bible appoints the spring equinox to be the beginning of the cycle of months. 59 He also attempts to clear up any lingering confusion regarding the "two equinoxes, the vernal and the autumnal,"60 stating that "Scripture begins to reckon time"61 only from the spring equinox due to the fertility of the land in this season, in which places grow and blossom and bear fruit, whereas in the autumn, the plants lose their leaves and become dry. This, says Philo, indicates that spring is a "better and more desirable (season)."62 Ever the allegorist, Philo continues this line, writing that: [... ] the autumnal equinox is to the vernal as a servant is to a queen. For it ministers to the earth by giving it rest and by making lighter the trees which have been suffering hardship in their nature, and by tighting like a brave athlete, it enables them to gather together their strength and to make a new start from the beginning. Now, ifthis is so, no one will err in saying that in the same way as heaven (is superior) to (the rest of) the universe, so among the seasons the spring is prior to and more sovereign than the autumn. [... ] But not aIl (peoples) treat the months and years alike, but sorne in one way and sorne in another. Sorne reckon by the sun, others by the moon. And because of this the initiators of the divine festivals have expressed divergent views about the beginnings of the year. [ ...r)

This passage reveals Philo' s keen awareness of the varying religio-calendrical practices in the cultures surrounding him. Returning to the Bible verses being discussed, he continues: (Scripture) has added, "This month (shall be) to you the beginning," making clear a determined and distinct number of seasons, lest they follow the Egyptians, with whom they are mixed, and be seduced by the customs of the land in which they dwell. For He wishes this season to be (the beginning) of creation of the world, and the beginning of months and years for the race. Now the season in which the world was created, as anyone will ascertain in truth who uses a proper method of inquiry (and) deliberation, was the se as on of spring, since it is at this time that aIl things in common blossom and srow, and the earth produces its perfected fruits. And, as 1 have said, nothing was imperfect in the tirst creation of the universe. For special care was taken that the race should be civilized and receive a special portion of excellence in honour of (its) piety, (namely) this megalopolis, the world, and civilization, by which it manages its economy. Wherefore He thought it proper that the same season (should be) a memorial both of the creation of the world and of that which is kin to it, 6. again in order that the spring might be the beginning of every time, for time came into being together with the creation of the world. And the race, following nature and the whole dispensation of heaven, reckoned the seasons similarly and in harmony with the months and years, giving the same priority to the spring as it has in the creation of the world. For at the command of the Lord, wherever it was arranged that they should change their dwelling from Egypt, being persuaded by clear words, He prescribed the tirst month as the time of migration. But this is the same as the seventh (month) in the solar period, for the seventh (month) from the autumnal equinox is described as the time of migration, and it is the tirst (month) according to the solar reckoning. 64

14 Moving on to Passover and the spring equinox, Philo caUs unleavened bread the symbol of "the first festival,"6S and terms the holy day itself "the crossing feast. "66 Offering yet more commentary on the first month - that of the spring equinox - Philo emphasizes that though it cornes seventh as judged by the cycle of the sun, it is nevertheless first in importance, "and therefore is described as first in the sacred books.,,67 Painting a portrait that resembles a cosmic pastiche in which there is a one-to-one correspondence between Earthly creation and the Heavenly bodies, Philo explains his reasoning: (151) The reason for this 1 believe to be as foIlows. In the spring equinox we have a kind of likeness and portraiture of that tirst epoch in which this world was created. The elements were then separated and placed in harmonious order with reference to themselves and each other. The heaven was adorned with sun and moon and the rhythmic movements and circlings of the other stars, both tixed and planetary. So too the earth was adorned with every manner of plants, and the uplands and lowlands, wherever the soil had depth and goodness, became luxuriant and verdant. (152) So every year God reminds us of the creation of the world by setting before our eyes the spring when everything blooms and flowers. And therefore there is good reason for describing it in the laws as the tirst month because in a sense it is an image of the primai origin reproduced from it like the imprint from an archetypal seai. (153) But the month of the autumnal equinox, though tirst in order as measured by the course of the sun, is not caIled tirst in the law, because at that time aIl the fruits have been gathered in and the trees are shedding their leaves and aIl the bloom which the spring brought in its prime already scorched by the heat of the summer sun is wilting under the dry currents of air. (154) And so to give the name of "tirst" to a month in which both uplands and lowlands are sterilized and unfruitful seemed to him altogether unsuitable and incongruous. For things which come tirst and head the list should be associated with aIl the fairest and most desirable things which are the sources of birth and increase to animais and fruits and plants, not with the processes of destruction and the dark thoughts which it suggests."68

Philo then goes on to de scribe the purposeful choosing of the fifteenth day of the first month for the festival ofPassover, given the full moon, which illuminates the holiday. His presentation of the blooming flowers, animaIs, fruits and verdant plants is similar to the portrayals of seasonal and agricultural rebirth imagery that may be found in numerous writings composed by the early Church fathers, among whom Philo himself was sometimes numbered. While potentially fruitful, this corpus of literature is beyond our purview. Philo's penchant for sign and symbol also allows us a glimpse into the astrology (and hence, astronomical conceptions) ofhis day. Describing the details and colours of the high

15 priest's garments in XXIV,69 Philo the allegorist holds sway, calling flowers "an emblem of the earth,,,70 and likening various priestly symbols to the ancient elements of earth, water and air, which in tum, are related to the heavens. Continuing on this line, Philo argues that the high priest's ephod - the mantle over his shoulders - is an "emblem ofheaven,,71 owing to the two round emeralds aftixed to the shoulders which correspond to either the sun and the moon or "the two hemispheres of the sky,"72 being the Earth and the heavens. Philo turns to the zodiac itself, and writes: (123) A similar testimony is given by their colour, for the appearance of the whole heaven as presented to our sight is like the emerald. Six names, too, had to be engraved on each of the stones, since each of the hemispheres also div ides the zodiac into two, and appropriates six of the signs. (124) Secondly, the stones at the breast, which are dissimilar in colour, and are distributed into four rows of threes, what else should they signify but the zodiac circle? For that circle, when divided into four parts, constitutes by three signs in each case the seasons of the year -- spring, summer, autumn, winter -- those four, the transition in each of which is determined by three signs and made known to us by the revolutions of the sun,according to a mathematical law, unshaken, immutable and truly divine. 73

Irnrnersed in the larger Greco-Roman philosophical context we have established, Philo appears to have a simple agenda, namely, one of synthe sis in which his topic is Jewish and his philosophical interpretive style might be considered more Greco-Roman. As we have seen, Philo's cornrnentary is occupied with lofty themes in his examination of our key verses. These include the creation, the zodiac, the equinoxes and the seasons, as weil as the crops and more general fruits these bring forth. His writing is colourful and perhaps even lyricaL extolling the bounty of both the heavens and the earth. These are themes steeped in agricultural symbolism, and which are emblematic of sorne of the era's own prominent motifs. Thesc ,"cry themes will resurface later on in this study in our examination of synagogue art.

D. Josephus

The son of a priest, Flavius Josephus (c. 37-100 CE) has preserved not only a detailed source of Jewish history and apologetics74 in his writings, but has allowed us a glimpse into the intertestamental and New Testament periods.75 Indeed, according to Sid Z. Leiman, Josephus was "the tirst witness to a closed canon of the Hebrew scripture. Since he is also the single most important source for the history of the Jews and Judaism in Palestine in the Graeco-Roman

16 period, whatever he has to say about the Bible (relating to its content, text, interpretation, or theology) looms large in any serious discussion ofwhat the Bible looked like and how it was understood in antiquity."76 ln his writings, we note a range of styles, from the rewritten Bible stories of his Antiquities to his staunch defence of the Jewish nation in Against Apion. Josephus lived and wrote within a late first century Greco-Roman context, and as such, scholars have speculated as to the composition ofhis audience, with sorne assuming a Jewish readership77 and others pointing to the clear signs that Josephus was appealing to a mainly non-Jewish audience. For, as Louis H. Feldman points out, "Throughout the entire book, he seems reflexively aware of the needs of gentile readers, and he does not assume any significant knowledge of Judean laws, calendar, or customs. ,,7S Indeed, he was likely addressing both Greeks and "Latin-speaking Romans,,,79 particularly aristocrats, and believed "that the entire Greek-speaking world will find it worthy of attention."so Published - or completed - in 93 CE.,sl The Antiquities were heavily reliant upon the Septuagint text, but reflect in equal measure the cultural norms and customs of the Greco-Roman world in which Josephus lived, as well as Josephus's penchant for creative paraphrasing. Elaborating upon this authorial tendency, Feldman explains, wryly: To appreciate Josephus's rewriting of the Bible, it may be useful to compare his work with other efforts in antiquity to rewrite sacred material. Whether it is Greek playwrights rewriting plots from Homer and other sources or Dionysius of Halicarnassus's retelling of Roman legends or midrashic or quasi-midrashic works, such as the Genesis Apocryphon, Jubilees, Pseudo­ Philo's Biblical Antiquities, or rabbinic targumim or midrashic reworking of the Jewish Scriptures, we note that their authors feel no hesitation in taking liberties - and often very considerable liberties - with their sacred texts. Hence, when Josephus assures his readers that he has not added to or subtracted from the sacred text, his readers would presumably have understood this to mean that he had followed in the footsteps of his many predecessors and contemporaries.82

While only one section of the Antiquities spans - and paraphrases - our key verses (Le., Ant. 1:80-81, printed below), numerous references to the month ofNisan, or Xanthicus, are worthy of inclusion here, if only to make the point that this month was known and that Josephus had himselfinterpreted and included Exod. 12:1-2. As we will see later, however, in an examination of the Babylonian Talmud, tractate Rosh HaShanah, there was still no small amount of confusion as to the ordering of the months.

17 We see evidence ofthis in 1:80-81, in which the second month is referred to as Marchesuan83 even as NisanlXanfhicus is said to be the tirst month for Jewish festivals. Josephus attempts to explain this inconsistency, however, by pointing to the preservation of the original month ordering for the sake ofbusiness:84 This calamity occurred in the six hundredth year of Nochos's rule, in the second month, called Dios by Macedonians and Marsouanes by Hebrews, for they had arranged the year thus in Egypt. Moyses designated Nisan, that is Xanthikos, as the first month for the festivals, because it was in this month that he led the Hebrews out of Egypt. He began [the year] with this [month] also for aIl the honors with respect to the divine; however, he preserved the first arrangement [of the months] with regard to sales and purchases and other activities. He says that the Flood began on the twenty-seventh of the previously mentioned month.8l

Louis H. Feldman's commentary references v. 2 specitically. He comments upon the Macedonian name Xanfhikos (variant spelling), stating that it was "especially in vogue since the inauguration of the Seleucid era in 312 B.C.E. The equivalence with the Jewish (Babylonian) names" being questionable.86 On the festival ofPassover, Josephus comments on the various names for the month:

God, having revealed that by still one more plague He would force the Egyptians to release the Hebrews, ordered Moyses to announce to the people to have ready a sacrifice, preparing on the tenth day of the month of Xanthikos for the fourteenth, which month among the Egyptians is called Pharmouthi and among the Hebrews is called Nisan, and the Macedonians calI it Xanthikos, and to lead off the Hebrews as they carried along with themall their possessions.87

He then tells of the Exodus, writing that the Israelites finally "left Egypt in the month of Xanthikos on the fifteenth [day] according to the lunar reckoning."88 Another reference to the first month exists in Anf. 3:201, in which J osephus de scribes the workmen on the tabernacle toward the end of the first year after the exodus from Egypt, saying that at the "beginning of the second year, in the month of Xanthikos according to the Macedonians and ofNisan according to the Hebrews, on the new moon they consecrated the Tent and aIl such vessels connected with it as have been reported by me.,,89 This is a commentary upon Exod. 40: 17, which reads, "And it came to pass in the first month in the second year, on the first day of the month, that the tabernacle was reared up." Further commenting on national remembrance ofIsraelite deliverance and the month of Nisan, Josephus writes:

18 In the month of Xanthicus, which among us is called Nisan and is the beginning of the year, on the fourteenth, according to the moon, the sun being in Aries, because in this month we were liberated from slavery under the Egyptians, he prescribed by law that we should offer each year the sacrifice, called pascha [ ...ro

Notable here is the fact that Josephus connects the celebration of Passover and the beginning ofthe year to the zodiac. Indeed, "the beginning of Aries was (and still is), the traditional astronomical designation of the vernal equinox.,,91 The tequfat abib also cornes into play in the writings of Philo, as we have seen, as well as in our later examination of synagogue art and the zodiac. In turn, the zodiac itself carries with it Mosaic associations, for as we noted earlier, Moses - and, alternatively, Abraham - were thought, by sorne, to possess esoteric knowledge, including a deep, almost supernatural understanding of the calendar. This is underscored by the New Testament in Acts 7:22, which says that Moses was "no ordinary child," but that he was "educated in all the wisdom of the Egyptians."92 1t may be implied by both texts that Moses used this knowledge of science and the calendar when he led Israel out of Egypt, as described by Josephus in Ant. 1:80-81, earlier in this section. Finally, in The Jewish War, Josephus details the destruction of the temple, describing "a star, resembling a sword, [which] stood over the city, and a cornet, which continued for a year.,,93 He goes on to tell of a seemingly supernaturallight which shone so brightly "round the altar and the sanctuary that it seemed to be broad daylight."94 This is said to have taken place on the evening of the eighth day of Xanthicus, or Nisan, and was considered to be a good omen by the "inexperienced"95 but a sign of coming destruction by the scribes. Unhappily. said destruction does come to pass, as Josephus writes that "the tragedy occurred on the fiftccnth of the month Xanthicus. ,,96 Apion (first half of the first century CE) was a Greek author who \vas Egyptian by birth,97 and his writings evidenced a high degree of anti-Semitism. It is noteworthy that his account of the Exodus referred to the Jews as leprous.98 His writings certainly did not escape the notice of Josephus. There is no direct mention of Exod. 12:1-2 in Ag. Ap.; however, an examination ofhis writings is worthy of note as Josephus combats Apion's vitriol regarding the Exodus and makes it clear that the Jews were neither Egyptians nor plague-ridden.99 Here, Josephus writes that he has already established Jewish antiquity, and then goes on to "refute the rest of the authors who have attacked US."IOO Combatting Apion, Josephus asserts that the

19 author's views of the Jewish nation are highly flawed and barely worthy of "serious refutation,"101 revealing "the gross ignorance oftheir author, a man oflow character and a charlatan to the end ofhis days."102 He acknowledges, however, that the "the people enjoy such writings, and as such, they must be addressed."'03 Questioning the historical records used by his opponents regarding the Jews, Josephus points "to various inconsistencies in the writings of the Greek historians."104 However, as Sid Leiman points out, here, Josephus does not emphasize the Jewish Bible as holy, but instead, "The focus here is on the Bible as reliable history, not as sacred literature."I05 Indeed, this tendency also made itself manifest in Antiquities, and would have appealed to the sensibilities of his readership, particularly their preference for that which was ancient or had pedigree. 106 As we have seen, a major contribution of Josephus was to re-tell and thus represent the Jewish narrative for his Greco-Roman audience, both preserving the Jewish history of the era and defending the Jews against ignorance or outright anti-Jewish statements. Indeed, Antiquities allowed Josephus to portray the history of the Jews in a highly positive, even "celebratory"107 manner, all the while "furnishing his audience with arguments for refuting the slanders that he will confront directly in Against Apion."I08 We have also noted Josephus' sensitivity to the sensibilities ofhis audience. This, in my view, made his agenda c1ear. It might be said that his emphasis upon the ancient roots ofhis people was tailor made for his readership, for, as Feldman expresses it: Most Roman authors of Josephus' era saw their generation as vastly inferior to the glorious men of old. For aristocrats, character was dependent upon blood lines and the glorious deeds of une's ancestors. None of them doubted that the old ways [ ...] were the best; and the older, the better. Progress, by contrast, was not an established w good. Innovation (ve WTe P~0fJ. os) was often a synonym for revolution, which was bad. •

At this point, it might be asked how this suggested Josephan agenda might be relevant to either Exod. 12: 1-2 or the matter of calendar. In fact, 1 would suggest that his appeal to antiquity and defence of the Jewish nation are inextricably linked to the prevailing views of Moses as a sorcerer and master timekeeper with magical powers. This latter Greco-Roman view of the magical-astronomical powers of Moses 11O would have served Josephus' agenda to bolster public opinion of the Jews. While speculative, it might be suggested that this perception of Moses could have been employed in the same way that his appeal to his society's equation of the ancient with

20 the good was used to great effect in the Antiquities narrative. Were this the case, both would have been used in an attempt to change the public's opinion of Jews and remove any leprous taint remaining in the popular imagination, perhaps even replacing it with associations of power.

E. The Apocrypha on Xanthicus

Within the Apocrypha, the name Xanthicus (or Xanthikos, as it is sometimes transliterated from the Greek), the eighth month of the Macedonian year, appears in 2 Macc Il :30,33 and 38, with Nisan being mentioned in 1 Esd 5:6, which refers to "the month of Nisan, the first month.,,111 The Greek month name also appears in The Additions to Esther, 11:2, which begins with the line "In the second year of the reign of Artaxerxes the Great, on the first day of Nisan. [... ]"112 Though none ofthese offer direct commentary upon Exod. 12:1-2, the inclusion of the Greek month name of Xanthicus - equated as it is with Nisan by Josephus and others - places these Apocryphal text within their proper socio-historical and temporal (i.e., HeUenistic) contexts.

F. The Pseudepigrapha and the Cosmic Clock

Complementing the Pseudepigraphal writings presented earlier, which served to establish a general magical-calendrical view of Moses, other texts found in the Pseudepigrapha are more properly fixated upon calendrical matters of a technical nature and their relationship to timekeeping. As such, they are presented here, in their own section. Owing to their calendrical linkage to many of the Dead Sea ScroUs, special attention will paid to the book of Jubilees and 1 Enoch (Ethiopic) as representative of descriptions of the solarlagricultural year. However, other Pseudepigraphal texts, such as 2 Enoch (Slavonic), also contain references to calendar, and

through them, veiled references to the spirit - if not the law - of Exod. 12: 1-2, as we will see. JJ3 Rich in astronomical and calendrical detail and imagery, Book Three of 1 En. - The Book of the Heavenly Lurninaries"4 in 72-82 - describes the relationship between the courses of the sun and moon in the heavens,115 detailing the yearly solar cycle which begins "from the vernal equinox and extends over,,116 twelve months to comprise a 364-day year. This solar year is referred to in 74:12-13, where it is written that the years are converted "with punctiliousjustice

21 into three hundred sixty-four days."1J7 While reference is made to Iunar cycles in this astronomicai text,118 Stem argues that unlike the practicai signiticance of the solar calendar in Jub, the calendar of 1 En. was unlikely to have been "observed in practice."119 Further, 1 En. refers to the four seasons of the year in 82:4, which is a section that exhorts its readers to take care in the observance of the correct caiendricai seasons, months and years. 120 Aiso related to any examination of astrology and the zodiac, we tind reference to "the twelve wide openings"121 of the wind, which may be allusions to the twelve signs of the zodiac. There is also a social concern behind 1 Enoch's computation of time and understanding of the calendar. Time should be reckoned only by the sun, not by the moon as in the Pharisaic lunar calendar. The author's solar year consists of 364 days, and not 365 1/4, a fact of which he is also aware. The calendrical discussion is tied to a spiritual concern; in the last days the sun, moon, stars and earth will be disrupted in cosmic chaos. 122

As it is presented in these texts, particularly 1 En., the sun serves as a 123 type of cosmic clock beginning with the month ofNisanl24 and moving through gates. By way of astronomical explanation, the "sidereal day is slightly shorter (by about four minutes) than the solar day. This means that the stars gradually overtake and surpass the sun. Roughly this permits the year to be divided into intervals, depending on what stars the sun is near. The crudest system divides the zone into twelve zodiacs."125 The month intervals in 1 Enoch - as weIl as in the book of Jubilees and at Qumran - however, are not named, but only numbered, unlike 2 Enoch, which contains month names in 2 En. 48:2, as well as in chapters 68 and 73. 126 Where the seasons - particularlY the month ofNisan - are concerned, it is important to note that the calendar year of 1 En. has its beginning at the vernal equinox "since the description there starts at the point where the days are tirst beginning to grow longer than the nights."127 The equinox is also referred to in 2 En. 20: 1, where we read of "Shining otanim stations.,,128 The month ofNisan is mentioned in the longer recension of2 En. 68:1-3, where the text tells us that "Enoch was born on the 6th day of the month Tsivan. [sic]" It is also worth noting that in 2 En. (Slavonic), there is - as in 1 En. - mention of the gates of the seasons, "through which the moon goes in and goes out, in accordance with the regular seasons.,,129 The 364-day solar year is referred to in 13 :3-4 and 48: 1. It is an oddity of the text that the year is said to amount to 365 days in 2 En. 16:4, as 364 is the number found in 1 En., Jub. and at Qumran, though it is suggested that sorne manuscripts [i.e., of2 En.] indicate 364 days.IJO

22 In Pseudo-Philo, we read: "And when the times appointed for you come around, you will acknow1edge me as ho1y on the festival day and rejoice before me on the festival of the unleavened bread. [... ]"131 A comment on Lev. 23:15-21, this may well refer to the tequfot, the turnings of the seasons. 132 Dependent upon Jewish traditions and the Apocrypha,133 sorne sections of the Pseudepigraphal History of the Rechabites (composed somewhere between the first and fourth centuries CE) appear more Christian and others more Jewish in nature. Much of the content throughout, however, is apoca1yptic. Matching the rebirth imagery of greenery and agricultura1 abundance found in Philo, the text comments: "We leam that the holy Passover will arrive when these trees among us flourish and produce magnificently sweet and abundant fruits. Then we know that the Passover of our Lord (has arrived)."134 Another document of the Pseudepigrapha, the Book of Jubilees was likely written during the mid-second century BCE, possibly by a Jewish priest, and in it, an angel dictates a re-told biblical history to Moses. Jubilees contains numerous calendrical references, particularly in 6:23-32, though it does not mention the names of the months themselves, but instead, lists them in numerica1 order. Reliant upon 1 En. as a source (e.g., Jub 4:17-24, 4:18, 21),135 Jubilees has long been considered to be predicated on "the dominion of the sun,"136 that is, a solar calendar of 364 days, rewriting the creation story in Gen. 1: 14 to give the sun dominance. lndeed, as O.S. Wintermute sees the matter: The author of Jubilees is an outspoken opponent of the lunar month, which alternated in length between months of twenty-nine and thirty days, because it resuIted in a year of 354 days, ten days too few. [ ...] The calendar was divided into twelve non-Iunar months of thirty days each for a total of 360 days. In order to bring the final yearly total to 364 days, the year was divided into four seasons of three months each with an extra day inserted between each of the four seasons but not counted within any month. 117

Recently, however, Liora Ravid has demonstrated that the Jubilees calendar proposed by A. Jaubert in the 1950s contains sorne serious errors, and asserts that it "cannot possibly be considered a solar calendar,"138 that the 1 1/4 day discrepancy between the true solar calendar and that of Jubilees cannot be dismissed, and that if Jaubert's theory ris] that the seven day week begins on the fourth day of the week, this then clashes "with the very concept of the Sabbath as the seventh day of the week - a concept as basic to Jubilees as it is in

23 the book of Genesis.,,139 Whether the prevailing theories concerning the Jubilees calendar are valid or no, Ravid has posed sorne interesting questions which should challenge scholars for years to come. In Jubilees, "each of the four seasons in the 'weekly' calendar (Jub. 6:29) consists of seven cycles, each 13 weeks long.,,14o Special days are set aside to mark the four seasons of the year,141 with a clear reinterpretation of Noah having made them feast days in Jub. 6:24-28. Possibly sectarian in nature (as the Dead Sea Scrolls may weU be), Jubilees contains special exhortations to take care in observing the calendar (Jub. 6:31-8) lest the community corrupt "aH oftheir fixed times, and [... ] transgress their ordinances. And all of the sons of Israel will forget, and they will not find the way of the years. And they will forget the new moons and (appointed) times and sabbaths."142 Indeed, O.S. Wintermute sees Jubilees as homileticaJl43 in nature, evidencing interpretive techniques similar to those of Midrash. 144 Further, he views Jubilees as exhortational,145 and believes that it was likely written by "someone within priestly circles.,,146 Wintermute further points out the ways in which "the reader is instructed by means of explanation, illustrative stories, and morals drawn from the biblical text design to warn against nudity [and other vices]."147 This extends to the danger in not observing the 364 day calendar, and offoUowing a lunar calendar (Jub. 6:32-38t8 The Book of the Heavenly Luminaries of 1 En. is specifically referred to in Jubilees 4: 17- 18, where "Enoch writes 'in a book the signs of the heaven according to the order of their months, so that the sons of man might know the (appointed) times of the years according to their order, with respect to each of L'leir months. "'149 This indicates that 1 En., Book III was probably written in the second century BeE, predating Jub. and demonstrating agreement with the 1 Enoch calendar on the part of the authors of Jub. ISO Further underscoring the calendricallinkage to other texts of the era, multiple copies of Jubilees have been discovered at Qumran. Indeed, the Dead Sea scrolls have shed a great deal oflight upon the calendar of Jubilees. We now turn to an examination of Qumran and its calendrics.

G. The Dead Sea SerolIs Calendar

Discovered in the 1950s, the Dead Sea ScroUs have greatly assisted the scholarly attempt to piece together the earliest Bible texts, and have served to illuminate the texts of the

24 Pseudepigrapha. This is particularly evident with respect to the Jubilees calendar, which, Baumgarten writes, was confirmed to begin not on a Sunday, but on a Wednesday, and is based on a solar year consisting of 364 days and 52 weeks. 151 As such, all dates are "tixed to particular days of the week.,,152 They are presented in this section due to their emergence from a Hellenistic reality. Allied with Jubilees and 1 Enoch in a calendrical sense, many of the scrolls refer to the solar, 364 day year. However, new evidence brought to light over the past few decades has led scholars to conc1ude that lunar calendars also existed at Qumran. Asserting that the assumption ofthere being only a single sect at Qumran is "increasingly untenable,"153 Sacha Stem writes that the older consensus of such scholars as Jaubert and Talmon on the existence of one Qumran sect which followed a solar calendar similar to that of Jubilees is "subject to sorne re-examination."154 Moreover, as we have noted earlier, Jaubert's theories have been placed under the microscope by Liora Ravid155 - a matter which calls for future exploration. While Qumran calendrical texts "can be grouped into two main categories: the 364-day calendar of Jubilees, and the 3-year (or 6-year) lunisolar cyc1e,"156 it is to the 364-day calendar that 1 williimit this examination, owing to both the complexities of lunisolar intercalation and the important relationship between the 364-day calendar of the Qumran scrolls and that of Jubilees, among other scrolls. Casting doubt upon the theory that the Qumran calendars are sectarian in nature, Sacha Stem posits that, were this the case, it "would provide a historical context for the coexistence of solar and lunar calendars in th\: period of Qumran literature (second century BCE to tirst century CE), [and ...the evidence for this] is slim.,,157 The editors of a new translation of the Dead Sea Scrolls disagree, however, calling at least one of the scrolls, The Manual ofDiscipline, or Community Rule (1 QS, 4Q255-264a, 5Q Il), sectarian in nature, and alluding to its descriptions of outsiders. 158 Indeed, The Manual ofDiscipline advocates walking "before God 'perfectly in aU things that are revealed according to their appointed seasons, ",159 and prohibits the advancement or postponement of the festivals (1 QS 1, 13-15). However, this, according to Stem, "may simply mean that the calendar must be reckoned correctly - a statement which any Jew could have made in this period, without necessarily implying sectarian diversity." 160 Regardless of sectarian leanings, the calendar alluded to in the text of The Manual of Discipline is c1early the ubiquitous 364-day solar calendar of Jubilees. 161 Further, within the

25 scroll's text is found a direct reference to the new year and to tequfot: "When each new year begins and when its seasons turn, fulfilling the law oftheir decree, each day as set forth, day after day: harvest giving way to summer, planting to the shoots of spring, seasons, years and weeks of years."162 Several manuscripts of The Halakhie Letter, Miqsat Macase ha-Torah, or 4QMMT: (4Q394-399) make no mention of the Jubilees calendar, however, one manuscript "is preceded by the final three lines of a calendar,"163 which concludes with the fragment-line, "The year is complete: Three hundred si[xty-four] days."I64 Like Jubilees, the rewritten Torah of the Temple SeroU (11 Q19 and Il Q20) is based on a solar calendar of 364 days. The festival timing and cycles are similar to those found in the Torah, with three new feasts added to the existing Torah festivals. The lengthiest of the scrolls, which appears as a form of "revelation to a new Moses,,,165 contains a detailed festival calendar embedded within the context of its description of a large temple in the Kidron valley near Jerusalem. This calendar, however, also contains festivals not included in the other 364-day scrolls. Among these is a text describing the new year of the first month, that directly parallels Exod. 12:1-2, and which reads: On the first day of the [first] mon [th falls the beginning of months; for you it is the beginning of the months] of the year. [Y ou are to do] no work. [You shall offer a male goat for a sin offering .. T66

In addition, there are guidelines offered here for Passover on the fourteenth day of the first month, as well as commandments for the waving of the barley sheaf (omer). 167 Aiso held to be a form of rewritten Bible that spans the biblical text dealing with Enoch, Lamech, Noah and his sons, and Abraham,168 The Genesis Apoeryphon, or Tales ofthe Patriarehs (1 QapGen) does not directly address a solar calendar, but does make reference to "the first festival," which "came on the first day ofthat first festival- that of the [seventh] month.,,169

Here, despite the seasons being thrown out of joint by the 364 day calendar found in 1 Enoch, the text asserts that the calendar is perfect and should not be adjusted - a calendrical exhortation which establishes clear community delineations. Further, the revelation to a "new Moses" in the abovementioned Temple Seroll is linked to novel festivals, one of which is analogous to the new year of 12: 1-2. This offers us a clear description of communities being built and established, and anchored to the daily lives within their sects by a new calendar.

26 Chapter 4 Exod. 12: 1-2 Interpretations of the Rabbinic Era (first-seventh centuries CE)

By far the most dynamic time period with respect to interpretations of v. 1-2, the Rabbinic era brings us into a heavy phase of debate, the subject of which was the very structure of Jewish time itself. The ensuing drama and revolution were such that whereas at the beginning ofthis era, the new moon (and, by extension, new year) was observational, by its end, the new year had been shifted to the month of Tishrei and the Jewish calendar had been fixed and systematized. We begin our examination ofthis era with a look at the targumim, or Aramaic translations of the Bible, and then move on to the debate phase with the writings of the Tannaim and Amoraim.

A. Aramaic Bible Translations - The Targumim on 12: 1-2

Never intended to replace the Hebrew Bible text,170 the Aramaic targumim range from "the literaI [... ] to the paraphristic."171 Indeed, according to Philip S. Alexander, "there is clear evidence that the Rabbis viewed the targum as more than translation in any narrow sense: its purpose was to exegete and to interpret Scripture."172 Beginning in the late Second Temple period,173 the translation of the Bible into Aramaic was "used as a way of offering an interpretation of Scripture for the Bible student, and [bridged] the gap between his vemacular and the original Hebrew.,,174 In the case of the "Old Palestinian targumim,"175 they were likely composed in a literary form of Aramaic which may not have corresponded to spoken Aramaic. 176 Determining a date for the targumim is made difficult, as proper dating criteria are non-existent. 177 Furthermore, "most of the texts underwent change and development over long periods, with the result that they are all composite - amalgams of elements of very different date.,,178 While their liturgical function began to wane in the middle ages, possibly due to the emergence of Islam and the Arabic language, targumim continue to be used in contemporary Yemenite synagogues. 179

27 Let us now turn to three different targumic versions of Exod. 12: 1-2. Presented first are the targumim of the proselyte, Onquelos, and Neophyti 1, both of which adhere to a fairly literalistic translation of the Torah text into Aramaic, followed by the Fragment Targumim, which offers both aggadic content and literaI translations. 18o i. Targum of Onquelos:

Referred to as "our targum,,181 by the Babylonian Talmud (Qiddushin 49a), "Targum Onkelos [ ...] was the official targum of Babylonia."182 His name is held to be "a corruption of Aqilas,"183 a convert to Judaism who was also "the author of the new Greek translation [of the Pentateuch, he] is quoted several times in the Palestinian Talmud and other Palestinian sources. The name rendered here as 0;' i'')l. In the Babylonian Talmud the name is altered to Onquelos. (01-; i'Jn~)."l84 As Alexander writes, "Onk offers a simple, non-expansive version.1t does contain sorne aggada, but this, where it occurs, is presented in highly allusive, abridged form.,,185 This is exemplified by the targum Onquelos rendition of Exod. 12:1-2, as it appears here: 12: 1: Then the Lord said to Moses and to Aaron in the land of Egypt as follows, This month is for you the beginning of months; it is the first for you as far as the months of the year are concerned. 186

Seen as being sacred in itselfby the later geonim, Onq. carried with it a certain amount oftextual authority, and it stays close to the halakhic tradition emerging in the Babylonian centre. Next, we tum to the interpretation oftargum Neophyti 1, a Palestinian Targum. In the past, this text has been mistaken for targum Onquelos,187 though it contains certain unique features of its own. ii. Neophyti 1:

Chapter XII: And the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron in the land of Egypt saying: 2 This month of Nisan will be for you the beginning of the months; it shall be the first for you and for aIl the beginnings of the months of the year. 188

Here, as was the case in Onq., the meaning is plain. However, one interesting difference from Onq. is apparent in the addition of the actual month name ofNisan, for as B. Barry Levy comments, "While the Hebrew uses the month's customary numerical

28 designation, the targum has coordinated this with the post exilic and rabbinic name of Nissan, borrowed, ultimately, from Akk.,,189 iii. Fragment Targumim:

In starker contrast to the above targumim, several fragment texts are provided by Klein, both of which offer interpretation in a wholly midrashic vein. A Palestinian targum which spans a limited number of Torah verses, these fragments may, According to Alexander, represent a "deliberate abridgement of complete recensions of the Palestinian Targum [which were] collaged against Onk, and the non-aggadic passages removed.,,190 The first oftwo interpretive fragments reads as follows: XII:2: This month: This month, Nisan, shaH be for you the beginning of months. And when the Lord was revealed to redeem the people of Israel with seraphs and clouds and sekhinas, He was revealed, and He stood among aH of the new moons in order to leam the praises of each one, and the greatness of each one, and [to determine] in which one of them Israel should be redeemed, and which one of them will obtain the crown. [It was] 'Iyyar which began by saying: "Let them be redeemed in me, and let me be the one to obtain the crown of kingship,for in me Noah the survivor [of the Flood] entered the ark in safety.191

The second of the fragments is more colourful still:

When they [the months] were gathered together, one to another, the prophet Moses, scribe of Israel, arrived and said: "Rise up and go to Pontos [Le. "get out of here"], The month of Nisan shall be the beginning of ail the months, for in it the Lord redeemed his people, the Israelites, and in it He will eventually redeem them. It is, therefore, explicitly written [ ...1'92

Like Midrash Exodus Rabbah, which we will examine shortly, these fragment targumim go far beyond literality, transcending it to form its own interpretive matrix for Exod. 12:1-2. Here, we see attempts to both connect the calendrical commandment to the story of Noah and anthropomorphize the months, thereby forging an internaI mythology. It might also be argued that in its melding of our verses with the Noah story, this interpretive technique may have constituted an attempt to cement 1 Nisan in place at the head of the calendar and root it in the creation of Genesis within its narrative. In this sense, it strongly resembles aggadic midrash or perhaps even the genre ofrewritten Bible. 193

29 B. Mishnah

Based on the same principles as the Babylonian calendar, and following the lunar cycles, the Mishnaic calendar designates months by their Babylonian names, used within the Mishnah itself (c. first through third centuries) and in other rabbinic sources. These months "begin, as in the Babylonian calendar, at the first sighting of the new moon. Whoever first sees the new moon must testify before a rabbinic court, which formally declares the beginning of the new month.,,194 Serving as literary evidence of the ways in which the Tannaim conceptualized and interpreted the new year of 1 Nisan based on 12: 1-2, discussions ofthe new moon (molad) and related calendrical matters are described in the Mishnah, tractate Rosh HaShanah. In 1: 1, the topic of the new year cornes into focus, as we read: There are four 'New Year' days: On the lst of Nisan is the New Year for kings and feasts; on the lst of Elul is the New Year for the Tithe of Cattle (R. Eleazar and R. Simeon say: The lst of Tishri); on the lst of Tishri is the New Year for [the reckoning ofJ the years [offoreign kings], ofthe Years of Release and Jubilee years, for the planting [of trees] and for vegetables; and the 1st of Shebat is the New Year for [fruit-] trees (so the School of Shammai; and the School of Hillel say: On the 15th thereot).19s

Here, we note several holy days that are no longer part of the Jewish calendar. While the new year for kings was indeed celebrated in Mishnaic times, only the Rosh HaShanah of Tishrei and the 1st of Shevat (Tu B'Shevat) are still celebrated today. Further, the Mishnah continues, stating that the new moon of Nisan is a day on which "Messengers go forth [to proclaim the time oftheir appearing]: bec au se ofNisan. to determine the time of Passover,,,196 which takes place on the 15th ofNisan. Discussions relating to the sighting of the new moon as weIl as the new year of the mon th ofTishrci (i.e .. lime of trumpets/shofars) follow in short order. As we will see later, the Amoraim come to debate the correct month that should herald the new year - sorne prefer Tishrei; and others, Nisan. 197 In fact, according to Norman H. Snaith, Tishrei and Nisan were considered equal within Judaism during the Mishnaic era, with Tishrei surviving as the month in which the new year came to take place, leaving the first ofNisan with no special status in halakha. 198 Calling it a double tradition, Snaith goes on to explain that while the fixing of two calendars twice a year to determine the new moons no longer exists within Judaism, the tradition persists among the Samaritans, which provides evidence for "a double fixing of the new-month days in Nisan and in

30 Tishri."I99 He also states that a similar equality ofNisan and Tishrei [equivalents] was "found through Mesopotamian menologies generally, and also in Sumerian and Babylonian calendars."zoo William W. Hallo describes this observational Mesopotamian calendar, which "was a compromise between lunar and solar considerations and which is best described as a luni-solar year. [... ] This system, with minor adjustments, was subsequently taken over by the Jews together with the Babylonian month names and serves as the basis of the Jewish religious calendar to this day.,,201 Indeed, the calendar ofNippur in Mesopotamia contained the very month names which continue to this day in the Jewish calendar, the nomenclature being virtually identical to the corresponding Hebrew month names in many cases, with Arachsamna (i.e., the Jewish Marchesvan) being a notable exception. The month nomenclature from Nippur, for example, lists Nisan [or, Nisanu] as the first month of the year.202 However, S. Langdon asserts that this was not always the case, for the seventh month, Teshrit, or tesritu, means 'beginning, opening of the year,' and is derived from the Aramaic verb seru, or, ta begin.zo3 While this is highly suggestive, it does not appear to be conclusive, and caUs for further examination. Exod. 12: 1 is further referred to in m Megillah 3:4, which has as its focus the proper text readings based on what date the first day of the month of Adar falls. Here, the Mishnah reads: "On the second [Sabbath of the month they read the section] Remember what Amalek did; on the third, the section of 'The Red Heifer'; on the fourth, the section This manth shall be unta yau."Z04 From the Mishnaic writings, it is clear that by the time of the Tannaim, calendrics and sacred readings had become inextricably linked, setting the stage for further tinkering with the Jewish calendar so as to ensure the proper timing of festivals.

C. The Tosefta

Supplementing the Mishnaic passage, Tosefta Rosh HaShanah presents a similar picture of the alternate new years. In 1: 1, we read: Nisan is the New Year for Kings and festivals, for the sequences of the rnonths and for the heave-offering of the sheqels. And sorne say, Also for rent of houses.

How so for Kings?

31 [If the king] died in Adar, and another took power in his place in Adar, they count the year as part of the reign of both this one [who died] and that one [who now reigns]. [If the King] died in Nisan, and another took power in his place in Nisan, they count the year as part of the reign of both this one [who died] and that one [who now reigns]. [If the king] died in Adar, and another took power in his place in Nisan, the former is counted in the reign of the tirst, and the latter is counted in the reign of the second.mos

As for the new year for months, the Tosefta continues:

How so for months? Even though it is said conceming the tirst month, In the second month, on the twenty-seventh day of the month, the earth was dry (Gen 8: 14),they begin to count only from Nisan, as it is said, This month shaH be for you the beginning of the months; it shaH be the tirst month of the year for you (Ex 12:2).206

The Tosefta then elaborates upon the new years for the heave-offerings of shequels and cattle tithing, as weIl as the reckoning ofyears, including Sabbatical years and Jubilees. Aiso discussed are the new years for tree-planting, vegetables, and vows. The text goes on to detail the witnessing of the new moons foUowing the pattern of discussion within the Mishnah, and culminates in a discussion of the readings for the month of Adar, linking Exod. 12:2 with the fourth Sabbath reading. FinaIly, it is said that the fourth sabbath is "any in which the new moon ofNisan happens to faU. And even ifit cornes on Friday.,,207 Thus far, this has been straightforward, however, the literature is about to expand considerably, as we will see.

D. Halakhic Midrashim - The Mekhilta

Consisting of interpretations of the book of Exodus, the Mekhilta,208 unlike other tannaitic Midrashim, contains more haggadic than halakhic commentary. Citing Lauterbach's Mekhilta text, Max Kadushin writes that this "preponderance of Haggadah is to be accounted for, as he says, by the fact that the Book of Exodus 'contains by far more narrative than law.",209 Indeed, as we see in the Mekhilta to Exod. 12:1-2, the interpretation vastly extends the scope of the previous Tannaitic commentaries:

32 And the Lord Spoke unto Moses and Aaron in the Land of Egypt Saying. From this 1 might understand that the divine word was addressed to both Moses and Aaron. When, however, it says: "And it came to pass on the day when the Lord spoke unto Moses in the land of Egypt" (Ex. 6.28), it shows that the divine word was addressed to Moses alone and not to Aaron. If so, what does Scripture mean to teach by saying here, "unto Moses and Aaron?" ln order to grant distinction to Moses. This, you must say that Aaron was not directly addressed in any of the divine communications of the Torah, with the exception ofthree, for in the case of the se three [Lev 10:8, Num. 18:1, 18:8] it is impossible to say that they were not directly addressed to him. 2IU

Another interpretation211 in the text is based on an analysis of the Torah verses in order to detennine the relative importance of Moses and Aaron, as evidenced by Exod. 12:1-2. Upon delving into the respective leadership qualities and fearless speech212 ofboth Moses and Aaron, the text concludes, "Scripture thus declares that both were equal, the one as important as the other.,,213 The analogy is drawn between this fratemal relationship to that of the creation of the heavens and the earth in Gen. 1: 1. Here, the Mekhilta continues, "1 might understand that the one pre ce ding in the scriptural text actually preceded in the process of creation. But in the passage: 'In the day that the Lord God made earth and heavens' (Gen. 2:4), the earth is mentioned first. Scripture thus declares that both were created simultaneously."214 Similar biblical parallels are pointed out by the text, which then arrives at the matter of geography in the verse that refers to Moses and Aaron being in Egypt upon being commanded regarding the first of months. Here, the Mekhilta asserts that this refers to a location outside of a city,2I\ reinforcing the point by quoting Ex. 9:29, which reads, "And Moses said unto him: As soon as 1 am gone out of the city, l will spread forth my hands unto the Lord."2Ib The Mekhilta next tums to the question ofwhether or not the argument of Kal Va-homer should be applied here.217 That is to say, if the less important matter ofprayer [as compared to divine revelation] were to be relegated to a location outside the city, "it is but a logical inference that with regard to the divine word, the more important, He would speak it to him only outside of the city. And why, indeed, did He not speak with him within the city? Because it was full of abominations and idols.,,218 Upon pointing out various locations suited (pure) and unsuited (impure) for such fonns ofrevelation, both inside and outside of the land, the text takes hold of the word "saying," offering altemate interpretations, from Rabbi Ishmael's "go out and tell it to them immediately

33 (bolstered by Ex. 34:34, "And he came out and spoke unto the children of Israel that which he was commanded."t9 to R. Eliezer's "It means, go out and tell it to them and bring Me back word." (supported by Ex. 19:8, "And Moses reported the words of the people unto the Lord").220 A slightly different interpretation is offered by Simon the son of Azzai, who taught, "Saying means: Teach in the same manner in which you hear."221 Rabbi Aqiba said, "Saying means: Go and say to them; since it was only for their sake that He was speaking with him. For during all the thirty-eight years in which He was angry with Israel, He did not speak with Moses."222 Rabbi Simon the son of Azzai supplements his teacher's words, asserting that "It was not with Moses alone that He spoke only because of Israel, but with aU the other prophets, likewise, He spoke only because ofIsrael."223 Tuming to Exod. 12:2, the Mekhilta delves into key issues pertaining to the development of calendrics, and touches upon the vital matters of the new moon and intercalation: This new moon Shall be unto You. R. Ishmael says: Moses showed the new moon to Israel and said unto them: In this manner shall ye in coming generations observe the new moon and fix the beginning of the month by it. R. Akiba says: This is one of the three things which were difficult for Moses to understand and ail of which God pointed out to him with His finger. 224

Commencing its discussion of the lunar theme, the text continues:

R. Simon the son of Yohai says: Is it not a fact that ail the words which He spoke to Moses He spoke only in the daytime; the new moon, of course, He showed him at nighttime. How th en could He, while speaking with him at daytime, show him th.;! new moon, and nighttime? R. Eliezer says: He spoke with him at daytime near nightfall, and then showed him the new moon right after nightfall.22S

As we can see, this appeal to the astronomical-diumal cycle is a clever midrashic device! It is interesting to note, however, that the Tannaitic conception of the molad was not purely astronomical, for throughout both the Tannaitic and later Amoraic literature, the new moon seems to be a hair-thin crescent moon when, in fact, "the astronomical new moon, called syzygy, does not shine at aIl. "226 Asserting the primacy ofNisan, the Mekhilta interprets the phrase "this month," stating:

This means Nisan. Vou say it is Nisan, perhaps it might be any month of the year? But since it says: "and the feast of ingathering at the end of the year" (Ex. 23: 16)

34 [... ] you must argue as follows: Go and see, which month it is in which there is the feast of ingathering at the turn of the year, i.e., in which occurs an ingathering and an equinox, in which the year ends and which is called the seventh; you find it to he none other than the month of Tishri. After you have thus ascertained that the seventh month is Tishri, it follows that Nisan must he the first month; and although there he no explicit scriptural proof of the matter, there is a suggestion of it: "In the first month which was the month of Nisan" (Esther 3:7).227

This section touches upon sorne key areas, including the ordering of the months, as well as the tequfot, also mentioned by Philo and in 1 and 2 En.228 What emerges as striking, however, is the passionate appeal contained within the interpretation. Clearly, the seeds of calendrical debate were well on their way toward their later growth and emergence in the Talmud. On the phrase "beginning of months," the text resumes, stating that Nisan was certainly first in the order of the months, and that Deut. 16:16 ["On the feast ofunleavened bread, and on the feast ofweeks, and on the feast of Tabemacles."] indicates that it was, in like fashion, first in the order of the festivals. 229 Focusing on "shall be unto you," the Mekhilta makes the intended audience of the calendrical commandment clear, clairning that, unlike the Jews, Adam (i.e., the gentiles) had not reckoned by the moon, but by the sun. 230 The Mekhilta elaborates on verses that describe many similar solar and lunar omens. It then moves on to comment upon the next section, spanning the "beginning of Months," in which we are told that the entire calendar of months are implied by the passage: "It shall be unto you the first of the months of the year.»231 So too does the text link Nisan with springtime and Passover. Commenting on "It shaH be first," the Mekhilta cites Deut. 16: 1 ["Observe the month of spring (Abib), and keep the Passover"] which, the commentators continue, means that one must "keep the Passover near the spring and the spring near the Passover; [such that] the spring come[s] in its [Passover's] time.232 Arriving at the matter of calendrical intercalation, which is also discussed at greater length and authority in the Mishnah and Babylonian Talmud, the Mekhilta expands upon keeping Passover in the spring by adding the intercalary month of Adar, but not an intercalary Nisan, which, R. Ishmael declared, would "actually make Nisan the second month of the year,,,m in violation of the Torah commandment. The question then posed by the Mekhilta is that of how much to intercalate, concluding that a whole month must be intercalated into the year amounting to one twelfth of the year, not

35 one thirtieth, based on the verse section "Observe the month.,,234 In like fashion, R. Isaac says, that the intercalary addition is to be placed only at the end ofthe year. 235 Examining the impact ofthis on the observance ofPassover, R. Jeremiah picks up the thread, emphasizing the importance of ensuring the proper timing ofPassover, so as to uphold Exod. 13:10: "Thou shalt therefore keep this ordinance in its season from year to year.,,236 Conc1uding its interpretation of our key verses, the Mekhilta text interprets the phrase "It shaH be the First Month of the Year to You," reiterating that there must be no second (i.e., intercalated) month ofNisan.237 According to Max Kadushin, the Torah renders the meaning of ha-hodesh ha-zeh - "this month" - as a reference to the molacf38 "since the interpretations to foHow hinge on this rabbinic usage of the word.,,239 Commenting on the passage in which R. Ishmael describes Moses showing the new moon to Israel, Kadushin refers to the new moon and month, both of which were proc1aimed by Moses as he "pointed to the new moon, saying as he did so: ha-hodesh ha-zeh, 'this new moon,' [which, in its directness, aHowed Moses to overcome] the difficulty of a verbal description. This is, in turn, supported by Exod. 29:36 and its elaboration by R. Aqiba, who said "This is one of the three things which were difficult for Moses to understand and aH of which God pointed out to him with his finger. "240 In his own commentary on the Mekhilta, Neusner writes that this entire section serves as a sustained demonstration of a fundamental fact, amplifying the text by proving the weU­ established fact that the exodus took place in Nisan.241 This, according to Neusner, "builds on the identification of the first month as Nisan and moves into other occasions that are deemed to be marked by the first day ofNi:san.,,242 Where the Mekhilta's emphasis on intercalation to ensure the timely celebration ofPassover in the springtime is concerned, Neusner explains that the reference to the signs of spring is another way of saying that Passover must follow the vernal equinox.243 Throughout this section of the Mekhilta, we see c1ear exhortations to maintain the festivals in their proper seasons. This is very much in keeping with the Pseudepigrapha and Dead Sea ScroU texts, among the others we have looked at thus far.

E. Jerusalem Talmud, Tractate Rosh HaShanah

The Jerusalem (Palestinian or Yerushalmi) Talmud is briefer than the Babylonian Talmud,244 to which we will turn in a moment, and more targeted in its exploration of the four

36 Mishnaic new years. Like the BT, it aiso discusses regnai years, the sanctification and witnessing of the new moon (particularly as it is related to Rosh HaShanah, which faUs on the new moon), as weU as a "network of signal stations,"245 or fire beacons, used to relay the news of the molad, and its dismantling in favour of messengers. The text also links the new year to the seventh month and the sounding of the shofar (thereby demonstrating the shift to Tishrei), based on Lev. 23:23-25, Num. 10:10, and Ps. 81 :2_5. 246 The Gemara begins as follows, trying to prove that the year begins with Nisan:

1:1 There are four New Years, etc. It is written: this month [Nisan] shaH be to you the beginning of months (Exodus 12:2). To you [for kings and festivals] it shaH be a beginning, but it is not a beginning for the years in general, Sabbaticals, Jubilees, the young trees and vegetables. 247

Attempting to determine the second month of the year (so as to, in tum, establish the first), Rabbi Simon bar Karsana in the name of Rabbi Aha invokes Exod. 12:2 in order to place Nisan first. 248 Upon establishing that Nisan is the new year for festivals, with Passover coming first,249 the text turns to the months of the year, the counting ofwhich are said [by Rabbis Tabbi and Josiah in the name of Kahana] to begin with Nisan,250 whereas Tishrei is the new year for years,25 1 foUowing Exod. 23:16 and 34:22. As is the case in the Babylonian Talmud, the text here - albeit much briefer - agrees that the testimony of relatives such as a father and son to the mo/ad is valid, for "The proof of Rabbi Simon ris] like it was at the beginning: and God said to Moses and to Aaron, this New Moon is to you the beginning ofmonths [... ]"252 On detailing the laws for witnesses of the mo/ad, a special strictness applies to the new moon ofNisan -likely because it is the first of the year for the festival cycle, and there must therefore be no doubt of its accuracy. Here, testimony from anyone who is not known is simply not accepted. 253 Here too, we see that the fixing of the festivals is given to the nation oflsrael. On intercalation and the sanctification of the mo/ad, a baraita is said to differ from the opinion of Rabbi Abba: one might think that just as they intercalate the year out of necessity so likewise they sanctify the New Moon out of necessity? Scripture says, the New Moon (Exodus 12:2) - they decide based upon the New Moon. This proves that we may not proclaim the tirst day of the new month when the New Moon has not been seen. 2S4

37 As we will see in the Babylonian Talmud, it is finally agreed upon that Nisan is never intercalated,255 and the text then tums to the matter of the shofar blasts of Tishrei, relating as that does to the established new year for years. Relating directly to this matter of intercalation, mentioned in tractate Rosh HaShanah ofboth the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds, is the more in-depth treatment of the issue in the Babylonian Talmud, tractate Sanhedrin, which we will examine in due course. First, let us turn to the centre of the Nisan-Tishrei debate in the Babylonian Talmud.

F. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Rosh HaShanah

The rabbinic calendar was radically reformed around 359 CE. Predicated on empirical sightings of the molad, the older calendar of the Mishnah was replaced with today's calendrical incarnation - the fixed, mathematical calendar.256 Arriving at that point involved a drawn-out process, however - one which combined considerable ingenuity and no small amount of political struggle which extended into geonic times. The Babylonian Talmud details part ofthis early process, and it is to this text that we now turn. Tractate Rosh HaShanah contains an argument between Rabbi Joshua ben Hananiah and Rabbi Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, that centres on the question of whether the months are counted from Tishrei (with the second month being Marcheshvan), or from Nisan (with the second month being Iyar). According to Louis Feldman,257 Targum Pseudo-Jonathan on Oen. 7:11 and The Antiquities of Josephus (l :3:3) support Rabbi Eliezer, c1aiming that the second month was Marcheshvan. Standing in opposition, Philo' s Questions on Genesis (2:31) agrees with Rabbi Joshua "in placing the beginning of the flood in the month ofIyar.,,258 Discussion of the key verses begins in BT Rosh HaShanah 7a, which reads:

Our rabbis have taught on Tannaitic authority: The first day of Nisan is the new year for months [... ] As it is written [Ex 12:2-6] [... ] And it is [also] written [Dt. 16.1]: "Observe the month of Abib [that is, "first-ripening grains"], [and keep the Passover to the Lord your God]. In which month are there first-ripening grains? Vou must say that this is Nisan [wh en Passover occurs], and [as Ex 12:2-6 states] it is called "first."m

Here, and throughout Rosh HaShanah 7a, we find debate on the question ofNisan being the new year for king s, festivals and months, with c1ear commentary on Exod. 12:2, "And we learn that

38 the 'year' [referred to here] is a year that starts with Nisan.260 In Rosh HaShanah 8b, the Talmud text states that a year "is a year [beginning] from Nisan.,,261 This line ofreasoning resumes with "the month ofPassover, Nisan [being] called the beginning of the year. We should conclude that the year referred to at Lev. 25:4 also begins in Nisan.,,262 As for the creation of the world,263 Rosh Hashanah lOb quotes Gen 8:13 ["In the one and six hundredth year, in the] first [month], the first day of the month, the waters were dried from off the earth."], continuing "[We can] infer. .. that both [Meir and Eliezer] reason that the world was created in Nisan. "264 Despite this biblical verse-play, the matter is not simple, and the lively argument between Rabbi Eliezer and Rabbi Joshua continues, the former asserting that the world was created in the month of Tishrei, and the latter insisting that it was created in Nisan. Here, R. Eliezer asserts that "In Tishre [sic], the world was created; in Tishre, the patriarchs [Abraham and Jacob] were born; in Tishre, the patriarchs died.,,265 Following the same semantic construction, R. Joshua repeats this formula for the world' s creation, as weIl as the birth and death months of the patriarchs, followed by Torah text proofs for each, but substituting the month ofNisan where Rabbi Eliezer had mentioned Tishrei.266 This same point-counterpoint on Tishrei vs. Nisan continues throughout Il a. The debate plays itself out within the text, the rabbis wrestling with the problem of the first month of the Jewish year, coming to find a way to accommodate the differing new years by linking various roles to the differing dates, as was the case in Mishnaic times. This makes itselfmanifest in the discussion ofNisan that takes place in lIa. Here, for example, Nisan is labeled as "the month in which the earth is full of vegetation and the trees bring forth fruit,,,267 a role that hearkens back to the Mishnah proper. Throughout the argument, there appears to be an attempt at synthesis and sorne modicum of coexistence for these competing new years; however, it seems clear that despite the mishnaic assignment of new years to various phenomena (i.e., kings, months, festivals, natural cycles, tithes, and vows), R. Eliezer and R. Joshua are intent upon determining the date of a singular new year once and for aIl. Interpreting the first of months as framed within the context of the exodus from Egypt was but one way to approach the problem of fixing a new year that might encompass both concepts. Indeed, the question of the new year and its linkage to redemption makes itself evident in Il b. Here, Rabbis Eliezer and

39 Joshua debate the time ofIsrael's redemption, both agreeing that it was on the new year that "bondage was removed from our ancestors in Egypt,"268 and that redemption took place in Nisan.269 In a messianic vein, R. Eliezer states that it is in Tishrei that Israel is "destined to be redeemed [again],270 referring to the imperative to "blow the trumpet at the new moon.,,271 This is followed by further Nisan mirroring on the part ofR. Joshua.272 The dialogue soon turns to the numbering of the months and its biblical basis. Appealing to both the Torah and astronomy, R. Joshua says that the day of the flood in Noah [on the seventeenth day of the second month], was "the seventeenth ofIyyar, the day on which the constellation Draco sets by day and the fountains [begin to] dry up [that is, the rainy season ends]."273 In turn, R. Eliezer asserts that the day of the flood was "the seventeenth day of Marcheshvan."274 However, the text favours R. Joshua, continuing: Granted [that the view of] R. Joshua, [that the flood began in Iyyar, makes sense]. For this is why it is written rat Gen 7:11: "In the] second [month]]." {This is within Scripture's understanding that Nisan [=Abib] is the first month. The flood thus began in Iyyar, the second month.}27S

The discussion concludes with what would appear to be a critical demarcation point between the two new years: Our rabbis have taught on Tannaitic authority: The sages of Israel date [the calendar from] the flood, in accordance with the view of R. Eliezer, but [date the four] annual cycles according to the view ofR. Joshua. [... ] They deem Tishre to mark the new year for years but ho Id that the world was created in Nisan. 276

With a bit more light shed on the distinctions between the new years ofNisan and Tishrei, the Talmud text turns to another interpretation of Exod. 12:1-2, - this time, within the context of the new moon and its official sighting. As Avery-Peck writes: Before the calendar was fixed, [... ] the beginning of the new month was determined by the appearance of the new moon in the land of Israel. This information then needed to be conveyed to Jewish communities in Babylonia, so that they could correct their calendar to the actual appearance of the new moon. The speedy transmittal of this information, by special messengers, was particularly important in months that contained festivals or other special days. These would be observed on the correct day only if word arrived from the land of Israel indicating when the new month had actually begun. 277

Given the importance of the new month's timing, the credibility of the moladwitnesses was equally critical. Questions conceming these witnesses abounded. One of them, found in

40 tractate Rosh HaShanah, addresses the issue of whether or not relatives are permitted to "serve as the two independent witnesses required to provide the court with evidence regarding the appearance of the new moon.,ms Here, R. Simeon considers the testimony of relatives to be valid, c1aiming that the fraternal relationship of Moses and Aaron in v. 1-2 implies that such "testimony [regarding the sighting of the new moon] shaH be valid [when given] by you, [even though you are relatives]."279 However, not aH of the rabbis were in agreement, as the text relates:

But the rabbis [that is, the anonymous authorities at M. R.H. 1:7 A-C, who disallow testimony from close relatives - how do they interpret Ex 12: 1-2? [They hold it implies only that] this testimony [regarding the sighting of the new moon] shall be give[n] to you. {The authorities ... interpret Ex 12: 1-2 to mean only that communal leaders are to receive testimony regarding the sighting of the new moon. But, contrary to Simeon, they do not ho Id that the verse teaches anything regarding accepting testimony from close relatives.} 280

Discussing the matter ofhaving two witnesses give testimony regarding the appearance of the new moon, Exod. 12:1-2 is invoked: You can find no expert [recognized by] the community ofIsrael greater than Moses, our rabbi. Yet [even so] the holy one, blessed be he, said to him, "[Do not sanctify the new month] unless Aaron is at your side," As it is written [Ex 12: 1-2]: "The Lord said to Moses and Aaron in the land of Egypt, 'This month shall be for you [the beginning of months]. "'281

Turning to the historical record for a moment, there was ample reason for such concern regarding the credibility ofwitnesses, for, in the transition from the beacon system of signaling the mo/ad to the introduction of actual witnesses, there remained the danger of politicaHy­ motivated deception that might have led to faulty observance of the holidays. This had, in fact, taken place at least once before, during the New Testament era at the time of the new moon signal tires. These were used to transmit news of the moladto Jerusalem, but the practice was utterIy destroyed by the Samaritans, who "lit tires on their Mount Gerizim a few days before the appearance of the new moon to confuse the Children of Abraham.,,2s2 Later on, in approximately 359 CE, Hillel II published a tixed calendar,28J which inc1uded c1ear rules and the Adar intercalation. This foHowed Constantius II's ban on the Jewish New Moon announcements,2S4 and it is possible that external persecution or a crisis in the calendrical

41 court may have further contributed to the shift from an empirical calendar to a fixed version.28S According to Sacha Stem, this unitary calendar may also have served as a way of aligning the Babylonian calendar with that of the Palestinian Jewish communities, thereby uniting them through a shared calendar.286 As such, the Babylonian Talmud "has an interest in calendrical calculation that is not paralleled in Palestinian sources.,,287 Within this larger framework of fixing the calendar and festivals, Rabbi Aqiba288 finds Rabbi Joshua feeling troubled. Upon asking what the matter is, Rabbi Joshua replies: Aquiba, it would be better for a person to faH [sick] to bed for twelve months rather than have this decree [to report to Gamaliel on the day he reckons as the Day of Atonement] 289 placed upon him. .

To this, Aqiba replies that he has leamed that in Lev. 22:31, 23:2 and 23:4, the word 'you' appears three times, indicating that "'you' [are responsible for fixing the festivals]," but that "Even if [you err] inadvertently, 'you' [have validly fixed the festival]; even if [you err] deliberately, 'you' [have validly fixed the festival]; even ifyou are misled [by the witness, 'you' have validly fixed the festival.]."290 This comforts Rabbi Aqiba, and - however tangentially­ demonstrates the responsibility delegated to humans in Exod. 12:1-2.

G. Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Sanhedrin

The most direct commentary on 12:1-2 takes place within the tractate Rosh HaShanah, but discussion that relates to the intercalation of an extra month is also recorded in tractate Sanhedrin. Since this is linked to our examination of the first month, and is a matter borne of calendar shifts, 1 will, very briefly, deal with Sanhedrin Il b-13b. Here, the text deals with the rules goveming intercalation, the three allowable grounds ofwhich being: the premature state of the corn-crops [which, according to an internaI footnote to the text, ripen in the month of Nisan known as the Abib (Ex. XIII:4) the month of ears (of corn), in reference to the ripeness of the corn in that month. on account of the fruit-trees; or on account of the lateness of the Tekufah [cycle or season V 91

Calling the ripening corn (Le., barley) a condition for observance of Passover, which is in accord with the biblical text, the Talmud continues: A year may not be intercalated at the outset because of uncleanness. R. Simeon said: It may be intercalated. Why then did he [Hezekiah] pray

42 for mercy? - Because only an Adar can be intercalated, whereas he intercalated a Nisan in Nisan.

The Master has said: "Because only an Adar can be intercalated, whereas he intercalated a Nisan in Nisan." But did not Hezekiah agree [that the verse], This month shall be unto you the beginning of months, [implies], only this month can be Nisan [once proclaimed], and no other? ... It has been taught likewise: The year may not be intercalated on the thirtieth day of Adar, since it is eligible to be appointed [the first day] of Nisan. 292

Here ensues a discussion of the tequfot,293 a matter relating directly to the situation of Nisan and the vernal equinox, about which R. Samuel, son ofR. Isaac, says: Speak of the Nisan tekufah, for it is written, Observe the month of Abib [spring] (Deut XVI, 1); i.e. take heed that the beginning of the vernal tekufah shall occur on a day in Nisan [when the moon is still in the process of renewal].294

The tequfot are, as we will see, related to the section on synagogue art, and play an important role in any discussion of the ancient calendar. As Finegan writes: Both the tractate Sanhedrin and Maimonides also show that the solar year was divided likewise into four seasons or tequfot and into twelve signs of the zodiac. On the basis of a year of 365 1/4 days, one tequfah was reckoned at 91 days, 7 1/2 hours. The four tequfot were: the tequfah of Nisan, which began at the vernal equinox when the sun enters the constellation of Aries; the tequfah of Tammuz at the summer solstice when the sun enters Cancer; the tequfah of Tishri at the autumnal equinox when the sun enters Libra; and the tequfah of Tebet at the winter solstice when the sun enters Capricorn. 29S

Indeed, the tequfot are not only integral to any discussion of maintaining Nisan and the festivals in their season (i.e., Abib); they also have a long history, predating the Jewish calendar. Of the first tequfah in antiquity, for example, S. Langdon writes that "The history of the calendar ofNisan is [ ...] of supreme importance"296 due to its relationship to new year rituals in the Ancient Near East. While not universally accepted, Langdon's etymological interpretations are worthy of at least sorne exploration, for he explains that that name ofNisan is related to the Sumerian word gan-mas, which contains the word mas, or 'kid', and that the word for the month was Nisannu in Akkadian.297 This, Langdon continues, is "a Sumerian loan word meaning 'first'; hence Nisan means simply 'first month'. The word [Nisannu] means also 'sacrificer,' 'to sacrifice,' and if this be the sense the Accadians [sic] may have intended by nisannu to convey the sense 'month of the sacrificer,' referring to the offering of a white bull or kid in honour of

43 Taurus."z98 Langdon goes on to explain: The tirst month of the year corresponds to March-April in the Roman calendar. This is the time when the Sun-god, victorious over winter's darkness, begins his ascent toward the zenith of heaven. The Sumerians at Nippur believed that the earth-god, Enlil, in the tirst month sat in his cosmic cham ber and held a convocation of the gods to tix the fates of ail men for the coming year. [ ...] The month almost certainly began originally with the new moon nearest the equinox, and in it fell ordinarily the heliacal rising of the Pleiades and Taurus. At that time, at least according to Babylonian custom, kings laid down their divine rights for a day and received again their throne and sceptre from the high priest of Enlil or Marduk. 299

To the Babylonians, Nisan is said to have been the month of the constellation Iku (Aries), or "the throne room of Anu," upon which the "king is lifted up [and] installed."30o It is also the time of the "blessed springing forth of vegetation of (by) Anu and Enlil. Month of the Moon-god, first bom of Enlil.,,30I Langdon continues, stating that "this constellation was identified with Babylon,"302 and that "the first day of Nisan was sacred to Enlil owing to" [the Sumerian myth of a white bull which was sacrificed in the new year]"303 This relates to the aforementioned sacrificial etymology of the word Nisan, and, in turn, raises several compelling questions.304 Since it is connected to the month of Nisannu, could the Babylonian ritual of the kings, for example, have made its way through the cultural mythologies of the ancient Near East, eventually finding its way into the Mishnaic, and later, Talmudic, tradition ofNisan being the new year for kings? Further, could the shi ft from Nisan to Tishrei have been due to the associations ofNisan with Babylon and a desire of the rabbinical courts to draw the line in the calendrical sand? These are questions left to be answered. On a related note, William W. Hallo de scribes the Akkadian Sapaltli (full moon), and its relationship to the Hebrew Shabbat, suggesting that "it is, then, conceivable that the Biblical term, like its putative Akkadian cognate, originaUy designated a phase of the moon,"305 but that its meaning shifted when the word was used to de scribe the new rest day. 306 Hallo continues along this line, adding that, "in fact, as U. Cassuto argued long ago, it is possible that the Israelite Sabbath was instituted in opposition to the Mesopotamian system. "307 If this is the case, perhaps there are similar cross-cultural explanations which may be explored with respect to matters such as the origin of the new month for kings. Throughout the discussions in these Talmudic tractates, we note the use of Exod. 12:1-2

44 for no more and no less a purpose than restructuring time. This intense spirit of debate and synthesis often took the form of such biblically driven argumentation as that in the Babylonian Talmud Rosh HaShanah lOb-li a during the point-counterpoint difference of opinion between Rabbis Eliezer and Joshua, each advocating for one month or the other to begin the new year. This appeal to primacy is made all the more powerful on the basis of biblical proof texts appealing to the precedents which may be found in the text to justify a ha/akhic move (e.g., the Creation, the birth of the patriarchs). In sorne ways, this emphasis upon antiquity would (at least in structure though not in global context) appear to resemble that of Josephus, though the Talmudic appeals to ancient precedent were for internaI, legal reasons. The rapid evolution of the calendar during this period began with the move away from the new moon signal fires (corrupted, as we noted earlier, by the apparent Samaritan ruse of lighting their own tires on Mt. Gerizim) and continued with the decision, seen in our earlier examination of the Talmudic passages, to ascertain the validity of mo/ad witnesses. This process eventuaIly culminated in the fixing of the Jewish calendar, which assured sorne stability in the community's observance of festivals in their proper time. Indeed, according to the Babylonian Talmud in Rosh HaShanah, Rabbi Joshua is assured by Aqiba that their calendar is correct and re1iable. Moreover, by the end of this phase of heavy argumentation, there is no longer any ambiguity concerning the tirst of months, for what emerges from the Tishrei-Nisan debates is a c1ear victor (Tishrei), with Nisan being assigned honourary status in the literature. As such, it is not so much a lost new year, but one which was restructured for reasons ofre1igious community-building. While the nature of the dfguments changed and evolved throughout the Talmudic debates, the core question addressed in each ofthese steps appears to be one and the same. Namely, the question of who has the authority, or, in the case ofwitnesses, who Can be trusted, to fix time for the community and its people. As we have seen, the answer is that it was up to the courts aIl along. 30s

H. Interpretations of Exodus 12:1-2 in the Aggadic Midrashim

i. Exodus Rabbah:

Exodus Rabbah (c. tenth-twelfth centuries CE) is but one example of Aggadic Midrash,

45 which expounds upon the Bible text in narrative form. According to S.M. Lehrman, traces within Exodus Rabbah seem to indicate that it was written in the eleventh or twelfth centuries.309 Taking on Parshat Bo, the Midrash expounds upon Exod. 12:1-2, supplying numerous interpretations that combine to form a rich tapestry of expansions of, and illuminations upon, the Bible text. What follows is a selection of the most relevant interpretations. Quoting the key Bible verses, the Midrash reads: XV, 1: Thus it is written: Hark! my beloved! behold, he cometh (Song of Songs 2:8) .... He said to God: 'Lord of the Universel Thou didst tell us that for four hundred years we would be enslaved [Genesis 15:13], and these have not expired yet.' God replied: 'They have expired,' for it says: 'For, 10, the winter is past.' Thereupon the righteous uncovered their heads, which hitherto had been covered, for it says: 'The flowers appear on the Earth; this refers to the tribes of Levi who were ail righteous. 310

Here, we see yet another example of rebirth and agricultural imagery - specifically, reference to flowers as emblematic of springtime and renewal. As we have seen, this motif appears over and over again in Philo. Related directly to the topic of calendar, the Midrash soon turns to the matter of the festivals: "Another explanation: The angels said before God: 'Master of the Universe: When art Thou going to fix the festivals?' to which God replies, "You and 1 will confirm what Israel decide when they intercalate the year, as it says: '1 will cry unto God Most High; unto God that accomplisheth it for me (Ps. LVII, 3).' Hence it says: These are the appointed seasons of the Lord; even holy convocations, which ye shall proclaim (Lev. xxiii, 4) [.. . ] God said to Israel: 'In the past this was do ne by Me,' as it says: Who appointedst the moon for seasons (Ps. CIV, 19), but trom now and henceforth, it is handed over entirely to you. ,,) Il ln its positing of the angels making inquiry about the fixing of the festivals, this section would appear to constitute apologetics for the change ta a fixed calendar system, encompassing the intercalation of a second Adar. Related to the Mekhilta' s emphasis - se en earlier - on the city as a place of impurity, the following passage refers not merely ta the city, but ta the entire Land of Egypt as a veritable den of iniquity: Why does [verse 1] not say 'in Egypt'? Said R. Hanina: God said 'It is written in the Torah: Though shalt stand without (Deut. xxiv, Il). 1 will also do thus, standing ln the Land of Egypt, but not in Egypt itself. So, too, did Moses say: As soon as 1 am gone out of the city (Ex ix, 29).

46 R. Simeon said: Great was the love God showed to Israel in that He revealed Himself in a place of idol-worship, immorality, and uncleanness in order to redeem them. ll2

Approaching the redemption theme, the Midrash continues:

Another explanation of 'This month shall be unto you.' It is written: Happy is the nation whose God is the Lord (Ps. XXXIII, 12). When God chose His world, He appointed New Moons [Le. months] and years therein, and when He chose Jacob and his sons, He appointed for them a new moon of redemption in which Israel were redeemed from Egypt and in which they are destined to be redeemed again. . . In this month was Isaac bom [Gen R. XLVIII, 12; R.H. lIa], and in this month he was bound [as a sacrifice]. In this month, also, Jacob received the blessings .... It can be compared to a king who brought his son out of prison and who commanded: 'Celebrate for ail time as a day of rejoicing the day on which my son went forth from darkness to light, from an iron yoke to Iife, from servitude to freedom, and from bondage to redemption.' Similarly, God brought Israel out of captivity.3lJ

Once again, we see the connection between time and an individual' s control over his or her own destiny. Not only are the people physically redeemed, but the calendar is given to humans to intercalate, making it clear that the Israelites were set free in many ways, both spatial and temporal. Another Midrashic commentary on "This month shall be unto you ..." relates to Passover and the sacrifice: "Fix ye, therefore, this month for Me and for you, because 1 will see therein the blood of the Passover and will make atonement for you,"114 and then. moves onto the matter of the unblemished paschallamb, saying, "A lamb, bec au se God will provide Himselfthe lamb ... (Gen xxii, 8)."315 The language here is, of course, easily amenabk to a Christological interpretation, supplying as it does a symbolic linkage between Nisan and the Passover that will come to be used in Christianity. In a lyrical passage, the Midrash once again picks up the lunar theme, comparing its light to the illumination of the patriarchs: This month shall be unto you the beginning of months; just as the month has thirty days, so shall your kingdom last until thirty generations. The moon begins to shine on the first of Nisan and goes on shining till the fifteenth day, wh en her dise becomes full; from the fifteenth till the thirtieth day, her light wanes, till on the thirtieth it is not seen at ail. With Israel too,

47 there were fifteen generations from Abraham to Solomon. Abraham began to shine [followed by Isaac and Jacob, as weIl as other biblical characters. r 16

Reminiscent of the Mekhilta317 is the foHowing Midrash, in which the new moon is "one of the four things that God had to show Moses with His finger because he was puzzled by them. He showed him how the oil of anointing was made, because it says: This shaH be a holy anointing oil unto Me (Ex. xxx, 31). He showed him the work of the candlestick ... He showed him the reptiles that are unc1ean, for it says: 'And these are they which are unc1ean unto you (Lev. xi,

29); and also the moon, for it says: 'This month shaH be unto you. ",318 The Midrash Rabbah on this section conc1udes with an interpretation of Exod. 12:2 c10aked in imagery which may be likened to that of The Song of Songs: It can be compared to a king who betrothed a woman and promised her but few presents in writing; but when he actually took her unto himself, he promised her many more presents as her husband. Similarly, this world is like the betrothal, for it says: "And 1 will betroth thee unto Me in faithfulness (Hos. II, 22). Hence, He gave them only the moon ... The actual marriage ceremony [ace. to the footnote in the text, between God and Israel] will take place in the Messianic days, as it says: "For thy Maker is thy husband (lsa. UV, 5), and then He will hand over everything to them, as it says: And they that are wise shaH shine as the brightnessof the firmament; and they that turn the many to righteousness as the stars for ever and ever (Dan. XII, 3 ).119

This bride and groom imagery underscores the theme of calendar as covenant; of Exod. 12: 1-2 serving as true foreshadowing of the mitzvot to come. ii. Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer:

A veritable rewritten Bible, the Pirqe (or Pirke) Rabbi Eliezer appears to superimpose Mishnaic and Talmudic norms of practice upon the patriarchs in retroactive fashion - much as the patriarchs are shown keeping halakha in the Talmud (e.g., Yoma 28b). This is appears to be a technique which bases itself on an appeal to Bible text, while at the same time extending its scope to further the agenda of justifying calendrical decisions. Here, the text deals with the principle of intercalation, which is given as a commandment to Jacob: When [Jacob] came to the (Holy) Land, the Holy One, blessed be He, said to him: Jacob! Arise, intercalate the year, as it is said, "And God appeared unto Jacob again, ... and blessed him" (Gen xxv, Il), because he was

48 initiated in the princip le of the intercalation, and He blessed him (with) the blessing of the world. [Footnote reads "the revelation of the Divine Name El Shaddai. "When 1 suspend judgment conceming man's sins, 1 am ca lied El Shaddai," says the Midrash Tanchuma, Shemoth, xx ..."]320

The Midrash continues, elaborating upon the principle of intercalation as transmitted through the generations: Jacob delivered to Joseph and his brethren the principle of intercalation, and they intercalated the year in the land of Egypt. (When) Joseph and his brethren died, the intercalations ceased from Israel in Egypt, as it is said, "And Joseph died, and ail his brethren, and ail that generation" (Ex. i. 6) Just as the intercalations were diminished from the Israelites in the land of Egypt, likewise in the future will the intercalations be diminished at the end of the fourth kingdom until Elijah, be he remembered for good, shall come. 321 Just as the Holy One, blessed be He, was revealed to Moses and Aaron in Egypt, Iikewise in the future will He be revealed to them at the end of the fourth kingdom, as it is said, "And the Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron in the land of Egypt saying, This month shall be unto you the beginning of months." What is the significance of the word "saying"? Say to them, Till now the principle of intercalation was with Me, henceforth it is your right to intercalate thereby the year. Thus were the Israelites wont to intercalate the year in the (Holy) Land. When they were exiled to Babylon they intercalated the year through those who were left in the (Holy) Land. Wh en they were ail exiled and there were not any (Jews) left in the (Holy) Land, they intercalated the year in Babylon. 322

The Midrash then turns to the 19 year metonic cycle of intercalation and to the cycles contained within it,323 as well as to Rabbi Eliezer's description often witnesses who must be present for the intercalation. These ten are seated in a circle in the courtroom, but soon, they stand and spread out their hands "before their Father who is in heaven, and the chief of the assembly proclaims the name (of God), and they hear a Bath Kol (saying) the following words,

'And the Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron ... saying, This month shall be unto you ... '" 324 In its structure, this would appear to be analogous - if not identical - to Moses standing with his own hands outstretched. While this is speculative, perhaps this mirror image served as a rhetorical device intended to establish an organic link between the process of intercalation and the Torah, thereby bolstering rabbinical authority to fix time, and in so doing, safeguarding Jewish observance of festivals at the correct time, as well as its peoplehood and self-definition.

49 iii. A vot DeRabbi Nathan and the Appointed Times:

There is no direct reference to Nisan, Abib, or Exod. 12:1-2 in The Fathers According to

Rabbi Nathan325 (which is, according to Neusner, a kind of Talmud to tractate Avot). However, in Chapter 26, a section that "simply lays out sayings, with little or no secondary development over all,,,326 R. Eleazar the Modite declares, "He who treats Holy things as secular, and he who despises the appointed times [ ... ] will have no share in the world to come.m27 Arguably the first appointed time, the calendar system and festival cycle established in 12:1-2 is clearly encompassed by this saying of Rabbi Nathan.

1. Art as Interpretation, or Drawing Conclusions: Synagogue Art on Nisan and the Beginning of Months

The matter of synagogue art is temporally situated within the rabbinic era proper, though it links to Hellenistic themes and motifs. It is, therefore, included in this section of our study. As we have seen in Philo, Josephus, 1 Enoch, 2 Enoch, Artapanus (as well as other Greco-Roman authors who considered Moses to be a great prophet and astrologer), the zodiac and its subdivisions into seasons, or tequfot, play a critical role in the astronomical/calendrical (and hence, astrological) writings surveyed in this paper. Dated as early as the third century CE,328 synagogues with mosaic floors offer us a window into Bible interpretation in the popular culture of the time. Among the se are at least four synagogues in Israel (Beit Alpha, Nacaran, Huseifa, Hammath Tiberias) that contain representations of the zodiac - a symbolic structure related directly to our examination of Exod. 12:1-2 and the month ofNisan. Indeed, "these synagogues, ranging in date from the fourth to sixth centuries, contain mosaics showing the zodiac cycle.,,)29 Of further interest is the fact that these included synagogues at Hammath Tiberias, "the seat of the Sanhedrin, or Patriarchate, from

the end of the third until the fourth centuries. "330 This fact, according to Rachel Hachlili, demonstrates the importance of the zodiac mosaics to Jewish, "religious thought, and makes it

necessary to analyse its place and importance in synagogal art.,,))l The Synagogue at Beit Alpha, for example, has a Mosaic floor dated to the sixth century.332 It contains images that reveal a combination of Jewish, Pagan and even Christian imagery.333 The showpiece, or central panel,334 however, is a representation of the zodiac, in which the sun god

50 Helios appears in the middle, driving a chariot, flanked by the moon and stars. Surrounding Helios, in circular formation, are the twelve zodiac signs, beginning with the sign Aries. This is significant, particularly as the four seasons, or tequfot, appear in each of the four corners of the mosaic,J35 as ifto mark time and infuse the mosaic with Judaic meaning. Furthermore, each of the four seasons is wearing jewels, with the winter tequfah being the least jeweled, the spring (Abib) tequfah slightly more so, and both summer and autumn being the most heavily laden with jewelry. According to Hachlili, the image of tequfat Nisan, at Hammath Tiberias "is crowned with flowers and ho Ids a bowl of fruit in her right hand whereas the Beth' Alpha figure includes a shepherd's crook (pedum) and a bird. [ ...] At Nacaran the figure holds a shepherd's crook, with a sheaf of corn and bird placed on either side of the image.,,336 Goodenough337 writes that he sees "no reason to stress these symbols, especially."338 However,I feel that the se details are significant, as the tequfot may represent degrees of agricultural fertility, especially given the fact that they are paired with fruit, grapes and other forms of produce at each tum of the seasonal wheel. Of special note is the appearance of the god Helios. This pagan imagery would, according to Goodenough, be surprising within a synagogue were it not for an understanding of the pervasive syncretism339 of the era. In like fashion, a zodiac is to be found at the synagogue at Né aran. Excavated in 1921,340 the mosaics include a panel depicting Helios driving "his quadriga at the center." 341 Whereas the signs at Beit Alpha appear in counterclockwise formation, they are clockwise in this mosaic. The tequfot appear in different positions, with a tree placed next to the spring tequfah. 342 While Goodenough believes th.! Helios character and zodiac to be symbols of "ascent" and "apotheosis,,,343 it may be that they also represent something more basic and linked to the daily life of the community, namely, their connection to calendar and the seasons, and through these, to God's command as they would have perceived it within the Greco-Roman world of the time. According to Goodenough, "we are pushed back to the possibility that these astronomical symbols, and Helios himself, meant something in the Judaism of these Jews, something which could be as central in their thinking as the zodiac panels are physically central in the synagogue floors. In synagogues we cannot take them ta be the pagan Helios [ ...] divine seasons or zodiac signs. Had the se Jews regarded Helios or the seasons or Adonis as valid and acceptable personal

51 gods, their Judaism would have become meaningless."344 However, what appears more likely is that they "Judaized them with explanations in Jewish terms while they had used the original values of the symbols to enrich Jewish religious life and hope.,,345 Goodenough adds that the "rabbis quoted in the Talmud would never have approved Helios, the zodiac, and the se as ons for the center of the careful Jewish symbolism of the synagogues. [ ...] their original invasion into popular Jewish symbolism, obviously never approved by the talmudic rabbis, must have had a great deal ofmeaning indeed."346 However, other scholars such as Hachlili and Avigad would not agree with this view, as we will soon see. We are left with the question ofwhat the representation of Helios the Charioteer might mean in the context of synagogue art. 347 For that matter, we might also ask what the sun sign of Aries (or Ares) represented to these Jews as it is connected to tequfaf48 Nisan. Where Helios is concerned, Goodenough believes that it is possible that the pagan conception of the sun god, representing the primacy ofnature's law, was appropriated by the Jews of the time to represent the co smic pattern of the Creator. This is hinted at by Philo, who refers to God as "the shepherd of the flock of stars," and - most telling - as "a charioteer" directing the universe and its laws.349 Rachel Hachlili acknowledges the se pagan influences, writing that the zodiacal mosaics "would have been immediately visible to aU who entered the synagogue as it lay inside the main entrances. This widespread use, over two centuries, of a 'pagan' motif, invites many questions as to its function in the synagogue."350 According to Goodenough, however, this is not necessarily indicative of pagan influence, but of "an elaborate conception of Judaism"35 1 which portrays God as supreme and which "reveals the Logos who guides,,352 the Jewish people. The representation of the seasons and new moon in the mosaic at Bei! Alpha and other synagogues may be interpreted as symbolic ofrebirth and beginnings, with the "Feast of the Sheaf' being a spring fertility festival. 3S3 The spring equinox, represented by Aries the Ram, is likewise emblematic of rebirth. Noting the image of Aries in commentaries ranging from Philo through the visual medium of synagogue art, 1 would suggest that the moon, with its two horns of equallength - as described in the midrashic literature - relates to the ram's horns, and therefore, to the tequfot. It

52 may also be relevant that the other equinox tequfah, Libra, is represented by balanced scales of justice, which may also represent equal measures of day and night as per the etymology of the word equinox, or equal night/s - a point at which the night and day are equal in length. Likewise, for the solstices, represented by Cancer, the crab for summer with its two claws and Capricom, yet another homed animal - the goat. If nothing else, the isomorphic imagery is suggestive. 1 might go further, and suggest that the specificity of the ram and its homs, connected as it is with the tequfah, new year ofNisan and the holiday ofPassover, might well indicate­ albeit on the symbolic level - that the blowing of the shofar was intended to take place at the new year of Nisan. 1 willleave this question open, however. As for sun and moon symbols, these are common on Jewish354 amulets, and represent "astral or solar associations.355 This, at least in part, explains the presence of Helios. Discovered in 1932, the remnants of the Dura Europos synagogue reveal numerous biblical motifs, as weIl as many symbols we have already discussed. 356 Among them are "Dionysiac symbols"357 of vines. At Dura, we also find an image of "the twelve Patriarchs in [a] circle,"358 which is likely a Judaized representation of the zodiac, in which artistic allusion is made to the twelve tribes. Here - in contrast to the Palestinian synagogues, which often portray Helios - the dominant character, who guides the cosmos, is Moses.359 Given the prominent place of Orpheus in the Dura synagogue, however, it is unsurprising that we also see the figure of Ares, a representation ofVictory and global guidance.360 Related to the sun (as is Helios), Ares (or Aries), is linked to the first tequfah - that ofNisan. Ares, in tum, is linked to the person of Moses. Indeed, from a pagan point ofview, Goodenough suggests, "nothing could have been more appropriate to characterize the departure of the Israelites from Egypt, the physical realm, than the figures of Ares and victory. That this was the meaning [... ] for the Jews in Dura cannot be 'proved,' of course. But that for Philo it was the true meaning of Ares, Philo himselftells us very elaborately."361 A cosmic "warrior-helper," the martial aspect of Ares is loosely connected to Moses and his victory over Pharaoh.362 So it is that the Exodus scene at Dura places Ares and victory in the frame. This would have been understood "by any Hellenized Jew who saw the goal of Judaism in the mystic victory." 363 That the zodiacal symbols were pagan in origin is without doubt, for "a comparison of

53 the seasons in the Jewish depictions with those appearing in pagan mosaics dating to the fourth­ fifth centuries reveals similarities in their attributes: most of the figures are represented by crowned, winged bustS.,,364 What is notable, however, is the difference in attribution of meaning to these figures by scholars. According to Goodenough, "the pagan symbols used with the Jewish ones suggest also that the Jews of the day were extremely sensitive to symbols."365 However, Hachlili asserts that "the theory accepted by most scholars (except Goodenough [ ...]) is that the pagan motifs used in Jewish representational art became void oftheir original symbolic (idolatrous) significance, and evolved into merely ornamental motifs.,,366 lndeed, as Hachlili writes, R. Abun of the fourth century described that the mosaic floors were adorned with designs, and that the designers were not "hindered" by the rabbinical authorities.367 This, taken with the presence of a zodiacal mural at Hammath Tiberias, suggests that the designs were acceptable to the mainstream Judaism of the time. The crux of the matter, however, is summarized by Hachlili in her description of the very purpose of the zodiacal muraIs, encompassing the first ofmonths and Nisan. Whereas Goodenough believed in the symbolic appropriation of the pagan symbols,368 and other scholars such as N. A vigad369 suggest that "the figure of the chariot was the sun, itself a component of the cycle of co smic forces depicted in the zodiac,'mo Hachlili believes that the zodiacal mosaic simply functioned as a calendar [... ] consisting as it does of three compulsory sections: 1) The four seasons which represent the year; 2) the twelve signs of the zodiac representing the months, and 3) The sun god symbolizing the day, the night being denoted by the background of the crescent moon and stars. Additional support for this interpretation is provided by the discovery of a mosaic inscription in the ' En-Gedi synagogue floor, dating to the late sixth century, which inc1udes the names of the zodiac signs followed by the names of the corresponding Jewish months. J7I

Hachlili's argument is a sound one. However, what appears to be ofmost interest here is not so much whether or not the pagan-derived symbolism in the mosaic floors was accepted by the rabbinical authorities, but why this might have been the case. l would suggest that, by the time of the creation of the zodiac mosaics around the fourth century, Jewish communities were already at ease with their own internaI calendar in development, which served to delineate one faith from another. Calendrical integrity serves to forge an internaI strength, and within this religious context, even symbols formerly imbued with pagan connections did not have the power to corrupt the community. This may have been at least one of the reasons for the acceptance of these motifs by the rabbinical authorities. 54 Another point of potential interest here is the agricultural symbolism contained in many of the zodiacal images, particularly that of at least one image of tequfat Nisan at Néaran, where it is represented by a sheaf of corn (i.e., a green barley sheaf). Here, we note a biblical motif emphasizing the original sign of the Abib - one which would have been used to fix the festivals in their proper seasons in earlier times.372

J. The View From Mount Gerizim - Exod. 12:1-2 Seen Through the Lens of The Samaritan Midrash

In existence during the codification of the Mishnah and Talmuds, the Samaritans did not share either the Rabbanite calendar nor its new year, but maintained a new year beginning on the first ofNisan, as dictated by v. 1-2. This, among other differences in belief, created a c1ear demarcation point between the religious trajectory of rabbinical Judaism and Samaritan practice. Josephus, discussed earlier, took note of the Samarltans in his time, and, according to Louis H. Feldman, wavered in his stance toward them, sometimes viewing them as a Jewish group and at other times, seeing "the Samaritans as a nation (ethnos) [... ] fully parallel to, and independent of the Jews, with political aspirations oftheir own.,,373 While the Samaritans considered "themselves as within the mainstream,"374 they c1early had their own religious and political agenda, and, over time, their views came to differ markedly from those of the Jews. Given the paucity of literature concerning the Samaritans ofhis era, Josephus serves as an excellent eyewitness to Samaritan life in early antiquity, providing us with an indication of the ways in which they were viewed by Jews. 375 Josephus himself altemated between pro and anti-Samaritan sentiment, generally emphasizing their distinctness as a sect,376 and pointing to the difficulties they had created for the Jews such as "laying waste their land and by carrying off slaves,,,m as related in Ant. 12.156. Moreover, "The Samaritans, he says, quarreled with the descendants of the Jews, the chief point of contention being the sanctity of their respective temples in Jerusalem and on Mount Gerizim.»378 Feldman, however, points to the historical debates surrounding the Jewishness of the Samaritans, for they have been counted as Jews (albeit ignorant of the true law) in the Tannaitic literature,37g even as they have also been held to be apostates. 380 Finally, recent evidence "has come to light indicating a Samaritan presence at Masada. This suggests that the Samaritans joined

55 the Sicarii in the defense of Masada.,,381 While it may weIl be true that the Samaritans considered themselves to be Jews, it is also the case that they evolved into a distinct sect over the centuries, and did not accept the oral tradition of the rabbis. Their writings during the period of their development alongside the codification of the Mishnah and Talmud are, then, subtle but telling. Considered to be one of the most important Samaritan works "after the Samaritan

383 Pentateuch and Targum,,,382 Memar Marqah - The Teaching ofMarqah - offers us no small amount ofinsight into Samaritan thought and literature of the first few centuries of the common era.384 Composed in the fourth century, or slightly later, Marqah's Memar is said, by contemporary Samaritans, to have originally "covered the whole of the Torah."385 A work of midrashic imagination spanning the Torah from Exod. 3 through the death of Moses in Deut., it is interesting to note that it was composed at least 600 years before the writing and stabilization of the text of the aggadic Midrash, Exod Rabbah. Paul E. Kahle writes that this work was to be found in the "so-called 'Defter', a kind ofCommon Prayer, which is the oldest part ofthis Liturgy , [and which] contains a number of interesting liturgical poems of the fourth century poet Marka and his followers." 386 On the Israelite preparation for deliverance in the first month, this work reads as follows: The Lord said ta Moses and ta Aaron, after these wonders that had gone before, "This month shaH be for you the beginning of months (Ex. xii. 1-2; Targ.), the end of affliction and the beginning of relief. This month shaH be for you the beginning of months, the inauguration of favour and the conclusion of disfavour.

This month shaH be for you the beginning of months, the end of punishment and the beginning of rest. This month shaH be for you the beginning of months, the entrance of good and the exit of evil. This month shall be for you the beginning of months, the gateway to blessings and the end of cursing. It shall be the first month of the year (Ex. xii. 2; Targ.), from which will come aH the years of the world.

ln it 1 created the world; ln it the waters of the Flood dried up. ln it Sodom was overthrown; ln it 1 began the judgements; ln it 1 destroyed the Tower; ln it 1 will bring them to an end; ln it 1 will destroy Egypt:

56 Thus, the beginning of the months is made Iike The Beginning (BERESITH), which was made the start of Creation.387

The Samaritan text continues:

Therefore on the first day of the first month make it known and give thanks for it. When you are in it (the first month, first day), you will begin with (the section of) the Creation of the World, for 1 am like one who looses and 1 will untie the manacles of ail those who have assembled for deIiverance. J88

The interpretations encompassed by Memar Marqah reads as do many of the Midrashim we have seen in these pages, linking together earlier Torah verses with those ofExod. 12: 1-2. Here, we also note a very brief foray into a re-telling of biblical events which are then framed within the Samaritan religious context. Beginning with an exposition upon v. 1-2, the text moves into a binary structure, in which the beginning of months transforms the bad into the good. From there, the author moves into a description of God' s might and destruction of evildoers ("In it 1 will destroy Egypt"), establishing a one-to-one relationship between the beginning of months and "Beresith."389 The commentary concludes with a section which exhorts the reader (or listener) to be thankful for the "first day of the first month," perhaps even implying that they, as believers, are those who are "assembled for deliverance." If this is the case, the above interpretation of v. 1-2 can be said to be furthering the sectarian theology of salvation and Samaritan chosenness390 which will come to the fore (in an eschatological sense) on the day of vengeance.

57 Middle Age[s] Spread - Exodus 12:1-2 in The Medieval Period

Toward the end ofantiquity, and during the medieval era, the Jewish interpretive literature expanded considerably, with the period heralding immense change in nearly aIl are as of human striving. lndeed, the emergence ofboth towns and a philosophical, early scientific, sensibility also contributed to ever more sophisticated Bible commentaries, bearing upon our ongoing examination ofExod. 12:1-2. With this in mind, a brief overview of the period is in order so as to establish a proper context for the endeavours of the interpreters who lived and worked during this era. If the impact ofthese larger societal changes upon the world of Jewish text study was not always directly felt, it was certainly of import in the sense that the mindset and knowledge base of our commentators, immersed as each would have been in a particular time and place, were strongly influenced and shaped by their respective cultures - of both the Jewish and broader varieties. lndeed, as B. Barry Levy writes: Every generation of readers has left its own unique imprint on the Bible; sorne have created highly innovative interpretive strategies. Often these resulted from applying their era's best thinking to the Bible and producing what, at the time, seemed like the most advanced understanding possible. [... ] Each generation has helped clarify the Bible, but anyone schooled in the history of its interpretation can easily identify the intellectual context in which almost any extensive sample of interpretation was produced. Wl

Child of the downfall of the Roman empire in the third centuryJ92 and furthered by the barbarian invasions two centuries later,393 the medieval world held Bible study in high esteem, for it "represented the highest branch of leaming."394 The Bible itself was, in fact, "prcscribed as a set book for theologians in the medieval schools,"395 and studied, in sorne form. hy Jcws. Christians and Muslims alike. lndeed, as Beryl Smalley emphasizes, "the Bible was the most studied book of the middle ages,"396 consulted by Church fathers such as St. Jerome and Origen, who­ sometimes with the assistance of Jews - read the Bible in the original Hebrew, thereby bringing "the Bible closer to the Latin speaking world."397 Paralleling the increase in Jewish literary output, the Middle Ages also saw the birth of the intellectuai - this, in part, due to the growth of towns in the twelfth century. As Le Goff writes, the intellectual "appeared with the rapid development of the cities and was tied to a commercial and industrial - let us modestly say artisanal - function, like the tradesmen who settled in cities where a division oflabor prevailed."398 One contribution to intellectuai ferment

58 was the entrance ofGreek and Arab culture both in the marketplaces of Western Europe and in the possibility of obtaining the classical texts of both cultures. Sorne Christians who sought "Greek and Arab manuscripts ventured as far as Palermo.,,399 Yet another contribution to 4 medieval intellectuailife was the rise of the translator °O - individuals such as James ofVenice, Moses of Bergamo, Leo Tuscus and Plato of Tivoli,401 who worked with Greek and Arabic texts, translating them into Latin, which was "the language oflearning.,,402 Jacques LeGoff considers this surging interest oftown intellectuals in Greco-Arab culture paradoxical, for its influence on the later development of the Western emphasis upon reason and "a concern with scientific exactness,,403 was at odds with equally important interest in "monastic spiritualism [in the form of] a retum to the mysticism of the Orient.,,404 However, this growing mystical interest on the part of the educated - perhaps connected with the then-popular "image of man/microcosm,,405 in which there existed "an analogy between the world and man, between the macrocosm and that universe in miniature that was man,,406 - came to be pivotaI in the general culture of the Middle Ages and bears strongly upon any study ofthis era's treatment of 12:1-2, for it found an outlet in the form of astrology. As medieval scholar Sophie Page writes:

Astrology rests on a perceived symmetry between movements in the heavens and events on earth. As astronomical observation grew in sophistication in Antiquity so too did the art of predicting the consequences of the passages of the celestial bodies through the heavens. An enthusiasm for unravelling the messages of the stars is apparent in many surviving astrological writings from the Middle Ages. 407

Indeed, astrology408 entered Christian Spain around the tenth century, and the rest of Europe by the twelfth.409 At this point, it captivated the imagination of Christian scholars, who viewed it as a treasure-trove ofwisdom kept and transmitted to them by Arab culture.410 Translated into Latin - often with the assistance of Jews411 - these astrological-mystical works became the medieval equivalent of a "body of scientific knowledge which included astrological, alchemical and magical texts. '>412 The study of astrology soon pervaded the larger culture, appearing in numerous contexts such as cosmology, alchemy, and agriculture,413 as weIl as writings relating the movements of the heavenly bodies to the fields of natural philosophy and medicine. This latter field is of special relevance to our examination, because, following the twelfth

59 century,414 "astrological skills were also considered essential for medical students,"415 and were often taught as part of their training, preparing physicians416 to choose "the most auspicious times,,417 for various procedures. In fact, "by the end of the fourteenth century, physicians in many countries were legally required to calculate the position of the moon before the performed operations.,,418 This need not have been legislated, however, for most physicians of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were already "attracted by the prestige of linking their art to the study of the heavens.,,419 1t is no surprise, then, that many Jewish commentators ofthis era were also weIl versed in science and medicine. Ofparticular significance and import to the analysis of Exod. 12:1-2 during the medieval era is the fact that the moon was held to be "the most significant planet in astrological medicine"420 due to "its closeness to earth and the belief that it affected the increase and decrease of the humours in a manner analogous to its influence on the tides.,,421 As we will see in threads making their way through the writings of the commentators422 to follow in these pages, in any examination of our key verses, the matter of astronomy - and, by extension, astrology - is never far away. It can be surmised that the prominence of Jews in the scientific fields ofthis epoch423 would certainly have enhanced the astronomical content of the era's commentaries upon v.1-2. Considered to be "a subgroup of society ,"424 by Jacob Katz, "the close-knit nature of the Jewish community represented its own world.,,425 However, most Jews in medieval Europe "moved between the [... ] extremes of contact between the larger society and the subgroup. The frequency oftheir personal cOlltact with non-Jews and its social character varied according to their occupation." 426 Jewish intellectuals navigated the larger cultural context with a combination of facility and trepidation, both engaging in dialogue with Christians and preserving a certain amount of wariness toward their hosts. Indeed, while Jews held forth in Bible-centred debates with Christians through the medieval era, these were occasionally "interrupted with persecutions427 and massacres.,,428 Nevertheless, Jews became known for their facility during the se meetings, prompting one Christian to disapprove, saying that "no one, unless he is an expert theologian, should venture to argue with these people."429 This spirit of this highly charged interfaith dialogue also found its way into polemical

60 literature during the Middle Ages. Indeed, "while the Jewish-Christian debate [ranged] from som ber to sarcastic [and] playfully humourous, the underlying issues,,430 were extremely serious, as failure on the part of the Christians might have encouraged "Jews in their mockery ofall that was sacred.,,431 We see evidence of the more aggressive variety of Jewish polemicalliterature in works such as The Nizzahon Vitus (The Old Book ofPolemic) - a collection of anti-Christian arguments prevalent among Jews of the twelfth and thirteenth-centuries.432 Indeed, according to David Berger, its modern editor and translator, "the realia of any historical period quickly found expression in polemic."433 This held true at the time ofNachmanides' famous disputation with Pablo Christiani in 1263 CE Barcelona as much as it did in the Ashkenazic world. The debates of the middle ages were not exc1usively inter-group. Such debates over interpretation, cultural norms, theology and religious practice were common within the various Jewish communities themselves. In its expression in sorne of the earliest literature, spanning the cusp of late antiquity and the early medieval period, we need look no further than the geonim of Babylonia and the famous calendar debate of 921 and 922 of the common era - a matter which, if only indirectly related to the interpretation of Exod. 12: 1-2, was certainly inspired by it. Indeed, the outcome ofthis debate preserved the existing calendar of the Jewish community, and established its representative and victor, Saadia Gaon, as a key geonic figure who would go on to play a prominent role in later commentaries by Ibn Ezra and others. We now, therefore, tum to the Jewish exegetical enterprise at the very outset of the medieval period in Babylonia, thereby setting the stage for the later interpretation of our key verses.

61 Chapter 5 The Babylonian Geonim and Saadia Gaon on Calendrics (sixth-eleventh centuries CE)

As leaders of "the central talmudie academies whieh flourished in medieval Babylonia,"434 the geonim were, according to Magne Saebo, programmatical biblical exegetes435 who found it "necessary to explain the indispensability of the Bible in philosophie terms. "436 ln this task, the geonim were faced with numerous challenges, including that ofboth affirming "the traditional beliefs of Rabbinic Judaism in the face of Karaite opposition, and [maintaining] their Jewish identity in spite of Christian polemics and missionary aetivity. "437 The geonic era existed from approximately the sixth through eleventh centuries of the common era, at which point a slow transition took place438 in the form of a "shift in the center of Jewish cultural and intellectuallife. For the first time since the exodus from Egypt, the center of gravity migrated westwards, from Palestine and Babylonia to North Africa and Europe [ ...] accompanied by a far-reaehing decentralization [of authority]. "439 Even so, "the pioneering work of the geonim exercised considerable influence on sueceeding generations of Jewish Biblieal exegetes, both Rabbanites and Karaites. ,,440 Indeed, in their methodical approaeh to tradition, including "the related fields of !ITammar, lexicography and biblical exegesis,,,441 the geonim "applied the finishing touches to the recognition of Talmudie law as the guiding rule of Jewish religious and sociallife.,,442 As Robert Brody writes, "the crucial tuming point" of the geonic period was "the tenure of Saadiah ben Joseph as Gaon of Sura (928-942) CE. "443 Born in 882 "in the Egyptian district known as the Fayyum,444 as a result ofwhich he was later nieknamed The Fayyumite,,,445 Saadia Gaon hailed from a poor family, but was nevertheless appointed as Gaon.446 This too, "despite early suspicions (which were later to prove well-founded) that his assertive personality would lead to conflicts with the exilarch (the political head of the Babylonian Jewish eommunity."447 According to Brody, Saadia's installation was "made possible by the conjunetion ofhis unusual

62 abilities and his leadership abilities.,,448 Throughout Saadia's writings, there is a marked tendency toward polemics.449 Indeed, as Saebo explains: Polemics occupy a central place in the oeuvre of Saadiah. He saw himself as the spokesman of Rabbanite Judaism, more especiaUy in its Babylonian variety, and devoted a number of works specificaUy to polemics - whether directed against heretics who rejected the authority of the Bible, against Karaites who accepted the authority of the Bible but rejected the authority of rabbinic tradition, or against opponents within the Rabbanite camp.4S0

The polemics for which Saadia is best remembered, however, were related to his role in what may be termed the calendar controversy of921-922, which was instrumental in establishing the supremacy of the Babylonian geonim after years of conflict with the Palestinian geonate. As Brody describes the situation, in the "summer of 921, the Palestinian Gaon, either Aaron b. Me'ir or his father Me'ir, had announced his intention to make an official proclamation about the calendar of the next three years, [ ...] which differed from the calendar anticipated according to the calculation of the Babylonian authorities,"451 in its proclamation ofrosh hodesh by means of the observation or calculation of the moladbefore noon.452 It can only be assumed that this was an attempt to as sert the authority of the Palestinian calendar. In response, the Babylonian geonate "responded with a series of letters addressed to the Palestinian Gaon in an effort to convince him of the error ofhis ways, and [demanded] that they follow the Babylonian computation. A leading role in the composition of these missives was played by the newly arrived,,453 polemicist Saadia Gaon. In the end, Ben Meir's ruling was not upheld, and Saadia won the debate with the Palestinian Gaon, thereby establishing his reputation and securing the Jewish calendar in its present form. Henry Malter summarizes the pivotai nature of Saadia Gaon' s victory as follows: How important a part Saadia has in the regulation of the present calendar can be seen also from the fact that eminent authorities of later centuries describe him as the father and founder of the science of the calendar. Most, if not aU, of his work in this field was done in connection with the controversy with Ben Meir or his polemics with the Karaites. Its contemporary importance may be judged from the fact that it paved the way to Saadia's election to the Gaonate [in 928].4>4

His important role in the calendar controversy of 921-922 aside, Saadia also wrote other works, including The Book ofDoctrines and Beliefs, a book which he wrote in order to guide and inspire his Jewish readership. His calendrical work includes "Seder (or Sod?) ha- 'Ibbur, The Order (or

63 Mysteries) ofthe Calendar, referred to by several authors of the Middle Ages."455 However, this appears to have been lost.456 Within Saadia's extant writings, he defends the existing 'Ibbur ealeulations of the Talmudie era with every means at his disposaI, claiming that the set ealendar was given to Moses, and that the system of witnesses was used only temporarily. This position was soundly eritieized by eommentators, including Ibn Ezra and Maimonides. However, sorne believe that its emphasis upon the ealeulated ealendar to establish the new moons was solely part of a strategie polemie against the Karaites. 457 It is to this biblieal faith eommunity and its eompeting view of ealendar that we now tum.

64 Chapter 6 Karaites: Eighth-Twelfth Centuries, CE

Established by the Babylonian exegete Anan ben David in the eighth century, Karaism is according to Leon Nemoy, characterized by a "tenacious conservatism.,,458 Nemoy qualifies this, however, by adding that while Karaism has "throughout the twelve hundred years of its existence [ ...] remained essentially unchanged,"459 there have been several internaI reforrns, such as those which took place "during the tenth century, under the hammer blows of the Sa'adiah controversy, [when] it purged itself of "the excessive asceticism of Anan"460 While Karaite Bible commentaries certainly extend past the thirteenth century CE, the sources to be examined in this section extend until the mid-twelfth century for the sake of brevity. Their substance, however, is representative of KaraÎte thought. The calendar was a main point of contention between the Karaites and Rabbanites. Whereas the Rabbanites relied upon the molad, or calculated new moon and did not search for the abib (ripe barley) at the Spring equinox, the Karaites perforrned the latter se arch as dictated by Exod. 12:1_2.461 lndeed, as Nemoy explains, the Karaites rely on direct lunar observation, "whereas the Rabbanite calendar employs astronomical ca1culation ('ibbur) instead, which the Karaites reject as heretical,,462 and against biblicallaw. To this day, existing Karaite methods for deterrnining the molad are observational and they remain in touch with the agricultural dictates concerning the month ofNisan, for they continue to search for green ears ofbarley at that time of the year. As a result, it goes without saying the Karaite and Rabbanite calendars do not coincide. Moreover, "since the visibility of the moon varies in different localities, there could be no uniforrnity in the dates of the several annual holidays observed by Karaite communities in various countries,"463 leading to disagreements among Karaite scholars themselves. Addressing this calendrical problem in what appears to be wry commentary, Jacob AI-Kirkisani, possibly

65 "the greatest Karaite mind of the first half of the tenth century, "464 "is said to have advised his followers to follow the Rabbanites, because, as he cynically phrased it, 'aU coins are c1ipped anyway, so you might as well use the counterfeit that is at hand. ",465 Anan Ben David (mid-eighth century CE), was the author of the Book ofPrecepts, a guidebook of religious laws. Not much is known about his early life, but "his methods of biblical exegesis and formulation and interpretation of law are in a large measure identical with the Talmudic ones [which] brought upon him the sharp criticism of sorne of his immediate successors.,,466 Nevertheless, on the subject of the calendar and the Abib month, Anan wrote: "'The religion ofmy brother employs a calendar based upon calculation of the time of the new moon and intercalation of leap years by cycles, whereas mine depends upon actual observation of the new moon and intercalation regulated by the ripening of new grain. "'467 Another Karaite, Daniel ben Moses (Daniel AI-Kumisi - ninth-tenth centuries CE) was the first known "Karaite author to settle in the Holy City" of Jerusalem.468 Opposed to Anan, he went even further in his rigours, "prohibiting the consumption of the blood offish.,,469 However, with respect to calendar and the new moon, he was willing to accept "the testimony of Moslems regarding the appearance of the new moon and permitted its use in the fixing of the dates of holidays. "470 In his Book ofthe Wars ofthe Lord (Sefer Milhamot Hashem), the Karaite Salmon ben Jeroham (born circa 910) displayed his pronounced hatred for Saadia Gaon471 in poetry. In his writings, Salmon ben Jeroham asserts the primacy of the written law, and addresses Saadia directly, asking: "Where dost thou flee, 0 Fayyumite, to hi de thyself/From utter ruin?,,472 and refuting the Rabbinic authority ofthe Talmud and Mishnah. Of special interest, however, is his apparent allusion to God addressing Moses and Aaron (Exod. 12:1-2) in Canto II, where the poet writes: 1 have looked again into the six divisions of the Mishnah,lAnd behold, they represent the words of modern men.lThere are no majestic signs and miracles in them,lAnd they lack the formula: "And the Lord spoke unto Moses and unto Aaron. "II therefore put them aside, and 1 said, There is no true Law in them. 473

Here, while veiled in the guise of poetic metre, it is c1ear that ben Jeroham - and, it is assumed, other Karaite thinkers - is asserting the dominance of not only the biblical commands, but of the formulas they contain. This is consistent with the Karaite "emphasis on grammar and lexicography. '>474 66 Of further relevance to the matter of calendar and the true new year is the polemical assertion of the later Karaite Aaron ben Elijah, in his commentary on the holidays, that "sorne scholars caU [the day oftrumpeting] New Year's Day, for which there is no evidence in scripture. The Rabbanites likewise do so, and add that the world was created in the month of Tishri, although [... ] there is a controversy among them as to whether it was created in Tishri or in Nisan. We have already shown elsewhere, with convincing proof, that the world was created in the first month, Nisan.,,475 Here, it is evident that Aaron ben Elijah was familiar with the contents of the Babylonian Talmud, tractate Rosh HaShanah lIa. More interesting, however, is the fact that the Karaites themselves arrived at the same conclusion regarding the month of Creation, albeit most likely differing in their exegetical methodology. Having established this early medieval framework of disputation, which set the tone for an era of continued tumult and controversy with respect to both the Bible text and broader cultural issues, we return to the "rabbanite" stream, beginning at the turn of the last millennium, with examinations of exegetes such as Rashi, Rashbam, Ibn Ezra, Maimonides and Judah Halevi, whose religio-philosophical approaches to the source text differed, but were nevertheless emblematic of the sheer range of Jewish thought displayed throughout the Middle Ages.

67 Chapter 7 Ashkenazi Bible Interpretation (eleventh-fourteenth centuries CE) Or,Arum With a View: In Search of The Naked Text

A. Rashi (Rabbi Shlomo ben Yitzhaki)

Born in Troyes, in the Northeast of France,476 Rashi (1040-1105 CE) was a prolific exegete, whose commentary on Tanakh has become a standard feature of Jewish text study. Rashi's Torah commentary was, in fact, the first known Hebrew text to be printed on a printing press, and was expanded by numerous super-commentaries by other exegetes. As Esra Shereshevsky sees it, Rashi was fortunate "to live in Germany and France at a time when social, political and economic conditions in both countries were relatively stable and hence the Jews in that part of Europe also enjoyed comparative tranquility and prosperity."477 More specifically, however, the Jews and Christians of Troyes co-existed in harmony.478 So cordial were the relations for a time that "it was only natural that the business and social contacts between Christians and Jews should lead to exchanges of ideas and cultural aspirations. It is noteworthy that Christian Bible exegesis had its beginnings toward the middle of the Il th century.,,479 It was "only toward the end of the century - and of Rashi's life - [that] verbal polemics degenerate[d] into verbal and physical persecution of the Jews.,,480 ln my introduction to the larger era, 1 briefly touched upon the attraction of Christian scholars of the eleventh and twelfth centuries to Hebrew study - and, by extension, Jews who could guide them in their voyages through the Hebrew Bible texts. Shereshevsky suggests that Rashi may weIl have shaped and developed his Bible exegesis "under the impact of these circumstances,"481 and that, generally speaking, "the Jewish de-emphasis of allegory in favor of the literaI method may have been abetted also by the cosmopolitan character of the city of Troyes."482 Indeed, Rashi was familiar with Christian interpretations of the biblical text, and, as Shereshevsky writes:

68 [ ...] reacted to many of these interpretations with vigourous opposition. As a rule, he cautioned his students against entering into any discussions with 'sectarians' or 'instigators,' but these epithets do not necessarily refer to the theologians of the Church. Rashi's wamings were motivated by the fear that engaging in such debates might weaken the students' adherence to the basic tenets of Judaism." As indicated in his Bible commentaries, "he himself knew of some Jews who became renegades as a result of being exposed to 'sectarian' interpretation of the Bible.483

However, it remains possible that Rashi may have discussed interpretation with Christians. "AIso, his attention may have been drawn to Christian interpretations of various Biblical texts by his grandson, Rabbi Samuel ben Meir (RaSHBaM), who [ ...] knew Latin and engaged his grandfather in discussions of the latter's interpretations of the Biblical text.,,484 Rashi' s main goal was to produce a commentary that would explain the biblical text in the clearest, most lucid manner possible."485 Employing the exegetical methods ofpeshat86 and derash,487 Rashi "[nevertheless] did not regard the two methods of interpretation as mutually exclusive," [but] held that neither method ofinterpretation by itselfwas adequate."488 Several factors, including "copyists' interpolations and the great popularity of Rashi's commentaries,,489 have led to differing versions of Rashi's text. This, as weIl as occasional misattributions of commentaries to Rashi have led to the question of the very reliability of Rashi's texts. These challenges and possibilities notwithstanding, we will now examine key sections of Rashi' s Torah commentary. Referring, as it does to Exod. 12:1-2, Rashi's opening commentary to the book ofGen. 1: 1 reads as follows: The Torah which is the Law book of Israel should have commenced with the verse (Exod. XII. 1) "This month shall be unto you the first of the months" which is the first commandment given to Israel. What is the reason, then, that it commences with the account of the Creation? Because of the thought expressed in the text (Ps. CX!. 6) "He declared to His people the strength of His works (i.e. He gave an account of the work of Creation), in order that He might give him the heritage of the nations." For should the peoples of the world say to Israel, "You are robbers, because you took by force the lands of the seven nations of Canaan", Israel may reply to them, "Ali the earth belongs to the Holy One, blessed be he; He created it and gave it to whom he pleased.490

Later on, Rashi comments directly on v. 1-2:

"And the Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron - " Because Aaron had worked and toiled in performing the wonders just the same as Moses He paid him this honour at the tirst command by including him with Moses in the communication.491

69 Following the Mekhilta, Rashi analyzes the phrase "In the land of Egypt," writing - "This must have been outside the city! Or perhaps this is not so, but it was inside the City?,,492 Here, Rashi asserts that since Moshe would not pray within the city, "because it was full of idols." 493 Finally, in Rashi's exarnination of the fragment "This month", we note Rashi's addition of actual month narnes in the text: He showed him the moon in the first stage of its renewal and He said to him "The time when the moon renews itself thus, shaH be unto you the beginning of the month.'''94 [ ...] But no scriptural verse can lose its literai meaning, and He reaHy spoke this in reference to the month Nisan: this month shaH be the beginning in the order of counting the months, so that Iyar shaH be caHed the second, Sivan the third.m

Here, it may be of interest to note that future commentators will pick up on this theme of counting the months, linking it to the concept of liberation from bondage.

B. Tosafists

Here, a briefmention must be made regarding the Tosafot, or supplements to Rashi's commentary, which were written during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and served as a record ofvarious scholars' own comments upon Rashi's text. Addressing b. Rosh HaShanah 27a, which, in its turn, comments upon Exod. 12:1-2, we read in the Tosafot: "The birth of the creation of this world occurred during Nissan, whereas the conception of the world occurred during Tishrei (Libra). "496 However, a deeper exarnination of sorne of these commentaries is in order. So it is that arnong the Tosafists were Rashi's own grandsons, Rabbenu Tarn (circa 1100- 1170), and Rashbarn. It is to the work ofthis latter commentator that we will now turn.

C. Rashbam (Rabbi Samuel ben Meir)

As Martin I. Lockshin points out, little is is known about Rashbam's life (c. 1085-c. 1174 CE), and that, "like many greats of the past, much more is known about his works than about the man himself.,,497 Born in Northern France, "Rashbarn was primarily a halakhist [ ...] [who is] much more remembered, and revered, in the religious Jewish world for his contributions to the study of Talmud than for his contributions to the study of the Bible."498

70 Employing the technique of peshat exegesis, Rashbam and his contemporaries "attempted to liberate themselves from what was, until then, the standard rabbinic approach to the Bible, the approach of midrash,"499 aIl the while trying "to let the Bible speak, as much as possible, with its own voice."soo Describing Rashbam's likely exegetical motivations, Lockshin points to the influence ofhis maternaI grandfather, Rashi, who was "perhaps the most illustrious and most universally respected rabbi ofpost-talmudic Jewish history."SOI Lockshin further suggests that "Rashbam lived in his grandfather's shadow,"S02 and that, "both in Rashbam's rabbinic writings and in his biblical commentaries it is c1ear that completing and improving his grandfather' s oeuvres was a primary, ifnot the primary purpose."S03 lndeed, Rashi himselfhad challenged "the next generation to try to do [peshat] better,"S04 a challenge to which Rashbam rose, "first, in his youth, by arguing about peshat with his grandfather, and later, in his more mature years, by writing his own commentary. ,,505 Commenting on the tirst part of Exod. 12:1-2, Rashbam writes "[The Lord said] in the land of Egypt, 'This month... ': Since this is a legal section the text had to specify that the se commandments [ ...] as opposed to aIl the others, were given in Egypt."S06 Here, writes Lockshin, "Rashbam opposes the interpretation of the Mekhilta [ ...] adopted by Rashi [and others], according to which this phrase, "in the land of Egypt," teaches us that God spoke to Moses outside of the Egyptian cities, in the countryside (with emphasis on the word 'land - aretz'). According to Rashbam the text has a simpler purpose - to teach us that only the laws of Ex 12 [ ...] were given in Egypt."507 The commentary resumes:

12:2 [This month shall mark for you] the beginning of the months: If one follows the opinion of R. Joshua that the world was created in the Hebrew month of Nissan then [this] means that whenever a month is labeled [for example] 'the eighth month' or 'the ninth month,' one counts from Nissan. soR

Lockshin adds that this is based on "the second interpretation found in Rashi, the one Rashi labels peshat, and not the tirst interpretation of Rashi (based on the Mekhilta) [ ...] that sees in this phrase a reference to the laws of how to identify the new moon each month. "509 Rashbam then advances the view that this counting is linked to the imperative to

71 remember the Exodus,510 and goes on to address the matter of the month of the world's creation. Lockshin sees Rashbam's thought processes as follows: Presumably his goal is [to] explain a problem in the Talmud: how is it possible that the rabbis disagree about wh en it was that the world was created when we have such a clear indication in this verse that Nissan is the first month? Rashbam th en explains that both rabbis could offer reasonable readings of the verse.'"

Here, Rashbam' s interpretation is true to form, and very much in keeping with his mission to expound upon the literaI meaning of what can only be considered the text laid bare within its linguistic context. This might also be considered to be a commentary which serves to focus upon the text itself without reframing itself within a larger cultural, philosophical or scientific context as do many of the commentaries that follow.

D. Levi ben Gershon (Gersonides/Ralbag)

Aiso known as Leo de Balneolis, Gersonides (1288-1344 CE) was a polymath skilled in philosophy, Bible exegesis, astronomy and mathematics. 512 A resident of Orange, he "occasionally visited A vignon where his brother Solomon was physician to Pope Clement VI. ,,513 Comprising one of the books within "his magnum opus on religious philosophy,"S'4 The Wars of The Lord, his Astronomy owes much to Ptolemy's A/magest, which he often cited and critiqued. Gersonides' own work deviates from the structure of the Almagest/'5 and considers "a wider range ofplanetary models."516 Within the pages of The Wars of the Lord, Gersonidcs addresses numerous matters relating to cosmology, inc1uding the movcmcnts of the plancts and the creation of the universe. Not merely confined to theoretical astronomy, Gersonidcs was also the inventor of instruments such as the camera obscura, which measured "the apparent sizes of the heavenly bodies,";'? and Jacob's Staff, "a simple and effective instrument for observing the distance between 2 stars (or a star and a planet)."518 519 As a scientific voice in our centuries-long discussion of Exod. 12: 1-2, Gersonides is focused upon the astronomical content of our verses. As we will see, however, these scientific interpretations are not value-neutral, but serve to further an agenda, which 1 view as one of synthesis. Amos Funkenstein critiques the bible commentary of Gersonides, calling it not merely

72 "a dry, schematic, repetitive and dogmatic exercise,,520 but boring as weIl. According to Funkenstein, the redeeming features of Gersonides' commentary include its illumination of issues he only touched upon in his other works, such as the role ofastrology in history,521 as weIl as his illumination of Maimonides' own undecided views on etemity versus creation.S22 By contrast, Ralbag "believed that we have certain knowledge of many more matters than Maimonides believed to be the case.,,523 Indeed, Funkenstein asserts the following unique factors conceming the Bible commentary of Gersonides: a) His belief in the relative transparency of the biblical text made him an enemy of mystical or typological readings a la Nahmanides. b) His belief in philosophy as an exact science led him to stress the rational character of the Torah not only in a negative, but in a positive sense. Philosophical allegory is the peshat (literaI sense) and it serves not only to refute and rem ove wrong opinions but to delineate a complete, correct cosmology though pedagogically attuned to lesser minds) and metaphysics. This was unlike Ibn Ezra or Maimonides. c) His belief in the complete, rational, comprehensive nature of the Torah led him, again, unlike Maimonides, to deny that any of its institutions, including sacrifices, may have a merely contingent-historical reason; and to seek it in the foundation of all Jewish Law, written and oral.524

In other words, according to Funkenstein, Gersonides' was a veritable "scientific treatise,,525 which differed from Nahmanides' own scientific view, for the latter also saw the cosmos as essentially mystical in nature, containing everything one needed to know and being filled with "hidden miracles.,,526 Further, within his medieval context, Nahmanides aimed to "undermine the philosophers' enterprise with their own means.,,527 Jacob 1. Staub examines the concept oftime in Gersonides' The Wars ofthe Lord, where it becomes clear that time must be generated, that "past time is actual in sorne way and future time is absolutely potential.,,528 On the subject ofthe creation of the world, Gersonides rejects the views of Platonic and Maimonides - that the world was created but once,529 but believes that it was created out of a body without form as a result of Divine will,530 and that "God perpetually sustains the world,,53\ from moment to moment.S32 Here, it must be noted that Maimonides himselfwas not certain that either the universe's creation or etemity was provable,533 but that , "acceptance of religious tradition [was nevertheless] appropriate, even obligatory. "534 By contrast, in his conception of creation, Gersonides felt that far more was able to be proven, and "defends a world created by God by shaping existing matter, not creation ex nihilo. Each day of creation is termed a level, or madregah."535

73 Explaining Gersonides' relationship to the thought of the era and its effect on his Torah commentary, Staub writes that "a careful and sympathetic reading of Gersonides' writings suggests that he did in fact believe that the truths of the Torah can be understood best as consistent with the language ofmedieval philosophy."536 However, these truths were not to be considered literally, and only by those who had been properly prepared.S37 Seymour Feldman takes this view one step further, explaining that "Gersonides' cosmology is an excellent example of how Biblical notions were interpreted in the light of philosophical-scientific theories and conversely. "538 The Ralbag's commentary on Exod. 12:2 analyzes the term hodesh, which, he writes, is so called "because of the renewal [chiddush] of the moon. And you should know that it is impossible that the beginning of the month should start from the exact moment of the moon's renewal, which is from the moment ofits conjunction with the sun."S39 The commentary also examines the conditions ofsetting a leap year, and of the impossibility ofknowing the exact time of conjunction between the sun and moon (i.e., the astronomical new moon). As such, he writes that "it is fitting that the designation of the New Moon be independent of this exact moment of conjunction. Therefore, it must be that it is dependent on the renewal of the moon as determined by sight - since this can always be observed using the senses."540 On "the beginning of the months," Gersonides asserts that "this is the source that teaches that the year consists of months. And this particular month, which is the first to the other months, must necessarily occur close to the time when the sun enters either into the beginning of the constellation of Aries, or into the beginning ofthe constellation of Libra."541 He also describes the tequfot as the two points ideally suited for the new year, for "the zodiac [more precisely, the ecliptic] is actually divided [in haIt] at these two points, because the [plane of the] celestial equator bisects the zodiac through these points, but this is not so for any of the other [solar] stages. ,,542 Furthermore, Gersonides continues, Exod. 12:2 hearkens back to Deut. 16:1, which reads "Observe the month of spring." He also explains that this must refer to the month ofNisan, "as is mentioned in the Mekhilta (masekhta de-pascha, ch. 1),"543 for "during the seventh month the harvesting of the produce of the threshing floors and wine-presses occurs, which would be impossible if that month would not occur close to the time when the sun enters into the beginning ofLibra."544 Like Maimonides and Nachmanides (and as we will see in the next chapter on

74 Sephardic Jewish interpretations), Gersonides writes that the matter of establishing the beginning of the month is up to the COurt.545 In the case ofNisan, once the month is established, Passover must occur "in this month at its proper time. ,,546 As to the crux of Exod. 12:1-2, Gersonides encapsulates its meaning as follows: And so, we derive from this that we are obligated to set months and years, for if we do not set them, we would not have a month that is tirst to the months of the year [as the verse requires of us]. And the Torah commanded that we count the months of the year in such a manner that we make this month the tirst with regard to the years. We have also learned from this that the year is only divided into months, and not into months and additional days, because in this way it is possible that this month is actually the tirst of the months of the year, since [the year's] primary divisions are months. S47

Furthermore, 1 would suggest that this view, embedded as it must be within the larger context of the Ralbag's view oftime as existing in potential, might contain his philosophy of temporality and creation in microcosm. For ifit is true that time and creation are willed by God, then any commandment given to humans must also be, and if the future is purely potential, then what Gersonides might be implying in his commentary on Exod. 12:1-2 is that while the first of months is willed and given, the rest of the months as weIl as the maintenance of calendar are potentials which it is up to Moses and his people to set into motion. In this way, 1 would argue that Gersonides maintains a high degree of internaI consistency in both his Torah commentary and his philosophical/cosmological works, and advances his scientific agenda of openness and transparency. Notable throughout our examination of Ashkenazic exegesis are the novel ways in which these thinkers, namely Rashi, Rashbam and Gersonides, viewed the texl of 12: 1-2. It might be suggested that these calendrical verses developed new defining uses al this point in history. No longer focused upon polemic or defining the Jewish community to define its festivals or to defend it from without, Bible commentators such as Rashi and Rashbam now felt free to wrestle with the text from within to learn what it had to sayon its own terms. Further, with the flourishing of medieval philosophy and the first glimmerings of scientific thought, scholars such as Gersonides were similarly free to engage in pursuits which had synthe sis as their goal. In so doing, these exegetical trailblazers set the stage for new ways ofthinking about the cosmos and time itself.

75 Chapter 8

The Bible's Reign in Spain (and North Afriea) - Sep hardie interpretations of Exod. 12:1-2 in the Eleventh-Fourteenth Centuries CE

Jewish communities in Northem Africa flourished "when the region feH under Muslim control,"S48 due to the associated climate of relative intellectuai openness and philosophical exploration. This came to exert a strong and enduring influence upon Jewish history and Bible interpretation. The situation was similar in Spain - for, as G. Lloyd Jones writes, "during the latter part of the tenth century [... ] the centre of gravity of Hebrew studies moved from Babylon to Europe. Moslem Spain quickly acquired a prominent position as a seat of Jewish leaming by producing a host of grammarians and commentators who influenced the course of biblical scholarship among both Jews and Christians for centuries."S49 Foremost among these was the philologist and exegete, Abraham Ibn Ezra.

A. Abraham Ibn Ezra

Native of Muslim Spain, Ibn Ezra (1089-1165 CE) was influenced by the rationalism of the neo-platonic system. A master of Bible interpretation and Hebrew linguistics, he described his exegetical method as "satisfying the dual test of meticulous philology [ ...] and strict rational plausibility."sso In addition to facility in these areas, he was also "a devoted astrologer"SS' whose astrological work was extremely popular in his time. SS2 Despite Ibn Ezra's frequent quoting of Saadia Gaon,553 his commentaries were "[appropriated] by the Karaites of Byzantium. Given the exegete's harsh remarks conceming the doctrines, practices and exegetical methodology of the sectarians, it would in the first instance seem odd that his writings should elicit any positive response among the Karaites.,,554 However, we note Ibn Ezra's influence within Aaron ben Joseph's Sefer ha-Mivhar (1294) as weIl as Aaron ben Elijah's Keter Torah (1362).555 This simply underscores the import

76 and widespread nature ofIbn Ezra's influence among biblical exegetes of aU stripes. Indeed, as Daniel Frank writes, "during the thirteenth through fifteenth centuries, the Bible commentaries of Abraham Ibn Ezra were widely disseminated in the eastem Mediterranean. Together with Maimonides' Guide ofthe Perplexed, they exercised a strong rationalistic influence on the Jewish scholars of Byzantium. ,,556 Ibn Ezra's examination of Exod. 12:1_2557 is rich and detailed, demonstrating a broad knowledge of interpretive sources, history and early medieval astronomy. In his commentary on 12:1, "And the Lord Spoke", he writes: Scripture now mentions the tirst of the commandments given via Moses and Aaron, as they alone were prophets of the law. After them, except for extenuating circumstances, [ ...] no new precepts were revealed. SS8

Addressing the section "This month", Ibn Ezra cites Rabbi Judah Ha-Parsi, who said that:

The Israelites, like the uncircumcised, employed a solar calendar. He offers as proof, "Thou shalt therefore keep this ordinance in its season." (Ex. 13: 10) But lunar years are dependent solely on the movement of the sun as it travels to the north or the south. However, he did not speak correctly.m

Ibn Ezra then goes on to elucidate the details of the moon, "moving in its [zodiacal] sphere,,56o and its relationship to the calendar, as weU as the sun's role of giving "birth to the four seasons of the year.,,561 Tuming to the nature ofa hodesh and ayerah, Ibn Ezra asserts that the month is caUed a hodesh because the light of the moon is renewed. In a striking awareness of the science ofhis day, he writes: "We have conclusive proofthat the moon has no light ofits own, and that its light cornes from the sun. "562 Moving on to the scheduling of the festivals, Ibn Ezra resumes, writing that God has commanded the Jews to keep the festivals in their proper seasons, based on the commandment to "Observe the month of spring and keep the passover unto the Lord thy God (Deut 16: 1). "563 Hence, Ibn Ezra asserts that "God thus commanded that we observe lunar months and that the seasons of the festivals be preserved. "564 Moses did not, after aU, mention the number of months, only that the count should begin with the first month ofNisan.565 Upon describing the months themselves, as weIl as their nomenclature and order, Ibn Ezra declares that it is "fitting that the Exodus be the first reference point in Israel's calculations."566 ln this way, the first calendrical commandment becomes one of remembrance for the Jewish nation.

77 Finally, Ibn Ezra tums to the phrase "the beginning ofmonths," reiterating a key point: Rabbi Moses Ha-Kohen says that there is no need to use the terrn rosh chodesh (new moon). The terrn chodesh suffi ces, since the meaning of chodesh is the day that the light of the moon is renewed. '67

Further, in an apparent allusion to the debates contained in the Babylonian Talmud, tractate Rosh HaShanah Il a, Ibn Ezra cites "Rabbi Moses"S68 as saying that "only Nisan is the chiefnew moon."S69 Throughout, we note a concem for order and precision in every linguistic and scientific detail- a hallmark ofIbn Ezra's exegetical style and one that was certainly very much influenced by the rationalism ofhis age.

B. Maimonides (Moshe ben Maimon)

Among the most famous Jewish authors and Aristotelian philosophers, Maimonides (c. 113S-c. 1204 CE) - also known as the Rambam - requires no introduction. The author of Mishneh Torah, Moreh Nebukhim and Sefer Ha-Mitzvot, among other works, Maimonides served as physician to the caliph in Egypt and wrote extensively upon astronomical and astrological matters - the latter of which he, unlike many of his fellow thinkers, opposed. Composed in Hebrew,570 the Mishneh Torah - a/so called Ha-Yad Ha-Hazakah­ gained great popularity in the Jewish world. Unlike Judah Halevi, whose work will be examined next, Maimonides did not shrink from the task of reconciling philosophy with religion, but instead, sought to harrnonize them, particularly in Moreh Nebukhim. Maimonides was also "one of the few medieval Rabbanite authorities known to have taken issue with Saadia's and his followers' contention"S71 that observation of the mo/ad only took place for a short time within Judaism, and that the fixed calendar had been normative through much of Jewish history. 572 In Mishneh Torah, Hi/khot Kiddush Ha-Hodesh (or, New-Moon Sanctification), Maimonides elaborates upon our key calendrical verses, citing Exod. 12:1-2 three times in his commentary. The first of these addresses the question of whether the core units of a year should consist of months or days, as he writes: 1.2. By how much does the solar year exceed the lunar year? By approximately II days. Therefore, whenever this excess accumulates to about 30 days, or a little more or less one month is added and the particular year is made to consist of 13 months, and this is the so-called embolismic (or intercalated) year. For the year could not consist of

78 twelve months plus so-and-so many days, since it is said, throughout the months of the year (Num. 28:14), which implies that we should count the year by months and not by days.573

Later, focusing upon the key matters of lunar observation and witnesses,574 Maimonides continues, stating: 1.5. The authority over the observation of the new crescent (and the subsequent proclamation of New Moon Day) was given not to everyone - as is the case with the Sabbath day, with respect to which everyone counts 6 days and rests on the 7th day - but only to the court. The day sanctified and proclaimed by the court as the beginning of the month was New Moon Day. For it is said: This month shall be unto you (Exod. 12:2), that is to say, accepting or rejecting evidence concerning this matter is put into your hands. m

Later on in his treatise, the Rambam576 explains the principles of intercalation. His commentary is as follows: V.l. Ali that we have said above concerning the fixation of New Moon Days on the basis of observation of the new crescent, and concerning intercalation of the year because of the season or because of other reasons of expediency, applies only to the Synedrium in Palestine or to a Palestinian court of judges ordained in Palestine, to whom the Synedrium had delegated the authority to do so. For Moses and Aaron were thus ordered: This new moon shaH be unto you the beginning of months (Exod. 12:2), and the Sages have learned from an oral tradition going back to our Teacher Moses that the meaning of this verse is: The authority over this evidence is vested in you and in your duly qualified successors. In times, however, wh en no Synedrium existed in Palestine, fixation of New Moon Days and intercalation of years was effected only by such methods of calculation as we are using today. sn

Keeping the above quotes in mind, it will soon be shown that Nachmanides - the Ramban - agrees with the interpretation that this observational authority was granted not to the people but to Moses and Aaron, and, by extension, to the court. In this way, it might be argued, the fixed calendar established hundreds ofyears earlier is, in effect, retroactively approved through the judicious use of apologetics.

C. Judah Halevi

Born in Toledo, Spain during the Muslim era, Judah Halevi (c. 1075-1141 CE) was "one of the greatest Jewish poets of the Middle Ages and [ ...] the author of the Book of the Khazars (Al-Kitab al-Khazari), commonly known as Kuzari, a theological-philosophical treatise of an apologetic-polemical nature. The Kuzari was written as a defense of the Jewish religion against

79 philosophy, the other monotheistic religions, and Karaism.,,578 lndeed, as Magne Saebo explains: Halevi hardly deals at ail with the theOl'Y of biblical exegesis. According to this teaching, revelation belongs to a unique realm of its own, which is impossible to base upon philosophy and whose contents cannot be proven by means of the intellect. This being the case, he does not engage in philosophical exegesis of Scripture so as to harmonize between it and philosophy, as was done by Maimonides after him. His biblical interpretations are primarily historical-philosophical and theological. Their central subjects are the nature of the Jewish people as a chosen people, the place and importance of the Land of Israel, exegesis of the prophetie visions, and interpretation of the attributes of God and His names. S79

Calling Halevi "one of the profoundest thinkers Judaism has had since the closing of the canon,"sao Henry Slonimsky contextualizes the above themes, writing that the key events which served as backdrop for Halevi' s writings were "the struggle of Christian and Moslem for Spain; and, farther afield, for the mastery of the Holy Land.,,581 A book which defends "a despised religion," 582 and elevates the Jewish people by pointing to the nation's "innate superhuman distinctiveness,"583 The Kuzari was composed between 1130 and 1140 CE, and is clearly infused with an "anti-rationalist tone [ ...] which makes it unique among aIl the products of Jewish mediaeval thinking.,,584

Slonimsky further embeds Halevi's defence of Judaism in a historical reality - one in which philosophy stood in stark opposition to the Truth of Divine Revelation, and also was an ominous force that could weIl corrode the Jewish faith from the inside out. Here, he elaborates: Judah Halevi's apology for Judaism arises out of a polemic with the prevailing power of the day; that power was philosophy - the educated beliefs of his contemporaries. He insists that metaphysics does not yield truth in the higher reaches. There may be a preliminary area in which the light of reason gives us sure guidance both in questions of God and in the field of ethics, but for ultimates the real source of religious truth is Revelation.m

Making the transition to the key verses themselves, we note Halevi's commentary upon the Karaites and their refusaI to embrace Rabbinic tradition, nestled within a discussion regarding punctuation and grammatical features of the Bible text: 35. The Rabbi: [ ...] Ifthe consonantic text ofthe Mosaic book requires so many traditional classes of vowel signs, accents, divisions of sentences and masoretic signs for the correct pronunciation of words, how much more is this the case for the comprehension of the same? The meaning of a word is more comprehensive than its pronunciation. Wh en God revealed the verse: 'This month shall be unto you the beginning of months' (Exod. xii. 2), there was no doubt whether He meant the calendar of the Copts - or rather the Egyptians - among whom they lived, or that of the Chaldeans

80 who were Abraham's people in Ur-Kasdim; or solar [or lunar months], or lunar years, which are made to agree with solar years, as is done in embolismic years. 1 wish the Karaites could give me a satisfactory answer to questions of this kind. 1 would not hesitate to adopt their view, as it pleases me to be enlightened.~86

By way of response, Al Khazari states "1 wish 1 knew their answer regarding the calculation of the new moon. 1 see that their authorities follow Rabbanite practice in the intercalation of Adar. Nevertheless they taunt the Rabbanites. "587 Here, as is also the case in the Ashkenazic world in this era, we see the struggle that Halevi engages in with prevailing philosophical sensibilities. As indicated earlier, his polemic is directed at those thought systems which pose a threat to Judaism. Moreover, Halevi's use of scripture is heavily oriented toward this polemic, as we note in his brieftreatment of Exod. 12:1-2.

D. Nachmanides

Native ofCatalonia, Nachmanides (c. 1194-1270 CE) (also referred to as Moses ben Nachman, or the Ramban) was a prolific writer and Bible commentator who also "practiced medicine under the name of Bonastrug da Porta."S88 A "remarkable systematizer who adapted methods and insights which he inherited, and combined them within a system of his own devising while putting his own stamp on them,,,589 According to Magne Saebo, Nachmanides "saw himself as the heir of the Spanish school of Abraham ibn Ezra [... ] with its emphasis on the plain meaning and linguistic understanding, along with the more midrashically oriented commentary of Rashi.,,590 Ramban owed equal debt to the work of Maimonides. 59J Commenting on Exod. 12:1-2, Nachmanides writes: "This is the first commandment which the Holy One, blessed be He, commanded Israel through Moses.,,592 He continues, saying that "the rest of the commandments of the Torah were given to him on Mount Sinai.,,593 Agreeing with the Mechilta, the Ramban adds that "It may be that the intent of the expression 'in the land ofEgypt' [... ] means outside the city.,,594 Nachmanides then elaborates on the verses, asserting . that "Saying it to [Moses and Aaron] is equivalent to saying it to Israel in all their generations.,,595 As to the matter of the months themselves, Ramban writes:

The purport of the expression, This month shall be unto you the beginning of months, is that Israel is to count this as the tirst of the months, and from it they are to count aIl months - second, third, etc., until a year of twelve months is completed - in order that there be through this enumeration a remembrance of the great miracle, [i.e. the

81 exodus from Egypt, which occurred in the tirst month.]. Whenever we will mention the months, the miracle will be remembered. It is for this reason that the months have no individual names in the Torah. Instead, Scripture says: 'In the third month. l96

Nachmanides cites the Jerusalem Talmud, tractate Rosh HaShanah 1:2 when he writes that while we had no names for the months at first,597 we subsequently brought month names from Babylon. "From then on we began to caU the months by the names they were caUed in the land of Babylon. We are thus reminded that there we stayed [during our exile] and from there, blessed G-d brought us up. "598

E. Moses de Leon

The kabbalistic side of Spanish Bible interpretation found its expression in the Zohar, or Book ofSplendour. Composed by Moses de Leon (c. 1240-c.l305 CE) somewhere between 1281 and 1286 CE,599 the Zohar's commentary on Parshat Bo contains no obviously direct reference to v. 1-2, but ensconced within the analysis of the parshah is a discussion of the new year, which reads as follows: R. Eleazar then discoursed on the verse: 'And there was a day when the sons of God came to stand before the Lord, and Satan came also among them (Job l, 6).' 'This day', said he, 'was New Year's Day, on which the Holy One sits in judgement on the world. 'The sons of God' are the supemal beings who are appointed to watch the actions of mankind. [... ]" Here, messengers gather "up the deeds of aIl creatures so that on New Year's Day, the day of judgement, they may stand before the Lord with their burden of accusations.600

At first glance, this cOll'mentary is unremarkable, and perhaps even irrelevant, but what is most striking about this section of the Zohar's commentary on Bo is not the content of the midrash-modeled exegesis, but the fact that any discussion of new year' s day appears within the context ofparshat Bo at aIl. In keeping with the "strong process of arcanization,,601 that existed in this mystical outgrowth of medieval Jewish thought, the Zohar' s text caUs for an "extraction of a variety of secrets from the canonical writings.,,602 While this passage is notable for its absence of direct reference to v. 1-2, its presentation of a discourse on the new year within the discussion of Parshat Bo would appear to suggest an indirect reference to the key Bible verses. Here, it might even be surmised that the "actions of mankind" which are being watched by the supernal beings encompass the reception and establishment of the calendar dictated in Exod. 12:1-2, but this is speculative at best.

82 F. Yemenite Midrash

As Y. Tzvi Langermann writes, "philosophical midrash is the richest and most enduring literary accomplishment of Yemenite Jewry during the fourteenth to early sixteenth centuries, the golden age in the intellectual history ofthat community.,,603 Embedded within the larger interpretive contexts of Judaism, Islam and neo-platonism,604 Yemenite midrash was strongly influenced by the philosophical works of Moses Maimonides605 - a "landmark event [... ] which, more than anything else, fixed the framework for intellectual enterprise and literary creation.,,606 Given the rich legacy left behind by Yemenite Jewry, a briefforay into this often ignored interpretive corpus is in order. Langermann goes on to explain that the "Yemenite authors considered humanity's chief task to be intellectual contemplation - contemplation which begins with observations of the natural world by which the mind arrives at logical generalizations and then progresses to ever greater levels of abstraction. ,,607 N owhere do we see this more than in the Yemenite commentary on Exod. 12:1-2, in which said contemplation has the heavens as its very object: This month [Ex 12:2]. This teaches us that God showed him with His finger an image of the moon and said, 'When you see something like this, sanctify [the new moon].' This was in a prophetie vision. He showed him a general figure by means of which he may know that magnitude of the arc of vision for the horizon of Egypt, the horizon of Jerusalem, and the horizons of aIl the cities, everything in accordance with the latitude of the city, the latitude of the moon, and its position on the ecliptic. Without a doubt this was a general figure [a figure ilIustrating the general solution] from which aIl the positions and forms may be derived. (Midrash ha-Hefesh)608

Here, we note the presence of a rudimentary scientific method - one which was very likely influenced by neo-platonic and Maimonidean modes of thought and became incorporated into the text, accompanying the very notion of prophecy. Indeed, "scientific explanations of diverse phenomena,,609 as they "circulated in medieval Yemen [became integrated] into the spiritual universe of Yemenite Jews, especially as they are invoked in the course of the exegesis of Scripture. "610

G. Isaac Arama

A watershed event, The expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492 at the command of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella took place within only several years of the death of our final

83 commentator. His interpretive work can, then, be considered an example of Jewish scholarship at the end ofwhat had once been a prosperous and fruitful era for Jews living in Spain. Isaac ben Moshe ben Meir Arama (c. 1420-c.l495 CE) was a master ofhomiletics who had as his main ambition "to present to the people an exposition of Judaism which could be accepted on a philosophical basis, always emphasising that religion is the master of philosophy and not the reverse.,,611 Born in Northern Spain, Arama was educated in many fields, for which his expertise and scholarship were sought, including Talmud. Upon assuming the rabbinate in Aragona, he began to prepare and publish much ofhis work. 612 Arama aimed to present Judaism as predicated on reason, for he "lived in an age when Greek and Arab philosophy were widespread among the intelligent, and many Jews felt the necessity to enquire into the traditions and doctrines oftheir ancestral faith. Further, In Arama's day Jews were often compelled to attend churches and listen to Christian sermons, many of which were weIl ordered and rational expositions.,,613 Indeed, in the tenth century, "Jews in Spain and elsewhere came face to face with the impact of Christian and Mohammedan theology,"614 and "it became necessary to restate philosophically the beliefs of Judaism."615 Jews were also beginning to read Aristotle and the neo-platonists, thereby exposing them to novel ideas and philosophies.616 While Arama saw the "usefulness ofphilosophy,"617 he felt it to be secondary to religion, as "illustrated by the relationship of a mistress to her handmaid. "618 Consisting of five volumes consisting of approximately 2500 pages on Humash and the five megillot, Arama's Akeydat Yitzchak was his most famous piece ofwriting, and consists of numerous sermons in the order of the weekly Torah readings.619 Throughout, the philosophical underpinnings of each portion is presented in a manner that he felt to be appealing to his audience.620 Sorne of the topics spanned by Akeydat Yitzchak included: The nature of God, creation, angelology, the soul, death and immortality, free will and God's foreknowledge, sin and repentance, the Messiah, the place and role of Israel in the world, the character of the Law, the purpose of ritual prayer, the relation of philosophy to religion, [and] the nature of prophecy.621

The subjects of calendar and astronomy are featured prominently in Arama's commentary on Exod. 12:1-2, contained in Akeydat Yitzchak, Parshat BD. First, Arama makes reference to

84 "Rashi's statement in Genesis 1,1, that the Torah could really have commenced at this point, were it not for the fact that [God] wanted the nations to know that the Jewish people have a valued claim on the land ofIsrae1.'>622 Ararna's commentary then almost immediately turns to the agenda underlying his enterprise - that is, an exarnination of avodah zarah, or idolatry, using the moon itself as context. Beginning with the commandment of kiddush ha-hodesh, sanctifying the new month, Ararna (like Ibn Ezra before him), addresses the issue of the moon not being a "primary source of light at all,,,623 this fact being proven by its movements and graduai increases and decreases in its reflection of light from the sun. Indeed, Ararna continues this line of reasoning, writing: Astronomy has proved that unless the face of the moon is turned toward the sun, it cannot reflect any Iight. This teaches the Jewish people that the moon cannot possibly be a deity, since it has nothing of its own to contribute. Deities, by definition, are givers, not recipients. During a lunar eclipse, when neither face of the moon reflects anything, its impotence as a possible deity is demonstrated even more forcibly. What is val id for the moon, is equally true of other heavenly bodies, even the sun, since the sun's light too is eclipsed from time to time.624

Moving to the practical matter of the Jewish calendar, Ararna refers to kiddush ha-hodesh in its role of serving our need to mark holy time, and establish the Jewish festivals. As Ararna phrases it, "The Almighty uses the moon to demonstrate His sovereignty over it. Jewish law provides leeway to use the moon in such a way that it accommodates itself to the needs of the Jewish people, instead of the other way around.,,625 Ararna cites the Babylcnian Talmud, Rosh HaShanah 20, which, referring to the moon and its cycles, reads "when it is like this, sanctify!,,626 Here, Ararna elaborates, saying that this me ans that "only when the moon is visible can the ceremony be performed."627 Cognizant of the astronomy ofhis era, however, he adds that "we do not actually welcome the new moon on time" as "the moon is a minimum of eighteen hours into its new cycle before it becomes visible.,,628 Far from being incongruous with Jewish belief and Divine ordinances, the lack of agreement between astronomical time and the mitzvah serves Ararna's homiletical purposes, for he concludes that the more important matter is the commandment and that "this shows clearly that to think that any star or heavenly body has dominion over the Jewish people, is completely erroneous. On the contrary, ifwe follow Saadiah Gaon, that visual observation of the new moon

85 has never been a factor determining when Rosh Chodesh would be declared, the mitzvah would demonstrate that we can exert influence on the calendar,"629 for "the Torah grants the Jewish Supreme Court the right to proclaim the dates of the Jewish holy days."630 In this way, we note the subservience of the heavens to the Divine commandment, leaving no room whatsoever for doubt as to the ruler of the universe. Even the sun has not been neglected in Arama's presentation. He once again reiterates the theme of God's dominion, as he writes that "although it is true that the sun too, plays a part in calendar calculation, since the righteous achieve their status by claiming smallness,6J1 it behooves the moon to act likewise. Success in this world, though sometimes forthcoming, cannot be guaranteed; but to try for it with any chance of success, one must be prepared to be humble and unassuming.,,632 Here, we see Arama weaving together the threads of his written lecture. Making use of the substance ofExod. 12:1-2, the author melds its astronomical and generally scientific content together with his own practical agendas, delivering a clear message regarding idolatry, order in the universe and the role of the Jewish nation as both guardians oftime and chosen people. Among these Sephardic commentators, we note a wide variety of opinions and exegetical perspectives which branch out in many directions along with similar differences in the use of 12:1-2. As was demonstrated in the section on Ashkenazic exegesis, we see here a similar attempt to wrestle with pervasive medieval philosophy. We have noted the rationalism of the era crystallized in the work ofthinkers such as Maimonides, who was, unlike most commentators, anti-astrology, and, at the sam...: time, the emergence ofa mystical sensibility that will bloom into kabbalah. The philosophical midrash of Yemenite Jewry also evidences the rationalism of the era, with medieval science and philosophy becoming incorporated into their very religious views. Both Judah Halevi and our final commentator, Isaac Arama, break away from this accommodating mode!, however. Whereas Halevi rejects philosophy and rationalism, Arama turns it upside down such that philosophy is subservient to religion, employs reason as a tool to verify religion, and makes use of scientific/astronomical content in his writings in order to bolster his defense of Judaism. In his skilled hands, even the sun and moon are used as symbols to further his agenda. Arama's homileticalleanings and staunch defense of Judaism might, in fact, be considered exemplary of a subdued backlash to the era' s philosophicalleanings.

86 While outside the limits of this study, the centuries to come would also demonstrate this continued pattern of Jewish thinkers wrestling with the prevailing cultural zeitgeist (e.g., science, which was soon to emerge in full bloom) followed by sorne combination of accommodation and backlash, and the eventual restoration of equilibrium. With respect to Exod. 12: 1-2 and its subsequent interpretations after the expulsion from Spain, however, they continued to remain firmly rooted within interpretations based on the fixed calendar. The debate over the very nature of determining the Jewish calendar was now over. Thus freed from frenetic use of the verses to establish a calendar, exegetes in the centuries to follow could now interpret the verses in other, more creative ways.

87 Chapter 9 Time Reset: Bible Interpretation In New Lands - The End of An Era (mid-fifteenth century CE)

As is the case with most points of demarcation between eras, it is difficult to determine just when medieval times came to an end. In actuality, "a borderline between the so-called 'Late Middle Ages' and the Renaissance is hard, if ever possible, to draw. Sometimes, the 'Late Middle Ages' is extended to the sixteenth century; on the other hand, the question has been raised whether it is appropriate to speak of a Renaissance or 'Proto-Renaissance' already in the twelfth century; recently, there seems to be sorne tendency to push Renaissance as long as possible back into the Middle Ages.,,633 In keeping with this reality, we see elements of Renaissance thinking in sorne of the later Bible commentaries on Exod. 12:1-2 presented in the se pages. What we do know about the end of the Middle Ages, however, is that the phenomenon of "medieval expansion was complete,,634 by the fourteenth century. In fact, "Christian Europe at the turn of the thirteenth and fourteenth century not only halted, but shrank" in its land and in its population.635 The bubonic plague, or black death, which began in 1348, also served to make "the population curve, which was already dipping, faU violently, [which] turned the crisis into a catastrophe. But it is clear that the cri sis [of demographic and economic decline] predated the plague, which merely exaggerated it. The causes of the crisis are to be sought in the very foundations of the economic and social framework of Christian Europe."636 Nevertheless, being a time of downturn, anti-semitism reared its head in the form of accusations that the Jews had somehow caused the plague. Given the changing social realities for the Jews, it was only a matter oftime before the Jewish interpretive map too would be irrevocably altered. So it was that while Jewish Bible interpreters wrestled with the era's philosophical challenges from within, patterns from without began to come to the fore toward the end of the medieval era, fueling a surge in anti-semitism and a series of Jewish expulsions which led to their

88 migration and resettlement in numerous countries. At the time of the expulsion edict of 1492, sorne Jews remained in Spain and either espoused Catholicism in eamest, or became crypto-Jews, who practiced their Judaism in the utmost secrecy. Jews who left and did not become conversos, or converts, were forced to pick up the pieces and create new lives in other lands. Sorne settled in Italy, while others relocated to Portugal,637 Egypt (Cairo and Alexandria were major Jewish cultural centres638) or the Ottoman Empire, among other places. Sorne ofthese newly arrived communities "had been transplanted almost in toto from Spain.,,639 The culturallife ofthese centres, however, was rich, and books were widely used.640 These included "the Mishnah, The Talmud, the Commentaries on the Talmud, The Codes, Aggada, Midrash, and Prayer Books, [ ...] with the writings of the standard codifiers [being] found everywhere" - particularly the work of Maimonides,641 whose exegetical methodologies may well have primed Jewish communities to embrace the rapidly evolving rationalist zeitgeist of the centuries to come and unleash new literary and interpretive forms of expression. Acting in concert with such later innovations as the printing press, which made the mass production and distribution of books possible, these forms would soon emerge to utterly reframe and reshape the evolving discipline of Bible interpretation, a matter bearing upon the examination of Exod. 12:1-2, and one well beyond our scope.

89 Chapter 10 Summary and Conclusion: Calendrics and the Biblical Prism

Throughout this broad historical survey of commentaries on Exod. 12: 1-2, we have seen a great number of disparate commentaries, each displaying evidence of the authors' distinctive cultural norms and faith communities. Moreover, each argument serves to propel the calendrical debate forward, enhancing our understanding of the verses themselves. Taking my cue from the sciences and survey methodology, 1 suggest that the presence of a wide variety of Bible commentaries allows for the detection first of specific themes, and next, of broader patterns as they weave their way through history, making it possible to offer tentative conclusions about the interpretive trajectory itself. Indeed, sorne of the themes that unite these commentaries include those of political and calendrical struggle, the dawning of a pre-scientific and philosophical awareness, community self-definition and cohesiveness through calendar, the use of 12: 1-2 and calendar as polemical tools, and the usage of Bible in nearly every form of interpretive literature - whether halakhie or aggadic - to further sectarian or other exegetical agendas and justify community rulings or innovations in a retroactive fashion. Two examples of this literary tendency include the portion of the Temple SeroU which dcscribes a revelation being given to a "new Moses" and Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer, which includes a passage in which Jacob, Joseph and his brothers intercalate the calendar, thereby connecting the rabbinic move to biblical authority, if only in a narrative sense. We also note a fairly steady thread encompassing springtime, rebirth and agricultural imagery (e.g., green barley ears, or sheaves) throughout the commentaries, extending through the Geonic era. This appears to have been largely supplanted (so to speak) within Jewish thought by philosophical and more abstract concepts beginning at sorne point during the medieval era, and coinciding with the ri se of urbanization. Here, 1 would suggest that the replacement of Nisan by Tishrei and the fixed,

90 non-observational calendar combined with the rise of the town642 and the emergence of early science to detract from the earlier reliance of Exod. 12: 1-2 - and its interpreters - upon agriculture and observational astronomy. Instead, the verses came to forge an interpretive matrix aimed at establishing a strong sense of calendrical and religiously defined peoplehood and community within larger urban host cultures, whether or not they could see the land or the skies. These new, urbanized centres held far less connection to nature and its obvious calendrical cues. ln turn, this distancing from such cues within an urban centre was, in part, remedied by the fixed calendar itself, which replaced natural observation and provided a measure of added strength and cohesion to communities, anchoring them to the festivals and setting them apart from other groups. In this way, it might be said that calendar both bolsters the integrity of a group or sect (thereby building it) even as it serves to delineate its boundaries and create us versus (hem dichotomies (which may become a breaking point between groups). Indeed, as Judaism came to embrace its calendar, 1 would argue that it became stronger through its new self­ definition. And, as we have se en, a group with a sufficiently strong self-concept is therefore resilient and flexible enough to accommodate novel thinkers such as Gersonides, who redefined abstract time itself and strove toward a synthesis of Judaism and medieval philosophy. These recurrent themes pointed out, we now turn to the larger historical pattern 1 have noted in this examination. The pattern itself is best conceptualized as a diamond-shaped structure, or prism, which relates to the nature, intensity and quantity of each era's discussions of Exod. 12:1-2. These do not necessarily coincide with fixed chapters, but portray the overall shape of the exegetical enterprise in a broad, admittedly simplified manner. Here, in ordinal form, my comments describe each level of this symmetrical structure from top (1) to bottom (6), where (1) and (6) are fairly narrow, (2) and (5) are ofintermediate width, and (3) and (4) are widest:

1. During the biblical period, we note the literaI nature of the seasons and calendar, which are based on agriculture and astronomical observation. Commentary is sparse and practical. 2. During the Greco-Roman period, this is followed by an intensified external focus upon magical conceptions of Moses and calendar, which 1 believe may have been informed by our key verses. Sectarian movements such as those at Qumran obey their own calendars, thereby setting themselves apart from mainstream Jewish communities.

91 3. This is followed by a heavy phase of internai, rabbinic debate, collective self-examination and discussion encompassing the Nisan vs. Tishrei issue as weIl as least two shifts in new moon observational and signalling patterns. 4. Concurrently with 3, Tishrei is chosen to be the New Year of the world, 1 Nisan is given an honourary position, and the Jewish calendar is fixed. 5. The rifts thereby resolved, attention is paid to community self-definition and the demarcation points that exist between Judaism and such sectarian movements as the Karaites. Polemic is employed during the geonic calendar controversy, and the calendar is successfully defended and upheld. 6. Jewish sources retum to an examination of Exod. 12:1-2 with the assumption ofa fixed calendar. The verses now serve to bolster the existing religious structure and calendar. The intense phase of debate has come to an end. New meaning is assigned to calendar, and new observances are in play within the Jewish community. Finally, it might be said that Exod. 12:1-2 not only set down a key commandment representing the first of months, but also served as a interpretive launching point from which subsequent commentaries emerged. As the verses were interpreted through history, their new meanings transformed communities, and, in tum, these re-defined groups soon came to enrich and change interpretations of the verses themselves in a fruitful dialectic. While a similar conclusion may not be possible for the sectarian calendars touched upon in this study,643 this process appears to have established a powerful and - most importantly - enduring interpretive architecture with respect to JuJaism's calendar and its evolution. lndeed, we have certainly gained immensely from the sheer volume of calendrical debate inspired by these Bible verses. So it is that regardless of the many cultural changes, evolutions and indeed, revolutions in perception, intellectual and scientific life that have taken place throughout history, one thing is certain about Bible interpretation: It is not so much the individual fruits of exegesis that are of importance, but the very human tendency to wrestle with the Bible text in the first place, emerging with forms ofmeaning which infuse Jewish faith and practice with new life over time. Viewed in this way, it can be said that it is the interpretive process itselfthat is suffused with meaning, and that allows each successive generation to tum to Exod. 12:1-2 and other verses with fresh, ever-changing perspectives, thereby enriching the exegetical enterprise for an time.

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1 Or, as aphorists wou Id assert, a way ofkeeping everythingfrom happening at once.

2 Henry Malter, Saadia Gaon: His Life and Works. (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1942), p. 7l. Malter, however, asserts that the observation of the new moons continued even after Hille1 II introduced the written calendar - extending until the seventh century CE at "the time of the last Amoraim, although a practica1 system ofreckoning had been known to scho1ars for more than a century. It was on1y after the close of the Baby10nian Talmud, in the sixth or perhaps 1ater, in the seventh century, that the observation of the moon was entire1y given up, and a complete and fma1 system of ca1endation introduced."

3 Note on spellings: Transliterations differ for Hebrew terms such that month and seasonal names such as Tishre are a1so spelled Tishri and Tishrei, Tequfah may appear as Tekufah, and Avivas Abib, depending on my source.

4 i.e., ca1endar observance as temporal membership cardo

5 Alan J. Avery-Peck, editor and translator, The Talmud of Baby/onia: An American Translation. IX: Tractate Rosh Hashanah. Brown Judaic Studies, Number 306. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995), p. 266.

6 Ibid., RH 21 a, p. 263.

7 Jack Finegan, Handbook of Bib/ical Chron%gy. Revised edition. (Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, Inc., 1998), p. 30.

8 Ibid., p. 31.

9 Emanuel Tov, The Septuagint. In Martin-Jan Mulder, editor, Mikra. Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity. (The Netherlands: Van Gorcum, 1988), p. 162.

10 Paul E. Kahle, The Cairo Geniza. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy. (London: Oxford University Press, 1947), p. 137.

Il Ibid.

12 Brenton, Sir Lancelot Charles Lee. The Septuagint Version of the Old Testament. (London: Samuel Bagster and Sons, 1884), p. 84.

Il After all, translations are, in themselves, forms of interpretation.

14 Menahem Stem, editor, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. Volume One: From Herodotus to Plutarch. (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1974), p. 20.

IS Ibid.

1<, Ibid.

17 Ibid., p. 2l.

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid. 20 James H. Charlesworth, editor, The Dtd Testament Pseudepigrapha. Volume 2: Expansions of the "Old Testament" and Legends, Wisdom and Philosophical Literature, Prayers, Psalms, and Odes, Fragments of Lost Judeo-Hellenistic Works. (New York: Doubleday, 1985), p. 795.

21 Ibid., p. 799.

22 Ibid., p. 803.

23 Ibid., p. 814. v. 152-155.

24 Ibid., p. 831.

25 Ibid.

26 Ibid., p. 837.

27 Ibid.

28 Ibid., p. 831.

29 Ibid., p. 834.

30 Ibid.

31 Ibid., p. 873.

32 Ibid.

33 Please see Pseudo-Eupotemus 9: 17:9 in Charlesworth, vol. 2., p. 881. "The Greeks say that Atlas discovered astrology. However, Atlas is the same as Enoch" 34 Ibid., p. 873.

3S Ibid., p. 889.

36 Ibid.

37 Ibid., p. 890.

38 Ibid., p. 899.

39 Menahem Stem, editor, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. Volume One: From Herodotus to Plutarch. (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1974), p. 173. Here, M. Stem cites Eusebius, Preparatio Evange/ica IX, 18: 1.

40 Ibid, n. L.

41 Ibid., p. 775.

42 Ibid., p. 261.

43 Ibid., p. 301.

44 Ibid., p. 173.

4S Ibid., p. 201. 46 Louis H. Feldman, Josephus 's Interpretation of the Bible. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), p. 30. Though Josephus may have also used the Hebrew text.

41 James C. Vanderkam, An Introduction to Early Judaism. (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2001), p. 140.

48 Ibid., p. 141.

49 Sacha Stem, Calendar and Community. A History of the Jewish Calendar Second Century BCE-Tenth Century CE. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 54.

SO Ibid.

SI Ibid., p. 53.

S2 In addition to the focus upon the tirst month of the year in Nisan, what is noteworthy here, as well as in the Babylonian Talmud, tractate Sanhedrin lib, which we will examine later on, is the reference to the ripe grain of the spring harvest being corn, for it is often translated as barley. In fact, the term corn was often used to refer to any type of grain, including barley, prior to its association with the maize of the new world.

S3 Philo, De Vita Moses II. T.E. Page, editor. English Translation by F.H. Coison. Volume VI. Loeb Classical Library. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), p. 559, 561. Section XLI, 222.

S4 Philo, Supplement II: Questions and Answers on Exodus. E.H. Warmington, editor. Translated from the Ancient Armenian version of the original Greek by Ralph Marcus. Loeb Classical Library. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970), p. 2. Section 1, 1.

SS Ibid., p. 2.

S6 Ibid.

S1 Ibid., pp. 2-3.

SK Ibid., pp. 3-4.

S9 Ibid.

6C1 Ibid., p. 4.

61 Ibid.

62 Ibid.

63 Ibid.

,.• Ibid., pp. 5-6.

6S Philo, A Treatise on the Meeting for the Sake of Seeking Instruction. (De Congressu Eruditionis Gratia.). 161. In Yonge, Charles Duke. The Works of Philo Judaeus. The contemporary ofJosephus, translated from the Greek. (London: H. G. Bohn, 1890)

66 Philo, On The Special Laws, De Specialibus Legibus - Book 2. E.H. Warmington, editor. English Translation by Coison, F.H. Volume VII. Loeb Classical Library. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 397. Book 2, XXVIII: 150. 67 Ibid., p. 397.

68 Ibid., Book 2, XXVIII: 151-154, pp. 397, 399,401.

69 Philo, De Vita Moses, 117.

70 Ibid., 119.

71 Ibid.

72 Ibid, p. 509, section 122.

73 Philo, De Vita Moses II, 123-125.

74 Ibid., p. 660.

75 Ibid., p. IX, Introduction.

76 Sid Z. Leiman, Josephus and the Canon of the Bible. In Louis H. Feldman, Louis H. and Gohei Hata, editors, Josephus, the Bible, and History. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), p. 50.

77 Steve Mason, editor, Flavius Josephus. Translation and Commentary. Volume 3: Judean Antiquities 1-4. Translation and Commentary by Louis H. Feldman (Leiden: Brill, 2000), p. xix.

78 Ibid.

79 Ibid.

80 Ibid.

81 Ibid., p. 836.

82 Ibid., p. 659.

83 On the month of arachsamna -- S. Langdon, Baby/onian Men%gies and the Semitic Ca/endars. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1933. (London: Oxford University Press, 1935), p. 133. Connected to the rain and thunder god due to the rainy season, the Akkadians called the month Arah-samna, 'Eighth month' simpJy. This word passed into post-exiIic Hebrew as Marhesvan, and into Jate Hebrew in the same form; the Septuagint Greek has Marsouanes .

.. Steve Mason, editor. F/avius Josephus. Translation and Commentary. Volume 3: Judean Antiquities 1-4. Translation and Commentary by Louis H. Feldman. (Leiden: Brill, 2000), p. 30.

85 Ibid.

86 Ibid .. , p. 30., n. 193.

87 Ibid., Anf. 2:311, p. 221.

80 Ibid., Anf 2:318, p. 224.

89 F/avius Josephus. Translation and Commentary., Anf. 3:201, p. 285.

9U Ibid., Ant.3:248, p. 302. 91 Calendar and Community, pp. 54-55.

92 New International Version, New Testament. With Old Testament References. (New York: New York Bible Society International, 1973), p. 318.

9) Josephus, The Jewish War, Books IV-VII. E.H. Warmington, editor. Translation by H. St. 1. Thackeray. Volume III. Loeb Classical Library. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968),6:290, p. 461.

94 Ibid.

9' Ibid.

96 Ibid.,7:40J, p. 617.

97 Flavius Josephus. Translation and Commentary, p. 389.

98 Ibid, p. 390.

99 Josephus, The Life, Against Apion, Volume 1. T.E. Page, editor. H. St. J. Thackeray, translator. Loeb Classical Library. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), p. 295. 11.8.

100 Ibid., p. 293. 11.1.

101 Ibid.

102 Ibid., 2:3., p. 293.

10) Josephus, The Life, Against Apion, Volume J., pp. 293-294. II.3.

104 Sid Z. Leiman, Josephus and the Canon of the Bible. In Louis H. Feldman, Louis H. and Gohei Hata, editors, Josephus, the Bible, and History. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), p. 51.

10' Josephus and the Canon of the Bible, pp. 51-52.

106 As Louis H. Feldman also emph!lsizes, Josephus has his own agenda in the Antiquities, for in addition to defending the Jewish nation he, as a Hellenized Jew, also "wishes to diminish the role of God in his narrative and [. . . ] as a Jew who spent the latter half of his life in the Diaspora, he seeks to reduce the centrality of the land of Israel."

Louis H. Feldman, Josephus' Jewish Antiquities and Pseudo-Philo 's Biblical Antiquities. In Louis H. Feldman and Hata Gohei, editors, Josephus, the Bible, and History. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), p. 63.

107 Ibid., p. xxiv.

108 Ibid.

109 Flavius Josephus. Translation and Commentary. p. xxiii. 110 Jacco Dieleman describes the linkage of ancient Egypt with things magical in this Greco-Roman context, writing that "the combination of 'antiquity' and 'origin oftrue religion' [in the Hellenistic view of ancient Egypt] eventually led to the idea that Egypt was the cradle ofhidden knowledge and divine revelations. Thanks to this Greek representation, Egypt came to be known not only as the source of powerful magic but also as the birthplace of astrology."The melding ofthis view with that of Moses as the leader of the Jews (who are really Egyptians) may have rendered the Moses-sorcerer myth ail the more powerful.

Jacco Dieleman, Stars and the Egyptian Priesthood in the Graeco-Roman Period. In Scott Noegel, Joel Walker, and Brannon Wheeler, editors. Prayer, Magic, and The Stars in the Ancient and Late Antique World. (University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003) p. 141.

III Edgar Goodspeed, editor and translator, The Apocrypha: an American Translation. (New York: Random House, 1959), p. 16.

112 Ibid., p. 167.

113 The fragmentary Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (4QShirShabb), dated to approximately 75-50 BCE, contains songs spanning the tirst quarter of the year and13 Sabbaths.Whiie this calendar likely begins at tequfat Nisan in keeping with the Qumran corpus, no commentary is offered here, as Carol Newsom points out, the songs are not necessarily "coordinated with the liturgical cycle of feasts adn holy days of the frrst quarter of the year. If such a connection exists, 1 have been unable to discem it. There are no references in the body ofthe thirteen Shirot to the New Year, to Passover and the feast ofunleavened bread, to the waving of the omer, etc."

Carol Newsom,Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition. Harvard Semitic Studies 27. (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1985), p. 75, n. 10.

114 Aiso called Astronomie Enoch.

III Sacha Stem, p. 5.

116 Ibid., p. 5.

117 James H. Charlesworth, editor, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Volume 1: Apocalyptic Literature and Testaments. (New York: Doubleday, 1983), p. 54. 1 Enoch 74:12-13.

118 Sacha Stem, pp. 5-6.

119 Ibid., p. 7.

120 Charlesworth, Vol. 1, p. 60.

121 Ibid., p. 55.

122 Ibid., p. 9.

123 Ibid., p. 9.

124 Ibid., p. 127,2 Enoch, footnote d.

12l Ibid.

126 Ibid., p. 128, Footnote c. 2 Enoch, 16:2.

127 Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, p. 46. 128 Charlesworth, Vol. 1, p. 135.2 Enoch, 20:1.

129 Ibid., pp. 127-128.2 Enoch, 16:1-2. Also notable for its representation in synagogue art.

130 Ibid., p. 130. 2 Enoch, footnote f.

131 James H. Charlesworth, editor, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Volume 2: Expansions of the "Old Testament" and Legends, Wisdom and Philosophical Literature, Prayers, Psalms, and Odes, Fragments of Lost Judeo-Hellenistic Works.(New York: Doubleday, 1985), p. 321, Pseudo-Philo 13:4.

132 Ibid.

133 Ibid., p. 445, History of the Rechabites.

134 Ibid., p. 458, 13:3-5.

l3S Sacha Stem, p. 10.

136 Charlesworth, Vol. 2, p. 62. Jubilees 4:21.

137 Ibid., p. 39. Introduction to Jubilees, by O.S. Wintermute.

138 Liora Ravid,The Book ofJubilees and Its Calendar - A Reexamination. In Dead Sea Discoveries, 10,3. Leiden: EJ. Brill, 2003, pp. 375.

139 Ibid., p. 376.

140 Ibid., p. 389.

141 Sacha Stem, p. 10, as found in Jubilees 6:23-29.

142 Ibid., p. Il. Jubilees 6:33-4.

143 Charlesworth, Vol. 2, p. 39. Introduction to Jubilees, by O.S. Wintermute.

144 Ibid.

14S Ibid.

146 Ibid., p. 40.

147 Ibid.

1.8 Ibid.

149 Charlesworth, Vol. 2, p. 62.

ISO Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, p. 45.

!SI Joseph M. Baumgarten, Studies in Qumran Law. Studies in Judaism ln Late Antiquity General editor, Jacob Neusner, Volume Twenty-Four. (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1977), p. 101.

IS2 Ibid., p. 102. IS3 Sacha Stem, pp. 11-12.

IS4 Ibid., p. 12. m Liora Ravid,The Book ofJubilees and Its Calendar - A Reexamination. In Dead Sea Discoveries, 10,3. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2003, pp. 371-394.

IS6 Ibid.

IS7 Sacha Stem, p. 16.

IS8 Martin Abegg, Jr., Edward Cook, Michael Wise, editors, The Dead Sea Serolls: A New Translation. (New York: HarperCollins, 1996), p.l23.

IS9 Finegan, Handbook of Biblical Chronology, p. 39. 1, 8-9, III, 10.

160 Sacha Stem, p. 17.

161 Martin Abegg, Jr. et al. The Dead Sea Serolls, p. J40.

162 Ibid., p. 141.

163 Ibid., p. 359.

164 Ibid., p. 320. 4Q394, Frags 3-7, Col. 1.

16S Ibid., p. 458.

166 Ibid., p. 460.

167 Ibid., p. 463.

168 Ibid., p. 75.

169 Ibid., p. 78.

170 Michael L. Klein, Michael L., editor and translator. The Fragment-Targums of the Pentateuch According to their Extant Sources. Volume II. Translation. Analecta Biblica: Investigationes Scientificae In Res Biblicas 76. (Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1980), p. VII.

171 Ibid.

172 Philip S. Alexander, Jewish Aramaic Translations of Hebrew Seriptures. In Martin-Jan Mulder, editor, Mikra. Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity. (The Netherlands: Van Gorcum, 1988), p. 239.

173 Ibid., p. 247.

174 Ibid., p. 248. m Ibid.

176 Ibid. 177 Ibid., p. 243.

178 Ibid.

179 Ibid., p. 250.

180 Ibid., p. 220.

181 Ibid., p. 217.

182 Ibid.

183 Ibid.

184 Paul E. Kahle, The Cairo Geniza. The Sehweieh Lectures of the British Aeademy. (London: Oxford University Press, 1947), p. 117.

18S Jewish Aramaic Translations of Hebrew Scriptures, p. 217.

186 Bernard Grossfeld, editor and translator,The Targum Onqelos to Exodus. The Aramaic Bible, Volume 7. (Wilmington, Delaware: Michael Glazier, Ine., 1988), p. 30.

187 Jewish Aramaic Translations of Hebrew Scriptures, p. 218.

188 Alejandro Diez Macho, Neophyti 1. Targum Palestinense. MS De La Biblioteca Vaticana Tomo II. Exodo. Tradueciones Cotejadas de La Version Castellana. Inglesa: Martin McNamara y Michael Maher. (Madrid-Barcelona: Consejo Superior De Investigaciones Cientificas, 1970), p. 436.

189 B. Barry Levy, Targum Neophyti 1 A Textual Study. Volume 1. Introduction, Genesis, Exodus. (Lanham, Maryland & London, England: University Press of America, Inc, 1986), p. 359.

190 Jewish Aramaic Translations of Hebrew Seriptures, p. 221.

191 Klein, Fragment of the MS Paris Bibliotheque Nationale. Hebr. 110., p. 37.

192 Ibid., p. 39.

191 Targumim in themselves are, of course a form of rewritten, or certainly, reinterpreted Bible.

194 Sacha Stem, p. 157.

19S Herbert Danby, editor, The Mishnah. (London: Oxford University Press, 1933), Mishnah Rosh HaShanah, chapter l, Mishnah 1.

196 Ibid., p. 188.

197 In faet, there is sorne evidence of an earlier calendrieal text beginning in the autumn. The Gezer Calendar, consisting of a brief inscription was found in the tenth century BCE, and lists planting and harvest months beginning in the period roughly eoinciding with Tishrei. W.F. Allbright, Palestinian Inscriptions, in J.B. Pritchard, editor, Ancient Near Eastern Texts. 3rd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), p. 320.

198 Norman H. Snaith, The Jewish New Year Festival. Its Origins and cDevelopment. (London: Society for Promoting Christian Know ledge, 1946), p. 141. 199 Ibid., p. 143.

2'" Ibid., p. 144.

201 William W. Hallo, Origins, The Ancient Near Eastern Background ofSorne Modern Western Institutions. (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1996), p. 121.

202 Ibid., pp. 144-145.

203 S. Langdon, Baby/onian Men%gies and the Semitic Ca/endars. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1933. (London: Oxford University Press, 1935), p. 29.

204 Danby, Mishnah, p. 205.

20S Jacob Neusner, editor and translator, The Tosefta. Second Division, Moed. (New York: Ktav Publishing House, Inc., 1981), p. 249.

206 Neusner, Tosefta, p. 249, 1:3 A-C.

207 Ibid., p. 289, Megillah 3:4, A-C.

208 overlapping and following the mishnaic era

209 Max Kadushin, A Conceptua/ Approach to the Mekilta. (New York: Jonathan David Publishers, 1969), p. 1.

210 Ibid., p. 1. Tractate Pisha, Chapter 1 (Exod. 12: 1).

211 Ibid., p. 2.

212 Ibid.

213 Ibid.

214 Ibid.

21S Ibid., p. 3.

216 Ibid.

217 Ibid., p. 4. Footnote no. 4. This is the tirst rule in the henneneutic system of HiIlel, as weil as in that of R. Ishmael.

218 Ibid., p. 4.

219 Ibid., p. Il.

220 Ibid.

221 Ibid., p. 13.

222 Ibid.

223 Ibid. 224 Ibid., pp. 15-16.

225 Ibid., p. 16.

226 John Andre Moore, Astronomy in the Bible. (Nashville: Abingdon, 1981), p. 62.

227 Ibid., p. 17. Also see the B.T., tractate R.H. 7a.

228 Ibid. Here, a footnote indicates that the term tequfah, or turn, is used to designate note merely the equinox, but the solstice as weIl.

229 Ibid., pp. 17-18.

230 Ibid., pp. 18-19.

231 Ibid., p. 19.

232 Ibid.

233 Ibid., p. 20.

234 Ibid.

23S Ibid., p. 21.

236 Ibid., pp. 21-22. m Ibid., p. 22.

238 Ibid., p. 65.

239 Ibid.

240 Ibid.

241 Jacob Neusner, editor and translator, Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. An Analytical Translation, Volume One: Pisha, BeshaIlah, Shirata, and Vayassa. Brown Judaic Studies 148. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), p. 15, Mekhilta, chapter 1, Pisha.

242 Ibid.

243 Ibid., p. 17.

244 Both were set down somewhere between the fourth and sixth centuries CE.

245 Edward A. Goldman, editor and translator. The Talmud of the Land ofIsrael. A Preliminary Translation and Explanation. Volume 16, Rosh Hashanah (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 5.

246 Ibid., pp. 1-2.

247 Ibid., p. 13.

248 Ibid., 1:5, p. 14. 249 Ibid., 1:26, p. 21.

HO Ibid., 1:56, p. 31. m Ibid., 1:2:2, p. 35. m Ibid., 2:1:12, p. 61. m Ibid.

254 Ibid., 3: 1:6, p. 79. Goldman' s own footnote indicates that the necessity of which the verse speaks refers to bringing the lunar year into seasonal agreement with the solaro

255 Ibid., 3:1:9, p. 80.

256 Sacha Stem, Calendar and Community. A History of the Jewish Calendar Second Century BCE-Tenth Century CE. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 155. m Louis H. Feldman, p. 30.

258 Ibid.

259 Alan J. Avery-Peck, editor and translator, The Talmud of Babylonia: An American Translation. IX: Tractate Rosh Hashanah. Brown Judaic Studies, Number 306. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995), RH 7a, p. 113.

260 Ibid., p. 118.

261 Ibid., RH 8b, p. 133.

262 Ibid.

263 This may be considered a euphemism for the tirst day of the new year.

264 Avery-Peck, The Talmud of Babylonia, RH lOb, p. 149.

265 Ibid., RH lOb, p. 150.

266 Ibid.

267 Ibid., RH Il a, p. 151.

268 Ibid., p. 158.

269 Ibid., p. 159.

270 Ibid., lIb, p. 159.

271 Ibid.

272 Ibid.

273 Ibid., RH llb, p. 160.

274 Ibid. m Ibid., p. 161.

276 Ibid., 12a, p. 162.

277 Ibid., p. 229.

278 Ibid., RH 22a, p. 270.

279 Ibid., RH 22a, p. 271.

280 Ibid.

281 Ibid, RH 25b, p. 318.

282 Astronomy in the Bib/e, p. 64.

283 Stem, Ca/endar and Community, p. 175: .olt is widely accepted that the fixed rabbinic calendar was instituted by Hillel the Patriarch in 358/9 CE. This institution, however, is not mentioned or recorded in any of the contemporary rabbinic sources, such as the Palestinian or Babylonian Talmud."

284 Bruce K. Gardner,The Genesis Ca/endar. The Synehronistie Tradition in Genesis 1-11. (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, Inc., 2001), p. 124. m Stem, Ca/endar and Community, p. 212.

286 Ibid., p. 232.

287 Ibid., p. 259.

288 An altemate transliteration.

289 Avery-Peck, The Ta/mud of Baby/onia, RH 25a, p.309.

290 Ibid.

291 Rabbi Dr. 1. Epstein, The Baby/onian Ta/mud. Translated into English. Seder Nezikin, Sanhedrin 1. London: The Soncino Press, 1935.Sanhedrin lIb, p. 49.

292 Ibid., Sanhedrin 12b, pp. 55-56.

293 also transliterated as tekufot

294 Soncino Talmud, Sanhedrin 13b, pp. 60-61. The renewal phase is that of the waxing moon. A footnote to the text on the word hodesh relates its etymology in hadash.

29S Jack Finegan, Handbook of Bibliea/ Chron%gy. Revised edition. (Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, Inc., 1998), p. 39.

296 S. Langdon, Baby/onian Men%gies and the Semitie Ca/endars. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1933. (London: Oxford University Press, 1935), p. 73.

297 Ibid. 298 Ibid.

299 Ibid., pp. 67-68.

300 Ibid., p. 68.

301 Ibid.

302 Ibid.

303 Ibid., p. 71.

304 For example, cou Id there be a linkage to the Akeidah, or binding of Isaac?

30S William W. Hallo, Origins, The Ancient Near Eastern Background ofSome Modern Western Institutions. (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996), p. 127.

306 Ibid.

307 Ibid.

308 Later on, we will note the ways in which various commentators, such as Maimonides and Nachmanides, connected this right to the Bible text itselfbased on the giving of Exod. 12:1-2 to Moses and Aaron.

309 Rabbi Dr. H. Freedman and Maurice Simon, editors, Midrash Rabbah Exodus, Translated by Rabbi Dr. S.M. Lehrman (London: The Son cino Press, 1961), p. vii.

310 Ibid., p. 160.

JII Ibid., pp. 161-162.

312 Ibid., p. 164. llJ Ibid., pp. 173-174.

314 Ibid., p. 174.

315 Ibid.

316 Ibid., pp. 196-197. m Kadushin, pp. 15-16,65.

318 Midrash Rabbah, pp. 201-202.

319 Ibid., p. 204.

320 Gerald Friedlander, editor and translator. The Chapters of Rabbi Eliezer the Great. According to the text of the manuscript belonging to Abraham Epstein ofVienna. Reprinted. (London, 1916 edition. New York: Hermon Press, 1970), pp. 54-55.

321 Here, as indicated in a footnote to the Midrash, we see a similarity to Jubilees 23:19: "For they have forgotten commandment, and covenant, and feasts, and months, and Sabbaths, and jubilees." 122 Ibid., pp. 55-56. m Midrash Rabbah, p. 57.

324 Ibid., pp. 58-59. m Jacob Neusner, editor and translator, The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan. An Analytical Translation and Explanation. Brown Judaic Studies 114. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986), p. ix.

326 Ibid., p. 161.

327 Ibid.

318 Erwin R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period. Volume 1. The Archeological Evidence from Palestine. Bollingen Series XXXVII. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1953), p. 238.

329 Rachel Hachlili, Ancien! Jewish Art and Archeology in the Land of Israel. (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1988), p. 301.

330 Ibid.

331 Ibid., p. 305.

332 Ibid., p. 243.

333 Ibid., p. 245.

334 Ibid., p. 248. m Ibid., p. 249.

336 Ibid., p. 307.

337 Ibid.

338 Ibid, p. 250.

339 Goodenough, Volume 8: Pagan Symbols in Judaism. Bollingen Series XXXVII. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1958), p. 177.

340 Goodenough, Vol. l, pp. 253-254

341 Ibid., p. 255.

342 Ibid.

343 Ibid.

344 Ibid., Vol. 8, p. 177.

345 Ibid.

346 Ibid., p. 201.

347 Ibid., p. 214. 397 Ibid., p. 21.

398 Jacques Le Goff, Intellectuals in the Middle Ages. Translated by Teresa Lavender Fagan. (Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1993), p. 5.

399 Le Goff, Intellectuals in the Middle Ages, p. 14.

400 Ibid., p. 15.

401 Ibid., p. 17.

402 Ibid.

403 Ibid., p. 23.

404 Ibid.

405 Ibid., p. 55.

406 Ibid.

407 Sophie Page, Astrology in Medieval Manuscripts. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), p. 5.

408 Ibid., p. 7. Page writes: "Writers employed the terms astronomy and astrology interchangeably, only using them in the modern sense wh en speaking of the two complementary aspects - theoretical and practical- of the same science of the stars."

409 Ibid.

410 Ibid.

411 Ibid., pp. 9-10.

412 Ibid.

413 Ibid., p. 5.

414 Ibid., p. 19: Astrological skills were also taught as part of "the quadrivium, the mathematical subjects of the Arts degree at university.

415 Ibid., p. 19.

416 who were already weil acquainted with Galenic medicine, with its theory of humours

417 Astrology in Medieval Manuscripts, p. 53.

418 Ibid., p. 53.

419 Ibid., p. 52.

420 Ibid., p. 54.

421 Ibid. 422 Gersonides, in particular.

42l David B. Ruderman, Jewish Thought and Scientific Discovery in Early Modern Europe. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), p. 18.

424 Jacob Katz, Tradition and Crisis: Jewish Society at the End of the Middle Ages. (New York: Schocken Books, 1971), p. 29.

425 Ibid.

426 Tradition and Crisis, p. 31.

427 In Medieval Civilization 400-1500, p. 318, Le Goff describes sorne early instances of the blood libel:

"At about the time of the Second Crusade in 1146 appeared the first accusation ofritual murder [... ] that is to say the murder of a Christian child whose blood was supposedly mixed into unleavened bread." [ ...] "Thenceforth there was to be no lack offaise accusations to give the Christians' scapegoats in times of discontent or calamity. At the time of the Black Death in 1348 the Jews were accused in many places ofhaving poisoned the wells, and they were massacred."

428 Medieval Civilization, p; 317.

429 Ibid.

430 David Berger, The Jewish-Christian Debate in the High Middle Ages. (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979), p. 3.

431 Ibid.

432 Ibid.

433 Ibid., p. 20.

434 Magne Saebo, editor, Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History of Its Interpretation. Volume 1: From the Beginnings to the Middle Ages (Until 1300). Part 2: The Middle Ages. (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000), p. 75.

435 Saebo, Hebrew Bible/Dld Testament, p. 80.

436 Ibid., p. 83.

4J7 G. Lloyd Jones, The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England: a Third Language. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), p. 1.

438 Robert Brody, The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), p. Il.

439 Ibid.

440 Ibid., p. 314.

441 G. Lloyd Jones, The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England: a Third Language. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), p. 1.

442 Karaite Anthology, p. xv. 443 The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture, p. 75.

444 located in Upper Egypt

445 The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture, pp. 235-236.

446 Ibid., p. 76.

447 Ibid.

448 The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture, p. 76.

449 Henry Malter, Saadia Gaon: His Life and Works. (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1942), p. 168.

450 Saebo, Hebrew Bible/Dld Testament, p. 85.

451 The Geonim of Baby/onia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture, p. 118.

452 Saadia Gaon: His Life and Works, p. 77.

453 The Geonim of Babylonia and the Shaping of Medieval Jewish Culture, p. 119.

454 Saadia Gaon: His Life and Works, p. 87.

455 Ibid., p. 169.

456 Ibid.

457 Ibid.

458 Leon Nemoy, Karaite Anthology: Excerpts From The Early Literature. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1952), p. xxiii.

459 Ibid.

460 Ibid.

461 Ibid., p. xxiv.

462 Ibid., p. 330.

463 Ibid., p. xxiv.

464 Ibid., p. 42.

465 Ibid., p. 335.

466 Karaite Anthology, p. 5.

467 Ibid., p. 8.

468 Ibid., p. 30. 469 Ibid., p. 31.

470 Ibid.

471 Ibid., p. 69.

472 Ibid., p. 79.

473 Ibid., p. 75.

474 G. Lloyd Jones, The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England: a Third Language. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983), p. 1. m Karaite Anthology, p. 174.

476 Esra Shereshevsky, Rashi, The Man and His World. (New York: Sepher-Hennon Press, Inc., 1982), p. 19.

477 Rashi, The Man and His World, p. 57.

478 Ibid., p. 60.

479 Ibid, p. 61.

480 Ibid.

481 Ibid., p. 65.

482 Ibid.

483 Ibid., p. 119.

484 Ibid., p. 120.

48l Ibid., p. 65.

'8" Rimon Kasher, The Interpretation ofSeripture in Rabbinie Literature. In Martin-Jan Mulder, editor, Mikra. Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Aneient Judaism and Early Christianity. (The Netherlands: Van Gorcum, 1988), p. 552. Indeed, Kasher comments on both peshat and derash, writing that "their context [and] meaning" are not necessarily always uniform.

487 Please see Saebo, Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, pp. 131-132 for more commentary on peshat and derash.

488 Rashi, The Man and His World, p. 65.

489 Saebo, Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, p. 333.

490 A.M. Silbennann and M. Rosenbaum, editors, Chumash with Rashi 's Commentary. Bereshith. (Jerusalem: Feldheim Publishers, Ltd., 1934), p. 2.

491 A.M. Silbennann and M. Rosenbaum, editors, Chumash with Rashi's Commentary. Shemoth. (Jerusalem: Feldheim Publishers, Ltd., 1934), p. 52.

492 Ibid. 49l Ibid.

494 This too follows the Mekhilta.

49S Chumash with Rashi's Commentary. Shemoth. p. 53.

496 Matityahu Glazerson, Above The Zodiac: Astrology in Jewish Thought. (Northvale, New Jersey: Jason Aronson Inc., 1997), p. 7.

497 Martin 1. Lockshin, editor, Rashbam 's Commentary on Exodus: An Annotated Translation. (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), p. 1.

498 Rashbam 's Commentary on Exodus, p. 1.

499 Ibid.

SIlO Ibid.

SOI Ibid., p. 3.

S02 Ibid.

SOl Ibid.

S04 Ibid.

SOS Ibid.

S06 Ibid., p. 103.

107 Ibid.

S08 Ibid., pp. 103-104.

S09 Ibid., p. 104.

110 Ibid.

Sil Ibid., p. 105.

lU Bernard R. Goldstein, translator, The Astronomy of Levi ben Gerson (J 288-1344). A Critical Edition of Chapters 1-20 with Translation and Commentary. (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1985), p. 1.

Sil Ibid.

SI4 Ibid.

SIS Ibid.

116 Ibid.

SI7 Gersonides. The Wars of the Lord. Volume Three. Book Five and Book Six. Seymour Feldman, translator. (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1999), p. 10. 518 Bernard R. Goldstein, Levy Ben Gerson 's Contributions ta Astronomy. In Gad Freudenthal, editor. Studies on Gersonides, A Fourteenth-Century Jewish Phi/osopher-Scientist. (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1992), p. 5.

519 This might also be termed pre-scientific, for "virtuaIly aIl of medieval astronomy is a set of variations on the Aristotelian-Ptolemaic theme ofa geocentric universe in which the heavenly bodies de scribe circular orbits around a stationary earth."

The Wars of the Lord. Va/ume Three. Book Five and Book Six, p.8.

520 Amos Funkenstein, Gersonides' Biblica/ Commentary: Science, History and Providence. (or: The Importance of Being Boring) In Gad Freudenthal, editor, Studies on Gersonides, A Fourteenth-Century Jewish Philosopher­ Scientist. (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1992), p. 306.

521 Ibid., p. 307.

522 Ibid. m Ibid., p. 308.

524 Ibid., pp. 308-309. m Ibid., p. 309.

526 Ibid.

521 Ibid.

528 Jacob J. Staub, The Creation of the Wor/d According ta Gersonides. (Chico, California: Scholars Press, 1982), p. 37.

529 Ibid., pp. 45-46.

530 Ibid., pp. 75-76. Discussion of the sublunar and supralunar worlds are beyond our scope.

531 Ibid., p. 109. sn As a note oftangential interest, this is very similar to the scientific 'steady-state' theory of the origin of the universe, in contrast to the 'big bang.'

133 Gersonides, The Wars of the Lord. Volume Three. Book Five and Book Six. Seymour Feldman, translator. (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1999), p. 193.

534 Ibid. l3S The Wars of the Lord. Va/ume Three. Book Five and Book Six, p. 209.

536 The Creation of the Wor/d According ta Gersonides, p. 81.

S37 Ibid.

538 The Wars of the Lord. Volume Three. Book Five and Book Six, p. 25. S60 Ibid.

S61 Ibid., p. 204.

S62 Ibid., p. 205.

S63 Ibid., p. 206.

S64 Ibid., p. 207.

SM Ibid.

S66 Ibid., p. 214.

S67 Ibid., p. 216.

S68 Ibid., p. 217.

S69 Ibid.

S70 This is unlike Moreh Nebukhim, whieh was written in Arabie.

m Solomon Gandz, translator, The Code of Maimonides. Book Three. Treatise Eight. Sanctification of the New Moon. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), p. liii.

sn Ibid., p. Iii.

sn Ibid., p. 97.

S74 This was an issue of great significance in Mishnaie and Talmudie times, bearing upon the very validity of the molad observance.

mThe Code of Maimonides, p. 4.

S76 In a line of reasoning cited by a number of later commentators.

m The Code of Maimonides, p. 22.

S78 Saebo, Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, p. 309.

m Ibid.

S80 Judah Halevi, The Kuzari. Introduction by Henry Slonimsky. (New York: Schoeken Books, 1964), p. 17.

581 Le Goff, Medieval Civi/ization, p. 70. As Le Goffwrites: "In 1099 Jerusalem was captured and a Latin kingdom was formed in the Holy Land, but it was quickly threatened. [ ...] Saladin reeaptured Jerusalem in 1187." This was after Halevi's death in 1141 CE.

m The Kuzari, p. 23.

m Ibid., p. 25.

S84 Ibid., p. 24. m Ibid., p. 26.

S86 Ibid., pp. 166-167.

S87 Ibid., p. 170.

S88 Saebo, Hebrew Bibie/Oid Testament, p. 416.

S89 Ibid., p. 417.

S90 Ibid., p. 418.

S9\ Ibid.

S92 Ramban (Naehmanides), Commentary on the Torah. Exodus. Translated and Annotated by Charles B. Chavel. (New York: Shilo Publishing House, Ine., 1973), p. 115.

S93 Ibid., p. 115.

S94 Ibid. Moreover, this text follows the aeeount in the Mekhilta, as has been the ease in other eommentaries presented here. m Ibid.

S96 Ibid., p. 116. m Ibid., p. 117.

S98 Ibid.

S99 Gershom G. Seholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism. (New York: Sehoeken Books, 1961), p. 157.

600 Harry Sperling and Maurice Simon, translators, The Zohar. (London: The Soneino Press, 1970), p. 105.

60\ Saebo, Hebrew Bibie/Oid Testament, p. 456.

602 Ibid.

603 Y. Tzvi Langermann, editor, Yemenite Midrash. (New York: HarperCollins Publishers, 1996), p. xvii.

604 Yemenite Midrash, p. xxv.

60S Ibid., p. xxix.

606 Ibid.

607 Ibid.

608 Ibid., pp. 52-53.

609 Ibid., p. xx.

6\0 Ibid. 611 Chaim Pearl, The Medieval Jewish Minci, The Religious Philosophy of Isaac Arama. (Bridgeport, Connecticut: Hartmore House, 1972), p. 1.

612 The Medieval Jewish Mind, p. 5.

613 Ibid., p. 1.

614 Ibid., p. S.

6IS Ibid. We also see this trend in the writings of Judah Halevi.

616 Ibid.

617 Ibid., p. 12.

618 Ibid.

619 The Medieval Jewish Minci, p. 2.

620 Ibid.

621 Ibid., p. 3

622 Eliyahu Munk, editor, Akeydat Yitzchak: Commentary of Rabbi Yitzchak Arama on the Torah. Volume l, Bereshit-Shemot. (New York: Lambda Publishers, 2001), p. 347.

623 Ibid., p. 34S.

624 Ibid.

62S Ibid.

626 Ibid., p. 349.

627 Ibid.

628 Ibid.

629 Ibid.

630 Ibid.

631 Ibid., p. 352. Here, the moon and the Jews are compared.

632 Ibid., p. 353. m Ibid., p. 25.

634 Jacques Le Goff, Medieval Civilization 400-1500., p. 106.

635 Medieval Civilization 400-1500, p. 106.

636 Ibid., p. lOS.