Warheads on Foreheads: the Applicability of the 9/11 AUMF to the Threat of ISIL
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Congress, Constitutional Responsibility and the War Power
Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review Volume 17 Number 3 Symposium: The War Powers Article 2 Resolution 6-1-1984 Congress, Constitutional Responsibility and the War Power Allan Ides Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Allan Ides, Congress, Constitutional Responsibility and the War Power, 17 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 599 (1984). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/llr/vol17/iss3/2 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CONGRESS, CONSTITUTIONAL RESPONSIBILITY AND THE WAR POWER by Allan Ides* I. INTRODUCTION That the national government has the power, both practical and constitutional, to place this nation at war is a given. That this power, potentially the most destructive and despotic of all powers vested in governments, is a necessity is no less plain. But our Constitution does more than create a national government with specified powers. Just as plainly as the Constitution grants or creates powers, it places limita- tions upon the exercise of those powers. Some of those limitations are specific negatives on governmental action, such as the proscriptions found in the Bill of Rights; others are structural devices designed to prevent the exercise of arbitrary power and to promote the ideals of a republican government. -
Democracy, Strategic Interests & U.S. Foreign Policy in the Arab World: A
1 The University of Washington Bothell Democracy, Strategic Interests & U.S. Foreign Policy in the Arab World: A Multiple Case Study of Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan & Saudi Arabia Kelly Berg A Capstone project presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Policy Studies through the School of Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences June 2015 2 Abstract What determines U.S. foreign policy in the Arab world? In order to address this question, an inductive multiple case study of Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia was conducted. These four Arab countries were selected due to their varying political positions and relationships with the U.S. I argue that the U.S.’s prioritization of strategic interests trumps or, in some cases, stifles support for the democratic process within the context of U.S. foreign policy in the Arab world, and that “democracy” is only advocated for when it serves U.S. desire for stability and hegemony throughout the region. Examining Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia demonstrates that political stability in the region, resistance to terrorism and unrest, Israel’s interests, and economic gains through oil and weapon production and sales are the U.S.’s key priorities. The results of this study will contribute to the existing literature by providing a comprehensive assessment of complex interdependence and political incongruences in U.S. foreign policy in the Arab world. 3 Acknowledgements I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my advisor and mentor, Professor Karam Dana, whose encouragement, advice, wisdom, and support proved to be invaluable to my academic journey. -
A Defense of the War Powers Resolution
A Defense of the War Powers Resolution During the Vietnam era, public concern over the legitimacy of U.S. military involvement in Indochina heightened interest in the constitutional division of the war powers. Congressional efforts to ensure legislative con- trol over future decisions to commit forces abroad culminated in 1973 in the passage, over President Nixon's veto, of the War Powers Resolution.1 The war powers issue remains unsettled, however, as the Resolution has been attacked as an unconstitutional and ill-advised attempt to legislate a new allocation of the war powers. The controversy over the Resolution's constitutionality has intensified during the past year as a result of the Supreme Court's decision in Immigration & Naturalization Service v. Chadha,2 which apparently invalidated the legislative veto, and of Con- gress' efforts to reassert its institutional authority in response to President Reagan's use of American troops in Lebanon and Grenada. This Note examines the constitutional sources of the President's inde- pendent power to make war. It argues that whatever authority the Presi- dent has to initiate American involvement in hostilities abroad need not be based, as many commentators assume, on his role as Commander-in- Chief,' which is not subject to restrictions by Congress. Rather, that au- thority derives from the general grant of "executive power" to the Presi- dent. As a result, although the Executive may use force abroad during emergencies without prior congressional authorization, Congress may channel this power with concurrent resolutions or statutes. The Note con- cludes that the War Powers Resolution is constitutional and that it pro- vides a desirable restriction on the President's capacity to make war when Congress is silent. -
1601Qus China.Pdf
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations US-China Relations: Navigating Friction, Forging Cooperation Bonnie Glaser, CSIS/Pacific Forum CSIS Alexandra Viers, CSIS The South China Sea remained the most contentious issue in the US-China relationship in the early months of 2016. North Korea’s fourth nuclear test and missile launches posed both a challenge and an opportunity. After two months of intense consultations, the US and China struck a deal that led to unprecedentedly tough sanctions on Pyongyang. Xi Jinping attended the Nuclear Security Summit in Washington DC at the end of March and held a bilateral meeting with President Obama. Their joint statements called for cooperation on nuclear security and climate change. Relations between the militaries hit a snag as Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter postponed a planned visit to China and Beijing rejected a request for a US aircraft carrier battle group to visit Hong Kong. Talks continued on a bilateral investment treaty, but China failed to submit a new “negative list,” leaving prospects uncertain for concluding a BIT by the end of Obama’s term. South China Sea continues to cause friction Tensions between the US and China over the South China Sea simmered throughout the first four months of 2016 as a ruling neared in the case brought by the Philippines against China over Beijing’s maritime claims. The first episode took place at the end of January when a US guided- missile destroyer, the USS Curtis Wilbur, conducted a freedom of navigation (FON) operation within 12nm of Triton Island in the Paracel Island chain. -
Congressional Record—House
H78 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE January 9, 2020 demonstrated by a series of recent Mr. MCGOVERN. Madam Speaker, for more U.S. troops have been deployed to major disasters—which the Democrats the purpose of debate only, I yield the the region; operations against ISIS are working hard to support. customary 30 minutes to the gen- have been suspended; the Iraqi Par- We must remain committed to re- tleman from Texas (Mr. BURGESS), liament has voted to kick American building disaster-stricken commu- pending which I yield myself such time troops out of Iraq—all because of the nities, replacing crumbling infrastruc- as I may consume. During consider- brash decision of one man: the Presi- ture, and developing and deploying the ation of this resolution, all time yield- dent of the United States. infrastructure needed to connect us ed is for the purpose of debate only. Madam Speaker, there was no ques- like never before, including through GENERAL LEAVE tion that Soleimani was a ruthless 5G. Mr. MCGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I military commander. He had Amer- We cannot allow the Senate and this ask unanimous consent that all Mem- ican, Syrian, Lebanese, Iraqi, and Yem- administration to impede our efforts to bers be given 5 legislative days to re- eni blood on his hands. But that is not make American infrastructure better, vise and extend their remarks. up for debate today, nor is the question safer, and more resilient. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there of whether or not killing him was a f objection to the request of the gen- good or bad idea. -
The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice
The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice Updated March 8, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R42699 The War Powers Resolution: Concepts and Practice Summary This report discusses and assesses the War Powers Resolution and its application since enactment in 1973, providing detailed background on various cases in which it was used, as well as cases in which issues of its applicability were raised. In the post-Cold War world, Presidents have continued to commit U.S. Armed Forces into potential hostilities, sometimes without a specific authorization from Congress. Thus the War Powers Resolution and its purposes continue to be a potential subject of controversy. On June 7, 1995, the House defeated, by a vote of 217-201, an amendment to repeal the central features of the War Powers Resolution that have been deemed unconstitutional by every President since the law’s enactment in 1973. In 1999, after the President committed U.S. military forces to action in Yugoslavia without congressional authorization, Representative Tom Campbell used expedited procedures under the Resolution to force a debate and votes on U.S. military action in Yugoslavia, and later sought, unsuccessfully, through a federal court suit to enforce presidential compliance with the terms of the War Powers Resolution. The War Powers Resolution (P.L. 93-148) was enacted over the veto of President Nixon on November 7, 1973, to provide procedures for Congress and the President to participate in decisions to send U.S. Armed Forces into hostilities. Section 4(a)(1) requires the President to report to Congress any introduction of U.S. -
Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law Kristina Daugirdas University of Michigan Law School, [email protected]
University of Michigan Law School University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository Articles Faculty Scholarship 2017 Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law Kristina Daugirdas University of Michigan Law School, [email protected] Julian Davis Mortenson University of Michigan Law School, [email protected] Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/articles/1864 Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/articles Part of the International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Daugirdas, Kristina, co-editor. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." J. D. Mortenson, co-editor. Am. J. Int'l L. 111, no. 2 (2017): 476-537. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright © 2017 by The American Society of International Law CONTEMPORARY PRACTICE OF THE UNITED STATES RELATING TO INTERNATIONAL LAW EDITED BY KRISTINA DAUGIRDAS AND JULIAN DAVIS MORTENSON In this section: • United States Abstains on Security Council Resolution Criticizing Israeli Settlements • United States Sanctions Russian Individuals and Entities After Accusing Russian Government of Using Hacking to Interfere with U.S. Election Process; -
CI&E Contest Manual
CURRENT ISSUES AND EVENTS BRADLEY WILSON, PH.D. | CONTEST DIRECTOR CAPITAL CONFERENCE | 2017 Photo by Keith McDuffee Only 45 percent of Americans were able to correctly identify what the initials in GOP stood for. 55 percent of Americans believe that Christianity was written into the Constitution and that the founding fathers wanted One Nation Under Jesus When asked on what year 9/11 took place, 30 percent of Americans were unable to answer the question correctly. When looking at a map of the world, young Americans had a difficult time correctly identifying Iraq (14 percent) and Afghanistan (17 percent). ABOUT THE CONTEST • 40 objective questions • Essay (10 points) • 60 minutes • Top score individual (objective plus essay) • Top score team (objective only; top three individuals constitute team score) WHO MAY ENTER? • School may enter four students at district. • Three individuals advance from district to regional to state. • Four members of winning team advance. WHAT AREAS WILL YOU COVER? • War and conflict • Media • Politics • Crime • Health • Education • Science/technology • Environment • Economics (economy, • Awards /Honors (not deficit, unemployment) entertainment) ELEMENTS OF NEWS • Timeliness — when? • Conflict — political, ideological, cultural • Consequence — what? why is it important? • Prominence — who? • Proximity — where? how? • Oddity — unusual events that make the news • Human Interest — newsmakers in a more human role WHO QUESTION Who is Jorge Mario Bergoglio? A. Cardinal and Archbishop in New York City B. Trump fund-raiser charged with fraud and violating campaign-finance laws C. First Hispanic on the U.S. Supreme Court D. Pope Francis of Assisi WHO QUESTION Who is Jorge Mario Bergoglio? A. -
By Any Other Name: How, When, and Why the US Government Has Made
By Any Other Name How, When, and Why the US Government Has Made Genocide Determinations By Todd F. Buchwald Adam Keith CONTENTS List of Acronyms ................................................................................. ix Introduction ........................................................................................... 1 Section 1 - Overview of US Practice and Process in Determining Whether Genocide Has Occurred ....................................................... 3 When Have Such Decisions Been Made? .................................. 3 The Nature of the Process ........................................................... 3 Cold War and Historical Cases .................................................... 5 Bosnia, Rwanda, and the 1990s ................................................... 7 Darfur and Thereafter .................................................................... 8 Section 2 - What Does the Word “Genocide” Actually Mean? ....... 10 Public Perceptions of the Word “Genocide” ........................... 10 A Legal Definition of the Word “Genocide” ............................. 10 Complications Presented by the Definition ...............................11 How Clear Must the Evidence Be in Order to Conclude that Genocide has Occurred? ................................................... 14 Section 3 - The Power and Importance of the Word “Genocide” .. 15 Genocide’s Unique Status .......................................................... 15 A Different Perspective .............................................................. -
Powers of War: President Versus Congress Jordan D
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2011 Powers of War: President Versus Congress Jordan D. Santo Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Santo, Jordan D., "Powers of War: President Versus Congress" (2011). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 256. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/256 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE POWERS OF WAR: PRESIDENT VERSUS CONGRESS SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR ANDREW BUSCH AND DEAN GREGORY HESS BY JORDAN D. SANTO FOR SENIOR THESIS FALL 2011 NOVEMBER 28, 2011 2 3 Acknowledgements I am deeply grateful for all those people who helped to make this thesis possible. I would especially like to thank Professor Andrew Busch, whose assistance throughout this process has been invaluable and has helped to shed a new light on this subject for me. I would also like to thank my mother, who provided another set of eyes on this document when mine were too bleary from exhaustion to see. 4 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction........................................................................................................5 Chapter 2: History of War Powers .......................................................................................7 Chapter 3: Presidents Past..................................................................................................15 -
The Contemporary Presidencythe Obama Administrative Presidency
FEATURES The Contemporary Presidency The Obama Administrative Presidency: Some Late-Term Patterns ANDREW RUDALEVIGE President Obama’s iteration of the administrative presidency, as his term ended, used both extant tools and stressed new ones. This essay centers on three themes: (1) the array of managerial directives used, as a caution against simply counting executive orders to measure Obama’s administrative efforts; (2) the central role of statutory interpretation to find power in extant law to justify presidential prefer- ences in areas such as health care, environmental protection, and immigration, with mixed results in the courtroom and thus on the ground; and (3) the aggressive—and far less challenged—use of that same tool in foreign policy and the war powers. In each area the Obama administrative presidency will bequeath useful precedent to his successors. In the lengthening shadow of the administrative state, Richard Nathan (1986, 82) wrote of an “administrative presidency”—necessitated by the fact that “in a complex, technologically advanced society in which the role of government is pervasive, much of what we would define as policymaking is done through the execution of laws in the man- agement process.” Two decades years later, one-time White House policy adviser and future Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan would observe (2001, 2385) that “by the close of Clinton’s presidency, a fundamental ...transformation had occurred in the institution- al relationship between the administrative agencies and the Executive Office of the Presi- dent.” The new relationship was one that involved using a multitude of executive management tools to enhance presidential control of the bureaucracy—in Kagan’s phrase, to create “presidential administration.” Another 15 years have passed, but the dynamics Kagan described remain key to understanding presidential behavior. -
Senate FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9, 2016
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 114 CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION Vol. 162 WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9, 2016 No. 178 House of Representatives The House was not in session today. Its next meeting will be held on Monday, December 12, 2016, at 3 p.m. Senate FRIDAY, DECEMBER 9, 2016 The Senate met at 10 a.m. and was lic for which it stands, one nation under God, overwhelmingly rejected that ap- called to order by the President pro indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. proach. tempore (Mr. HATCH). f The funding in this CR is critical to our Nation’s defense. It supports over- f RECOGNITION OF THE MAJORITY seas operations, the fight against ISIL, PRAYER LEADER and our forces in Afghanistan. It pro- The Chaplain, Dr. Barry C. Black, of- The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. vides resources to begin implementing fered the following prayer: CAPITO). The majority leader is recog- the medical innovation bill we passed Let us pray. nized. earlier this week and to start bringing relief to victims of severe flooding Great and eternal God, we refuse to f forget Your generous blessings that across our country, and of course it in- bring joy to our lives. You satisfy us REMEMBERING JOHN GLENN cludes provisions that will guarantee that retired coal miners in Kentucky— with good things in every season. We Mr. MCCONNELL. Madam President, particularly thank You for the laud- we were saddened yesterday to learn of in Kentucky—and other States will not able life of former Senator John Glenn.