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The Russian Revolution: a Wider Perspective
- THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION: A WIDER PERSPECTIVE PREFACE to the Source Collection on the Russian Revolution This is a collection of sources provided by members of the Euroclio network and curated by three members of the Historiana team. It Insert Source here: is not a comprehensive overview of the Russian Revolution. Its purpose is to provide some insights into how politicians, diplomats, senior military officers, other officials, revolutionaries, eye witnesses, bystanders, newspaper editors and journalists, ordinary people and even children perceived some of the key events in Russia from January 1917 through to December 1922. We hope that this transnational and multiperspective collection will widen students’ understanding of what happened in Russia in those critical years. The sources have been provided by history teachers and historians from 13 countries, including the Russian Federation, neighbouring states that in 1917 were part of the Russian Empire, states that were then allies or enemies of Russia and even states which were neutral non-combatants in 1917. To obtain these sources the contributors turned to their own national digital and physical archives. Where necessary, contributors summarised texts in English. Painting by British artist David For EUROCLIO this was a pilot experiment in collecting historical Jagger, entitled The Bolshevik sources and we are very grateful to everyone who took part. We (1918). The image combines the think the experiment was successful and EUROCLIO will be planning features of several Bolshevik further crowd-sourcing of collections on other significant moments leaders. and developments in world history in the future. Source: Canadian War Museum Bob Stradling, Louise Sträuli and Giulia Rossi Public Domain Summer 2019 THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT This collection is divided into four Introductionsections. -
Russia: CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 to FEBRUARY 1995
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Issue Paper RUSSIA CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 TO FEBRUARY 1995 July 1995 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures Political Leaders 1. INTRODUCTION 2. CHRONOLOGY 1993 1994 1995 3. APPENDICES TABLE 1: SEAT DISTRIBUTION IN THE STATE DUMA TABLE 2: REPUBLICS AND REGIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION MAP 1: RUSSIA 1 of 58 9/17/2013 9:13 AM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... MAP 2: THE NORTH CAUCASUS NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES REFERENCES GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures [This glossary is included for easy reference to organizations which either appear more than once in the text of the chronology or which are known to have been formed in the period covered by the chronology. The list is not exhaustive.] All-Russia Democratic Alternative Party. Established in February 1995 by Grigorii Yavlinsky.( OMRI 15 Feb. -
Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
The Siloviki in Putin's Russia
Ian Bremmer and Samuel Charap The Siloviki in Putin’s Russia: Who They Are and What They Want The July 2006 meeting of the Group of Eight (G-8) major indus- trialized nations in St. Petersburg focused the attention of the international media on Russia. On issues ranging from Middle East conflict to energy se- curity, President Vladimir Putin sought to demonstrate that his increasingly self-confident government has earned its seat at the G-8 table. Coverage of the summit focused squarely on Putin—his international priorities, control over domestic politics, personal relationships with other heads of state, and leadership style. These stories created the impression that Putin is Russian politics, reinforcing the view that to understand Putin himself is to under- stand Kremlin policy. Since Putin was named acting president on December 31, 1999, ana- lysts have poured over his personal history, public statements, and writings, confidently forecasting political and economic trends based largely on their interpretations of what they found. Those who portray him as an autocrat underline his KGB background. Others point to his tutelage under former St. Petersburg mayor and liberal reformer Anatoly Sobchak or his preference for pragmatism over ideology. Recently, Western scholars unearthed his doc- toral thesis and used it to explain Russian state involvement in the energy sector.1 President George W. Bush famously contributed to this line of analysis by implying in 2001 that his “sense of the man’s soul” provided a reliable foun- dation for U.S.-Russian relations. Despite its parsimony and popularity, this approach to understanding Kremlin policy, which some have called “Putinol- ogy,” creates a misleading impression of how Russia is ruled. -
Power Surge? Russia’S Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond
Power Surge? Russia’s Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond PONARS Policy Memo No. 414 Brian D. Taylor Syracuse University December 2006 The “rise of the siloviki ” has become a standard framework for analyzing Russian politics under President Vladimir Putin . According to this view, the main difference between Putin’s rule and that of former president Boris Yeltsin is the triumph of guns (the siloviki ) over money (the oligarchs). This approach has a lot to recommend it, but it also raises sever al important questions . One is the ambiguity embedded in the term siloviki itself . Taken from the Russian phrase for the power ministries ( silovie ministerstva ) or power structures ( silovie strukturi ), the word is sometimes used to refer to those ministrie s and agencies ; sometimes to personnel from those structures ; and sometimes to a specific “clan” in Russian politics centered around the deputy head of the presidential administration, former KGB official Igor Sechin . A second issue , often glossed over in the “rise of the siloviki ” story , is whether the increase in political power of men with guns has necessarily led to the strengthening of the state, Putin’s central policy goal . Finally, as many observers have pointed out, treating the siloviki as a unit – particularly when the term is used to apply to all power ministries or power ministry personnel – seriously overstates the coherence of this group. In this memo, I break down the rise of the siloviki narrative into multiple parts, focusing on three issues . First, I look at change over time, from the early 1990s to the present . -
Jan Sobczak Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia
Jan Sobczak Alexei Nikolaevich, Tsarevich of Russia Echa Przeszłości 12, 143-156 2011 ECHA PRZESZŁOŚCI XII, 2011 ISSN 1509-9873 Jan Sobczak ALEXEI NIKOLAEVICH, TSAREVICH OF RUSSIA This article does not aspire to give an exhaustive account of the life of Alexei Nikolaevich, not only for reasons of limited space. The role played by the young lad who was much loved by the nation, became the Russian tsesarevich and was murdered at the tender age of 14, would not justify such an effort. In addition to delivering general biographical information about Alexei that can be found in a variety of sources, I will attempt to throw some light on the less known aspects of his life that profoundly affected the fate of the Russian Empire and brought tragic consequences for the young imperial heir1. Alexei Nikolaevich was born in Peterhof on 12 August (30 July) 1904 on Friday at noon, during an unusually hot summer that had started already in February, at the beginning of Russia’s much unfortunate war against Japan. Alexei was the fifth child and the only son of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna. He had four older sisters who were the Grand Duchesses: Olga (8.5 years older than Alexei), Tatiana (7 years older), Maria (5 years older) and Anastasia (3 years older). In line with the law of succession, Alexei automatically became heir to the throne, and his birth was heralded to the public by a 300-gun salute from the Peter and Paul Fortress. According to Nicholas II, the imperial heir was named Alexei to break away from a nearly century-old tradition of naming the oldest sons Alexander and Nicholas and to commemorate Peter the Great’s father, Alexei Mikhailovich, the second tsar of the Romanov dynasty that had ruled over Russia for nearly 300 years from the 17th century. -
East View Research Collections: Ukrainian Studies
East View Research Collections: Ukrainian Studies East View produces a variety of valuable collections for researchers and graduate-level students in Ukrainian studies. Covering the period from 1830 to 1945, the collections include primary source documents on uprisings against the Russian Empire; the Prosvita Society (a pro-Ukrainian cultural organization); the Stolypin assassination; the short-lived government and secret police of Hetman Skoropadsky; Ukraine under Nazi occupation; and more. Collections are available online, in full-image, text-searchable files, providing researchers with convenient access to rare, primary source materials. See below for detailed collection descriptions; please inquire for pricing and availability. Collection Spotlight: The Chernobyl Files, Declassified Documents of the Ukrainian KGB The Chernobyl Files collection contains reports prepared for and by a variety of Russian and Ukrainian government agencies, including the KGB, that document and detail the most important developments in the wake of the disaster, as well as internal reports and investigations on its various causes. Learn more at https://www.eastview.com/resources/e-collections/chernobyl-files/ Collection Spotlight: Judaica Digital Collections Features a collection of eight resources from the State Archives of Kyiv Oblast’, covering the period from the Russian Empire of the 1850s to the early Soviet era of the 1920s. The collections include documentation from important historical events, such as Kyiv’s Bloody October of 1905 and the Beilis Case. Topics covered include: emigration from Ukraine, before and during the Soviet era; anti-Semitic groups, ethnic tension and the resulting pogroms; Jewish societies and education programs; and more. Learn more at https://www.eastview.com/resources/e-collections/judaica-digital-collections/ Other Featured Collections Assassination of Russian Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin, 1911. -
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Chapter 3. The Formation of the Ideology of Antisemitism in Europe 3.1. Theoretical Framework The exact chronology of the rise of modern Antisemitism as ideology and move- ment remains unfathomable. Historians mention various insufficient and debatable factors. Hostility toward Jews links not with their numbers, economic standing, or political substance, because the birthplace of modern Antisemitism saw little of Jewish population or influential. Instead, the areas with the largest and most culturally distinct Jewish communities experienced the anti-Jewish movement at a later stage in the form of a secondary phenomenon, which does not mean they held an unequivocally positive image of the Jew. Hannah Arendt in The Origin of Totalitarianism (1951) associated the rise of Antisemitism with the role played in the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries by the “Court Jews” and, later, the wealthy bankers who funded monarchs and governments. Although the fig- ures of the Rothschild’s or Baron Hirsch strongly influenced the imagination of the public and the Jews themselves, their actual influence was not significant enough to cause such a strong response in the political life of several European nations.104 Instead, the Jewish tycoons symbolized the audacious “insolence,” with which these few families exceeded their role of pariahs and entered universally accepted positions in the society. In other words, they either drawn opposition against the principle of equal opportunities or demonstrated its absence. As soon as the idea of the inevitability of Jewish emancipation spread, the names of the tycoons lost their importance, even though they did not completely disappear from Antisemitic rhetoric. -
Running in Place: the Latest Round of Russian Economic Modernization
Russia Political Economy Project RUNNING IN PLACE: THE LATEST ROUND OF RUSSIAN ECONOMIC MODERNIZATION RUSSIA POLITICAL ECONOMY PROJECT F OREIGN P OLICY R ESEARCH I NSTITUTE 1 M ARCH 2 0 1 8 The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2018 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute COVER: Matrioshka with coins, Adobe Stock. FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. EDUCATING THE AMERICAN PUBLIC: FPRI was founded on the premise than an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. to conduct a coherent foreign policy. Today, we live in a world of unprecedented complexity and ever-changing threats, and as we make decisions regarding the nation’s foreign policy, the stakes could not be higher. FPRI offers insights to help the public understand this volatile world by publishing research, hosting conferences, and holding dozens of public events and lectures each year. -
Industrial Revolution Russia(2)
Making of Modern Europe: State, Economy and Empire Module 8 Industrialization in Russia: Role of Russian State Script The Role of the Russian state in Russia’s Industrialisation Despite the abolition of serfdom, tight regulation by the Mir prevented any growth in the mobility of labour. Thus the industrial activities meant to meet the demand generated by the demands of the agrarian communities themselves, which characterised developments in Britain and other parts of Western Europe, was virtually inexistent in the adverse conditions of the Russian countryside. As a consequence, the principal stimulus behind industrial development had to be provided by the Russian state itself. The policy of state patronage for commerce and industry to aid industrialisation in the Tsarist domains was followed by Reutern, Bunge and Vsyhnegradskii. It was finally given major thrust by the policies of Witte, Kokovstov and finally Stolypin. As a cumulative consequence of these policies, Imperial Russia was transformed from the most backward economy to one of the fastest emerging industrial economy when the Great War broke out in 1914. Till 1860, the state had not undertaken any direct measures for the promotion of trade and industry. Industry tended to be confined to gilds in the old towns of St. Petersburg, Moscow, Odessa etc, among the Old Believers (i.e. those who refused to conform to the reformed Orthodox Church of Peter the Great) and then among the among the Armenians and Georgians. The Crimean War changed the entire mindset of the Russian ruling elite in this respect. Inspired by the role played by railways in the course of German industrialisation, the newly appointed Minister of Finance, Reutern emphasised on the need for railway development to overcome the military backwardness that had come to plague imperial Russia. -
Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2011 Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H. Hawley Jr. (Richard Howard) Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION By RICHARD H. HAWLEY, JR. A Dissertation submitted to the Political Science Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2011 Richard H. Hawley, Jr. defended this dissertation on August 26, 2011. The members of the supervisory committee were: Heemin Kim Professor Directing Dissertation Jonathan Grant University Representative Dale Smith Committee Member Charles Barrilleaux Committee Member Lee Metcalf Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii To my father, Richard H. Hawley, Sr. and To my mother, Catherine S. Hawley (in loving memory) iii AKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who made this dissertation possible, and I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all of them. Above all, I thank my committee chair, Dr. Heemin Kim, for his understanding, patience, guidance, and comments. Next, I extend my appreciation to Dr. Dale Smith, a committee member and department chair, for his encouragement to me throughout all of my years as a doctoral student at the Florida State University. I am grateful for the support and feedback of my other committee members, namely Dr.