Territory, Enclosure, and State Territorial Mode of Production in the Russian Imperial Periphery

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Territory, Enclosure, and State Territorial Mode of Production in the Russian Imperial Periphery Geogr. Helv., 74, 13–25, 2019 https://doi.org/10.5194/gh-74-13-2019 © Author(s) 2019. This work is distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. supported by Territory, enclosure, and state territorial mode of production in the Russian imperial periphery Vera Smirnova Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 24061, Blacksburg, VA, USA Correspondence: Vera Smirnova ([email protected]) Received: 30 April 2018 – Revised: 22 October 2018 – Accepted: 9 December 2018 – Published: 16 January 2019 Abstract. After the imperial land consolidation acts of 1906, the Russian land commune became a center of territorial struggle where complex alliances of actors, strategies, and representations of territory enacted land enclosure beyond the exclusive control of the state. Using original documentation of Russian imperial land deals obtained in the federal and municipal archives, this study explores how the Russian imperial state and territo- ries in the periphery were dialectically co-produced not only through institutional manipulations, educational programs, and resettlement plans but also through political and public discourses. This paper examines how coalitions of landed nobility and land surveyors, landless serfs, and peasant proprietors used enclosure as con- duits for property violence, accumulation of capital, or, in contrast, as a means of territorial autonomy. Through this example, I bring a territorial dimension into Russian agrarian scholarship by positioning the rural politics of the late imperial period within the global context of capitalist land enclosure. At the same time, by focusing on the reading of territory from the Russian historical perspective, I introduce complexity into the modern territory discourse often found in Western political geographic interpretations. 1 Introduction Sovereignty implies ‘space,’ and what is more, it implies a space against which violence, whether There can be, gentlemen, fateful moments in the latent or overt, is directed – a space established life of the state, when state’s necessity is above the and constituted by violence. – Henri Lefebvre law and when it is crucial to choose between the (1991:280) integrity of theories and the integrity of the father- land. [...] The temporary measure is a harsh mea- Motivated by the Western liberal ideas, Pyotr Stolypin, sure, it should resolve the criminal wave, it should prime minister of the Russian Empire, portrayed “excep- break down the ugly phenomena, and retire into tional measures” of land reforms as being crucial for the eternity. – Pyotr Stolypin (1907:433–445)1 integrity of the state and security of the populations. The Stolypin land consolidation acts of 1906, 1910, and 1911 laid the foundation for continuous exploitation of land, customary 1In this speech, Pyotr Stolypin delivered his intentions to em- territoriality, and human bodies in the Russian peasant land ploy emergency measures of a court-martial law during the revolu- commune, an object of collective land tenure that predated tionary acts, the number of which increased in 1906. The statement serfdom. Land enclosure aimed at overcoming economic in- was titled “Speech about provisional laws” and issued in the period stabilities and the growing legitimation crisis of the Russian between the First and Second Duma, uttered in the State Duma on imperial state, thus assisting in the formation of a new terri- 13 March 1907. Stolypin’s speech also explains the legal aspects of the Article #87 of the Russian Constitution that allows the repeal of torial order of proprietary capitalism. any law in times of emergency. This article itself “establishes the As a consequence of Stolypin’s new land policy, landless procedure for the termination of such a temporary measure” when peasants, legally separated from their village communities, the necessity is over – meaning that “temporary laws can be termi- became an integral part of the state’s surge for industrial- nated in the same order as permanent laws”. ization, accumulation of capital, and the everyday struggle Published by Copernicus Publications for the Geographisch-Ethnographische Gesellschaft Zürich & Association Suisse de Géographie. 14 V. Smirnova: Enclosure and state territorial production over property in land. The former land commune became a founding of “a city or a colony” (Schmitt, 2003:70). Only strategic and disputed periphery open for speculations, where through the appropriation of land, resources, or human sub- the hegemony of the individual, the collective, and the state jects, Schmitt argues, does the individual, the collective, or was contested and challenged in the process of territorial- the state legitimize its sovereignty (Schmitt, 2003). As he izing new socio-spatial relations of power. This collapsing states, “no man can give, divide, and distribute without tak- of the sovereign territoriality on a local scale challenges the ing, only a God, who created the world from nothing, can traditional political geographic reading of territory, which [...]” (Schmitt, 2003:345). is often seen as a “state power container” formed and de- Analytical research on territory has traditionally focused formed at the national borders – the issue this paper aims on the bordering of state national limits – one of the most to address through a historical geographic lens. I argue that complex and comprehensive analyses of territorial manifes- in the case of Russian land enclosure, land-embodied social tations often stemmed from the modern Eurocentric con- and ideological relations exceeded the Western regime of pri- text (Giddens, 1985; Gottmann, 1973; Mann, 1984; Ruggie, vate property and social contract, sovereignty characterized 1995; Taylor, 1994). This common conception of territory collective territorial autonomy of the commune in contrast does not necessarily engage with alternative modes of de- to the European context, and strategic territories of dispos- centralized territorial production outside the experiences of session did not necessarily remain confined to the national the European nation-state and has been an important focus frontiers. of scholarly critique over the last decade. More specifically, Drawing on original records of the Russian imperial land a robust field of political geographic literature is now in- deals that I obtained at the Russian federal and municipal volved in exploring the properties of territory that have been archives2 and popular discourses promoted by the Russian undervalued, due to the “analytic flattening” of the concept legal and political theorists through economic and agrarian into a single meaning of the “encasing” of state sovereignty periodicals, this paper explores how the Russian imperial (Sassen, 2013). Approaching the subject from a decentral- state and territory in the land commune were dialectically co- ized (Agnew, 2005, 2015; Antonsich, 2009; Paasi, 2003; produced through the coalitions of landed nobility and land Mountz, 2013), deterritorialized (Dell’Agnese, 2013; Mc- surveyors, landless serfs, and peasant proprietors that used Cann and Ward, 2010; Paasi, 2009), and decolonized per- enclosure as a conduit for extralegal governance, accumula- spective (Halvorsen, 2018; Routledge, 2015; Schwarz and tion of capital, or, in contrast, as a means of territorial au- Streule, 2016) requires at a minimum working on multi- tonomy. I argue that the Russian regime of fictitious property ple operational scales and exploring alternative territorialities eroded the sovereign space of the commune to insert a new produced within the hegemonic systems of power, or what institutional structure of control and extralegal domination Prakash describes as that “which the dominant discourse can- over land and human bodies, yet allowing space for an orga- not appropriate completely, an otherness that resists contain- nized resistance by the multiplicities of actors through which ment” (Prakash, 2000:288). territory was produced, contested, and fractured. Through While Russia of the tsarist period was an expansive em- this example, I bring a territorial dimension into Russian pire, as argues Russian cultural historian Alexander Etkind agrarian scholarship by positioning the rural politics of the following Said’s concept of Orientalism, in political and pub- late imperial period within the global context of capitalist lic discourses “ethnic and cultural differences between the land enclosure. At the same time, by focusing on the reading East Slavic peoples were denied or minimized, and class of territory from the Russian historical perspective, I intro- distinctions between rural, urban and noble-people were de- duce complexity into the territory discourse often found in scribed as deep, close to racial” (Etkind et al., 2012:15). Rus- Western political geographic interpretations. sia “orientalized” its peasants within the central regions in a In a traditional sense, the purpose of territory is of- manner similar to that of the Western maritime empires in ten associated with state space; territory defines the oper- their colonies (Etkind, 2013). This drew many urban intel- ationalization of state sovereignty at the national frontiers, lectuals to study the land commune as something forgotten where, seemingly, “political-economic life is neatly sepa- but also foreign, or as a periphery in relation to the centers of rated into ‘domestic’ and ‘foreign’ realms” (Brenner and El- knowledge and power. “Missionary work, ethnography and den, 2009:354). This necessity of territorial delineation
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