The Jews and the Law

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Jews and the Law chapter 3 The Jews and the Law Civil Status As a rule, the pagan Roman state did not discriminate against minority groups, religious or otherwise, on Roman territory. Once they had become Roman resi- dent aliens or citizens they fitted into the legal and social structure of Roman law and society. That applied to Jews as to the rest of the population. As aliens they were peregrini and as citizens (cives). So when some people were cives, aliens or slaves, Roman legislation covering such groups was applied to Jews as to others. Only when men tried to undermine what Rome considered law and order did the authorities react and impose sanctions on transgressors. This situation was reinforced by the law of Caracalla (Constitutio Antoniana 212), by which all residents of the Roman state were granted citizens’ rights, without discrimination whatsoever. The situation changed, albeit gradually, at the beginning of the fourth cen- tury, when Christianity became the official religion of the Roman state, and enforced a series of discriminatory laws against unbelievers, including Jews. As we shall see, the latter occupied a special position in Christian theology, and therefore also in Christian legislation as applied by the Christian Roman state. While the Jews in pagan Rome were the equals of their co-citizens before the law, they asked for and obtained a series of extra privileges, which all stemmed directly or indirectly from the religious liberties granted them as far back as the days of Julius Caesar, or perhaps even before. At the same time they were subject to a special tax, starting in 70 CE, not exacted from their non-Jewish peers. Before that date the tax levied on Jews had been voluntary and was meant to support the upkeep of the Temple in Jerusalem. Furthermore, they were allowed a sort of allegiance to the patriarch in Israel, including a spe- cial monetary contribution paid him by all Jews in the Diaspora, including the Italian ones. When the office of the patriarch ceased, the tax was converted to the Roman treasury. The exact status of Jews in the Roman state before and after the debacle of 70 CE has been controversial. Some scholars singled out the treaty signed between Judaea and Rome at the time of the Maccabees as the basis for the status of Jews in the Empire, including, of course, in Italy. They postulated that Rome considered the Jews a nation, that they were Roman residents when living on Roman territory, and that chiefly on religious grounds. Others argued © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi ��.��63/9789004�8�360_�05 The Jews and the Law 119 that this did not apply to Jews on Roman territory outside Judaea. Instead they opted for the status of peregrini, enjoying special privileges, and hence were an ethnic group rather than a nation, at least in the Diaspora. The apostle Paul is cited as an example of a double status: Roman citizen of Tarsus as well as member of the Jewish nation. The jury is still out on this issue, as well as to the exact meaning of the term gens appearing in contemporary texts.1 1 The literature on Roman law is endless. Practically all relevant texts were published and stud- ied by Mommsen. See his Römisches Staatsrecht, 3 vols. and other publications. On Jews and Roman law, see Cohen et al., Collected Studies in Roman Law, passim; Colorni, Legge ebraica e leggi locali, passim; Id., Gli ebrei nel sistema del diritto comune, cit., passim; Fuks, Where Have All the Freedmen Gone? pp. 25f.; Herr, Roman Rule In Tannaitic Literature, cit., pp. 45f.; Juster, Juifs dans l’empire romain, cit., passim; Linder, Jews in Imperial Roman Legislation, passim; Id., Status of the Jews in the Roman Empire, pp. 128f.; Id., Legal Status of the Jews in the Byzantine Empire, passim; Mitteis, Reichsrecht und Volksrecht, esp. p. 34, note 5; Rabello, Legal Condition of the Jews in the Roman Empire, cit., passim (= an English résumé of Juster); Id., Ebraismo e diritto, passim; Id., Tribute to Jean Juster, pp. 216f.; Id., Situazione giuridica, pp. 125f.; Id., The Jews in the Roman Empire, passim; Rutgers, Hidden Heritage, cit., pp. 174f. The controversy over the status of Jews in the Roman Empire has been going on for a long time. One version was that of Mommsen, Gesammelte Schriften, 3, pp. 416f., Id., Religionsfrevel, cit., pp. 424f., who defined all Jews after 70 as deditici (surrendered enemies) This was doubted (perhaps except- ing a small group in Judaea), by Colorni, Legge ebraica, cit., pp. 13f., and also by Juster, Juifs dans l’empire romain, cit., 1, pp. 220f. Others chose the nation version, the ethnic group defini- tion, the religious identity, and so forth. See for instance, Applebaum, Legal Status, pp. 455f. and the references there; Bruce, Nerva and the Fiscus Judaicus, cit., pp. 39f.; Goodman, Nerva, Fiscus Judaicus, cit., pp. 40f.; Guterman, Religious Toleration and Persecution, chs. 3–5, who suggests that the privileges granted the Jews in the East were those of a nation whereas those in the West were those of a religio licita; Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, cit., p. 395. Much confusion has been created by the translation into modern languages of classical texts. Terms such as nation, race, and so forth are employed indiscriminately. On Jewish rights in ancient cities, see Nock, Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, 2, pp. 960f.; Rajak, Jewish Rights in the Greek Cities, pp. 19f. Probably that would apply also to Hellenistic towns in Italy—for instance in Magna Graecia. For other references to citizenship, see JCA, 2.48f.; 56f. Mommsen suggested that before 70 all Jews in the Empire were resident aliens, while after that date they became deditici. He also proposed (Religionsfrevel, pp. 418f.) that the Romans saw in Christianity a greater threat than in Judaism, since Judaism retained a measure of national identity, whereas Christianity was not identified with any particular national notion and hence did not constitute a danger to Roman national identity. This, according to Mommsen, was at the bottom of the better treatment of Judaism at the time of the principate until Diocletian. Therefore the Roman antagonism to the universal god of Christianity was sharper than toward the Jewish God. On Paul, see Acts, 21, 39; 22.28; Corinthians, 11.22; and Philippians, 3.5. On dual citizenship, see Juster, op. cit., 2, pp. 15f. .
Recommended publications
  • Fiscus Judaicus Accelerated the Parting of the Ways Between Judaism and Christianity Heemstra, Marius
    University of Groningen How Rome's administration of the Fiscus Judaicus accelerated the parting of the ways between Judaism and Christianity Heemstra, Marius IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2009 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Heemstra, M. (2009). How Rome's administration of the Fiscus Judaicus accelerated the parting of the ways between Judaism and Christianity: rereading 1 Peter, Revelation, the Letter to the Hebrews, and the Gospel of John in their Roman and Jewish contexts. s.n. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 26-09-2021 How Rome’s Administration of the Fiscus Judaicus Accelerated the Parting of the Ways between Judaism and Christianity RIJKSUNIVERSITEIT GRONINGEN How Rome’s Administration of the Fiscus Judaicus Accelerated the Parting of the Ways between Judaism and Christianity Rereading 1 Peter, Revelation, the Letter to the Hebrews, and the Gospel of John in their Roman and Jewish Contexts Proefschrift ter verkrijging van het doctoraat in de Godgeleerdheid en Godsdienstwetenschap aan de Rijksuniversiteit Groningen op gezag van de Rector Magnificus, dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Akroterion 58 (2013) 151-159 152 CASA ESSAY Freely, Romans Are Not Encouraged to Become in Any Way Involved in This
    CASA ESSAY The essay competition is sponsored by the Classical Association of South Africa . This paper was judged to be the best student essay submitted to CASA for 2013. ‘DOMITIAN’S ATTITUDE TO THE JEWS AND JUDAISM’ Ursula Westwood, BA III, Classical Civilisation (University of Cape Town) The emperor Domitian has the reputation of being the ‘decided enemy of the Jews’.1 The information from which this conclusion can be drawn is found in a passage in Suetonius and one in Dio. As well as this, Roman writings of the time, such as those of Martial and Quintilian, support a view of Domitian as anti- Semitic. By examining the main literary accounts of his treatments of the Jews as well as contemporary writings, it will be possible to establish to what extent Suetonius and Dio give an accurate portrayal of his attitude towards the Jews. Before one can evaluate Domitian himself, it is first necessary to consider what the position of the Jewish people was in the Roman Empire before him and what the general Roman opinion was of them. Since the time of Julius Caesar, the Jews had enjoyed some favour from Rome, most significantly including religious liberty: while the claim that Judaism was recognised as a religio licita under Roman law is not by any means indisputable, there is enough evidence to suggest, as Pucci Ben Zeev concludes in her work on the documents quoted by Josephus, ‘that the same policy was implemented by Augustus toward all the Jews, no matter where they lived’, and this policy was of general religious liberty.
    [Show full text]
  • Fiscus Judaicus © Christopher O’Quin
    The Growing Split between Synagogue and Church in the 1st Century The Fiscus Judaicus © Christopher O’Quin Be not deceived with strange doctrines, nor with old fables, which are unprofitable. For if we still live according to the Jewish law, we acknowledge that we have not received grace … [For we] have come to the possession of a new hope, no longer observing the Sabbath, but living in the observance of the Lord's Day … [For] it is absurd to profess Christ Jesus, and to Judaize. For Christianity did not embrace Judaism, but Judaism Christianity.”1 Do Not Accept Judaism. But if any one preach the Jewish law unto you, listen not to him. For it is better to hearken to Christian doctrine … than to Judaism…2 [For] as to their scrupulosity concerning meats, and their superstition as respects the Sabbaths, and their boasting about circumcision, and their fancies about fasting and the new moons … [these] are utterly ridiculous and unworthy of notice.”3 These are not the doctrines of Church Reformers, Medieval Catholic priests, or even of Constantine’s Court. These instructions come from the earliest years of the post-Apostolic Church-around 107 C.E. To most Messianic believers this comes as a great shock. How did the Church develop an understanding of itself that was so anti-Jewish and anti-Torah so early in its development? From these instructions one can clearly understand that key Torah commandments such as Kosher laws, Sabbath observance, circumcision and Torah festivals were already thought to be abolished. How could this anti-nomian theology develop so quickly in the early Church when the Apostolic Scriptures abound with examples that testify to the eternal nature of God’s Torah? It developed, in part, because Christian Church doctrine was based on much more than pure Apostolic teaching.
    [Show full text]
  • Its Social and Legal Impact and a Possible Relation with Josephus' Antiquities
    chapter 12 The Fiscus Judaicus: Its Social and Legal Impact and a Possible Relation with Josephus’ Antiquities Marius Heemstra Introduction In this paper I will focus on the Flavian period (69–96ce), which was a crucially important time for both Judaism and Christianity. The single most important event during these years was, of course, the taking of Jerusalem in the year 70 and the subsequent destruction of the Temple by the Romans. On the Jewish side the founding of a rabbinic school by Yohanan ben Zakkai in the city of Jamnia/Yavne stands out, with permission from the Romans still during the siege of Jerusalem (according to rabbinic legend), laying the foundations for Judaism as we know it today.1 On the Christian side one may observe that besides Paul’s uncontested letters, dated to the fifties of the first century, virtually all other documents that were included in the New Testament were written under the Flavian Emperors or very shortly after. But it must be stressed that almost all of these Christian writers were Jews and could still be regarded as such by both Romans and other Jews. In my opinion this situation changed drastically by the end of the Flavian period, which can be regarded as a period of rapid transition in this respect.2 A very important factor during these years was the fiscus judaicus, intro- duced by Vespasian as the collector of the Jewish tax that was instituted after the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem.3 Every Jew within the Roman Empire had to pay this annual tax of two denarii for the benefit of the tem- ple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill of Rome, which was the same amount that had been paid by Jewish males between the ages of twenty and fifty for the ben- efit of their own Temple before it was destroyed by the Romans.
    [Show full text]
  • Josephus's Blunting of Amalek and Phinehas the Zealot in Jewish Antiquities: a Statement Against Nationalism
    Studia Antiqua Volume 18 Number 1 Article 6 July 2019 Josephus's Blunting of Amalek and Phinehas the Zealot in Jewish Antiquities: A Statement Against Nationalism Jacob Inman Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/studiaantiqua Part of the Biblical Studies Commons, Classics Commons, History Commons, and the Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Inman, Jacob. "Josephus's Blunting of Amalek and Phinehas the Zealot in Jewish Antiquities: A Statement Against Nationalism." Studia Antiqua 18, no. 1 (2019): 55-69. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ studiaantiqua/vol18/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Studia Antiqua by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. JOSEPHUS’S BLUNTING OF AMALEK AND PHINEHAS THE ZEALOT IN JEWISH ANTIQUITIES: A STATEMENT AGAINST NATIONALISM JACOB INMAN Jacob Inman earned his BA in ancient Near Eastern studies with an emphasis in Hebrew Bible from Brigham Young University in 2018. He currently is serving in the US Army, stationed at Goodfellow Air Force Base in San Angelo, Texas. Abstract: This paper proposes that the famous Jewish historian—Titus Flavius Josephus—purposefully changed the violent biblical narra- tives of the Israelites’ encounter with the Amalekites (Exod 17:8–15) and the story of Phinehas the zealot (Num 25:6–15) in his parallel ac- counts found in Jewish Antiquities (Ant. 3.39–62 and Ant. 4.139–155 respectively). I argue that Josephus made these changes out of his own bitterness and opinions about the First Jewish Revolt (66–73 CE), to dis- courage nationalistic violence, to portray the Jews as a nonviolent peo- ple, and to show his Roman patrons that the Jews are not a weak race.
    [Show full text]
  • Fiscus Judaicus Accelerated the Parting of the Ways Between Judaism and Christianity Heemstra, Marius
    University of Groningen How Rome's administration of the Fiscus Judaicus accelerated the parting of the ways between Judaism and Christianity Heemstra, Marius IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2009 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Heemstra, M. (2009). How Rome's administration of the Fiscus Judaicus accelerated the parting of the ways between Judaism and Christianity: rereading 1 Peter, Revelation, the Letter to the Hebrews, and the Gospel of John in their Roman and Jewish contexts. s.n. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 25-09-2021 Part 1 The Roman perspective: Fiscus Judaicus In the first part of this study I will focus on the general Roman policy towards Jews and Judaism.
    [Show full text]
  • 614 Possible & 259 Probable
    873 Possible & Probable Official Acts (614 Possible & 259 Probable) [Possible Acts were found during our research for Official Acts, but have not been confirmed. Further research may confirm that these are Official Anti-Jewish Acts or that they aren’t. If they can’t be confirmed as Official Acts, in the future they will be removed from this work entirely. Probable Acts are seemingly complete except they are missing the full date (day or month/day). If and when their months and days are found, they will become Official Anti- Jewish Acts, and moved into the Official Acts category.] 1 400 BC [Probable] "Order" of Bagoas* [Present-day Iran, Iraq, Egypt; Achaemenid Empire]: "[…] as punishment for the fratricide** in this temple, Bagoas imposes a fine of twenty [Greek] Drachma for each lamb they (Jews) sacrifice in the[ir] temple." [Researcher’s note: *Bagoas was a Visier (Chief Minister) in the Achaemenid Empire. **According to the source, this order came after the death of the high-priest and his son Jonathan's succession. His other son, Joshua, however, wanted to hold the same position and tried to gather favor with the governors of Syria and Phoenicia. An altercation between the two brothers ensued in the temple and Joshua was killed.] Theologisch-Chronische Behandlung über das wahre Geburts- und Sterb-Jahr Jesu Christi von Johann Baptist Weigl. Zweiter, praktischer Theil. (Theological-chronological treatment of the real birth-year and year-of-death of Jesus Christ by Johann Baptist Weigl. Second part.); (Sulzbach; 1849); Researched and
    [Show full text]
  • Fiscus Judaicus and the Parting of the Ways
    Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament · 2. Reihe Herausgeber / Editor Jörg Frey (Zürich) Mitherausgeber / Associate Editors Friedrich Avemarie (Marburg) Markus Bockmuehl (Oxford) Hans-Josef Klauck (Chicago, IL) 277 Marius Heemstra The Fiscus Judaicus and the Parting of the Ways Mohr Siebeck Marius Heemstra, born 1960; 1985 Masters Degree (Ancient History) from the Univer- sity of Groningen; 2006 Masters Degree (Theology) from the University of Groningen; 2009 Ph. D. from the University of Groningen; Insurance Manager for a multinational Dutch telecom operator. e-ISBN PDF 978-3-16-151620-7 ISBN 978-3-16-150383-2 ISSN 0340-9570 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, 2. Reihe) Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbiblio- graphie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. © 2010 by Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen, Germany. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher’s written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was printed by Laupp & Göbel in Nehren on non-aging paper and bound by Buchbinderei Nädele in Nehren. Printed in Germany. V Christianity grew entirely out of Jewish soil Christianity grew entirely out Martin of Jewish Hengel soil (Hengel 2005, 85; italics his) Martin Hengel (Hengel 2005, 85; italics his) VI VII Preface This study is a slightly revised version of my Ph.D. thesis, which was ac- This study is a slightly revised version of my Ph.D. thesis, which was ac- cepted by the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies of the University cepted by the Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies of the University of Groningen (the Netherlands) on 17 September 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Daf Ditty Eruvin 36: the Taxman
    Daf Ditty Eruvin 36: the Taxman Tax his land, Tax his bed, Tax the table At which he's fed. Tax his tractor, Tax his mule, Teach him taxes Are the rule. Tax his work, Tax his pay, He works for peanuts ; Anyway! 1 Tax his cow, Tax his goat, Tax his pants, Tax his coat. Tax his ties, Tax his shirt, Tax his work, Tax his dirt. Tax his tobacco, Tax his drink, Tax him if he Tries to think. Tax his cigars, Tax his beers, If he cries Tax his tears. Tax his car, Tax his gas, Find other ways To tax his ass. Tax all he has Then let him know That you won't be done Till he has no dough. 2 When he screams and hollers; Then tax him some more, Tax him till He's good and sore. Then tax his coffin, Tax his grave, Tax the sod in Which he's laid. Put these words Upon his tomb, 'Taxes drove me to my doom...' When he's gone, Do not relax, Its time to apply The inheritance tax. 3 MISHNA: A person may make a condition with regard to his eiruv of Shabbat borders. In other words, he need not decide in advance in which direction his eiruv should take effect. For example, he may deposit an eiruv on each of two opposite sides of his town, and say: If gentiles come from the east, my eiruv is in the west, so that I can escape in that direction; and if they come from the west, my eiruv is in the east.
    [Show full text]
  • The First Four Centuries
    Christianity: The First Four Centuries Baseline: Judaism ~30 CE Judaism is NOT monolithic J Messianic Expectations Roman View of gods - Caesar Worship Judaism… a religio licita The Christian Sect of Judaism • Beginnings • Terminology… “Christ”… “Christian”… • Jewish Christians reach out to gentiles • Impact of Stephen • Paul’s radical view of “Israel” • Requirements for gentiles to join the Jewish Christian movement? Paul / Peter / James do NOT agree… • Are Jewish Christians heretics?? Many thought so… • A Tipping Point: Who provides the legal and community structure: Torah or the ruling empire? • Nero’s Persecution of (Jewish?) Christians First Jewish Revolt 66-70 Jewish Christians got outta’ Dodge… Leading Jewish sage Yohanan ben Zakkai got outta’ Dodge • - Establishes Yavneh Academy • Roman army under Titus destroys the temple in 70 CE. • Hostilities mostly end in 70 CE. • - Zealots hang on at Masada until 73 CE. First Jewish Revolt - Aftermath • Vespasian & Flavian Family Exploit the Victory. • Judaism remains a religio licita(!) • Special tax imposed on Jews... Fiscus Judaicus. – Do Jewish Christians still want to be Jewish?? • Early issues regarding the nature of Jesus… • Jews pay for the Coliseum… the Arch of Titus… • 96 CE Emperor Nerva ruled that only the Jews who follow Torah must pay the Fiscus Judaicus. • Impact on Judaism… – Yavnean era / Gamaliel II – Eighteen Benedictions / Curse upon the Heretics Jewish Christian Movement… or… Christian Movement… • ~90 CE; Most people struggle to differentiate Christians from Jews… • Differing perspectives: – Jewish Perspective: - Christians rejected Torah - Are Christians really monotheistic? – Christian Perspective: Jews rejected God’s salvation through Jesus of Nazareth. Sabbath to Sunday Why “First Day” (Sunday) instead of Sabbath? Possible reasons… - Differentiation from Jews - Facilitate pagan conversion - Essene influence - Day of Jesus’ resurrection Two Tipping Point Events… • Curse against heretics in the Eighteen Benedictions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Empire, the Land, and the Exodus
    University of Wisconsin- Eau Claire The Empire, the Land, and the Exodus A Study of How the Roman Empire Literally Shaped Christianity: 1 C.E. – 280 C.E. Advising Professor: Dr. Matthew Waters Chelsea J. Wilfong Eau Claire, WI Fall, 2012 Copyright for this work is owned by the author. This digital version is published by McIntyre Library, University of Wisconsin Eau Claire, with the consent of the author. Abstract This paper explores the factors and trends involved in the movement of Christian communities from Palestine into Asia Minor and regions west of the Aegean Sea. Because the first generation of Christians generally continued to identify themselves as Jewish, this paper looks into the factors that affected the Jewish community with the perspective that a large portion of the early Christians were still members of the Jewish community. Roman land control policies, taxation, and continuous loss and division of land all but pushed many Jews out of the region while the peace of Augustus led many more to depart more voluntarily. It was the culmination of all these factors that led to Jewish emigration from the Palestinian region. The paper will begin with a brief history of the birth of Christianity and the Jewish-Roman relationship in Palestine, followed by a discussion of factors that led to emigration from Palestine, and then end with an analysis of the locations of the Christian communities. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii INTRODUCTION 1 SECTION I: ROMAN-JEWISH RELATIONS AND A NEW SECT 3 SECTION II: FACTORS FACILITATING CHRISTIAN EMIGRATION 6 SECTION IV: CHRISTIAN COMMUNITIES IN ASIA MINOR 15 SECTION V: CHRISTIAN COMMUNITIES WEST OF ASIA MINOR 19 CONCLUSION 23 APPENDIX 24 BIBLIOGRAPHY 28 iii 1 Introduction From the first until the fourth century C.E.
    [Show full text]
  • Representations of Samaritans in Late Antique Jewish and Christian Texts Matthew .J Chalmers University of Pennsylvania, [email protected]
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2019 Representations Of Samaritans In Late Antique Jewish And Christian Texts Matthew .J Chalmers University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Jewish Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Chalmers, Matthew J., "Representations Of Samaritans In Late Antique Jewish And Christian Texts" (2019). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 3362. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3362 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3362 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Representations Of Samaritans In Late Antique Jewish And Christian Texts Abstract ABSTRACT REPRESENTATIONS OF SAMARITANS IN LATE ANTIQUE JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN TEXTS Matthew Chalmers Dr. Annette Yoshiko Reed Samaritans, like Jews and Christians, trace their identity to ancient Israel. Today, they are a minority in Israel- Palestine. In antiquity, however, they appear frequently in our sources from the late antique eastern Mediterranean, from scripture, to midrash, to Roman law, to heresiology, to rabbinic literature, and beyond. Therefore, one would expect to see Samaritans heavily represented in scholarship, both within Religious Studies and in cognate disciplines, which has over several decades developed a toolkit using attention to representations of identity and alterity to both reconstruct the past and interrogate our own categorization and classification of difference. Nevertheless, the group receives little tta ention, often reduced to their few biblical appearances and to debates about the moment at which the group divorced from Judaism. In this dissertation, I decouple Samaritans from Biblical Studies in my first chapter, arguing the racialized construction of the Samaritan in New Testament scholarship has compressed and delineated the intellectual architecture of scholars.
    [Show full text]